At this point the proceedings were adjourned over to the next day, being the 1st of September, when the Commissioners made the following reply:—
"Brothers of the Six Nations, attend!—We yesterday heard with pleasure your answer to the twelve United Colonies, and we return thanks to the great Governor of the universe that he has inclined your hearts to approve and accept the brotherly love offered to you by the twelve United Colonies. It makes us happy to hear so wise and brave a people as our brothers of the Six Nations are, publicly declare their unalterable resolution to maintain and support peace and friendship with the twelve United Colonies. This, Brothers, you have said, and we sincerely believe you. Brothers, we requested of you Indians of the Six Nations not to interfere in our quarrels. We are not in the least doubtful of success, as our cause is just. We will live or die like men. We can raise an army of three hundred thousand fighting men, who are brave, and are determined not to part with their civil and religious privileges. Therefore we now repeat to you, Brothers of the Six Nations, take great care of the strong friendship you have now made with the twelve United Colonies. Let that be your care, and that only. Peace is what we wish to establish.
"Brothers of the Six Nations:—You yesterday told us, that as the roads in your country were opened for you and your brothers of the twelve United Colonies to pass and repass, you desired at the same time that we would not stain the road with blood. Brothers, be assured we have no intention at present to spill blood in your country, and we hope it never may happen; and it never can, provided those wicked men, who are come so far from home in order to disturb the peace of the twelve United Colonies, do not appear in your country. But as we are determined to be free or die, we must pursue them until we drive them from off this island, or until they confirm our ancient privileges. Therefore, Brothers, rest assured, whatever may happen between us and our enemies, we never will injure or disturb the peace of the Six Nations, but preserve invariable the friendship that is now established, even unto death.
"Brothers:—You also desired yesterday that some of your friends of our blood should remain in peace, and particularly the missionary at Fort Hunter, who did not concern himself with the affairs of this world, but was earnestly engaged in conducting you to happiness, and instructing you in the reverence due to the great God who governs the universe. Brothers, such a man we love, and we are desirous of his remaining quiet and happy with you. We are also desirous that all the other missionaries, that have been engaged in the same good cause, may safely continue among you, and instruct you in the Gospel, which will be the means of your happiness in this world and the one to come.
"Brothers:—As we always looked upon you, Brothers of the Six Nations, to be a wise and capable people in conducting business of every kind, we were a little surprised to hear you say that no one was appointed by the twelve United Colonies to attend and watch the fire that they have kindled up at this place; when we have repeatedly told you that they had appointed five persons, whose business it was to attend and preserve it bright and clear, and that two of those five live in this town, who would take particular care, and who had full authority from the twelve United Colonies, to keep the flame bright and clear. Brothers, for fear you should not have understood us fully, we again acquaint you that the twelve United Colonies have authorized General Schuyler and Mr. Douw, both of this town, to keep the fire burning, that it may illuminate the whole country of the Six Nations, who may always see the way down to it, and sit in peace around it.
"Brothers:—You yesterday desired that the trade may be opened at this place and at Schenectady. We also wish it, and it will be done; so that you may trade as you formerly did, and be able to return home with your goods to your entire satisfaction.
"Brothers:—You yesterday mentioned some matters concerning land claimed by the people of Albany, and also the land in dispute between Connecticut and Gov. Penn. We now inform you that we are not authorized to transact any business of that kind at present, but will represent the matter at the Grand Congress at Philadelphia.
"Brothers:—We have now finished, and let you know the present that we have from the twelve United Colonies is preparing for you, and when it is ready we will acquaint you. Wagons shall be provided for you whenever you are ready to set off for Schenectady."
Thus ended the business of the Commissioners with the Indians, more amicably, to all appearance, than could reasonably have been anticipated, when all the circumstances preceding and attending the negotiations are taken into consideration. There was, however, the "unfinished business" between the Indians and the municipality of Albany yet to be completed. For this purpose a council was arranged for the day following, September 2d, and the Commissioners, on the part of the United Colonies, were again invited to attend. The council was held in the Presbyterian meeting-house. The preliminaries of form having been adjusted, the Committee of the Common Council and citizens of Albany, delivered the following reply to the speech of the Oneida sachem, on the 25th of August:—
"Brothers of the Six Nations:—We suppose it will not be insisted upon to repeat the whole of your speech, as we conceive it unnecessary, and therefore shall only take notice of the material parts.
"Brothers:—You said that you was glad to see us at this place on the 25th August, in consequence of our invitation; and that you was glad to see that some sparks of the old council-fire yet remained, and that you rejoiced, even to excess, to find it so.
"Brothers:—We thank you for your kind congratulations and salutations at meeting us here, and rejoice in the opportunity you have given us at this time, of meeting one another in friendship and peace, to talk of old times and renew our ancient treaty.
"Brothers:—We are happy to find that you so readily accepted our request to come and see us, and that you have had so much patience, and behaved so orderly during your short stay among us.
"Brothers:—At the conference of our deputies with you at the German Flats, they showed you some old belts of wampum, which you expressed a desire to see. Here are those belts, and we hope even Time will not wear them out. This is the Belt given by the Oneida Nation, and is the old covenant between the whole Oneida Nation and Gorah Quedar. This is the belt that was given by the Indian Kayinguaraghtoh in behalf of the Six Nations.
"Brothers attend:—In your speech, you farther observed that you had long since taken a resolution to take no active part in the present contest for liberty. We do not offer to censure you for your conduct; but admire your wisdom, praise your pacific disposition, and hope you will have fortitude to maintain and persevere in it.
"[A belt.]
"Brothers:—You further said that the road to the westward, you heard by the bird, was to be stopped up; this matter is beyond our limits. The commissioners of the twelve United Colonies having spoken to you at large about the roads, that they shall be left open, we entirely agree with them in this; and therefore shall add nothing on this point, and return the belt.
"Brothers:—You said further, and delivered us this belt; that you was anxious about and concerned for your minister, Mr. Kirkland; and asked our advice about his remaining among you, who we do not see you should be deprived of without your consent, any more than the Mohawk tribe should be deprived of their missionary. We highly approve of your concern for the ministers of the Gospel, and your attachment for the pure precepts and doctrine of Christianity. But if your minister is removed, we should fear the consequence. It would certainly give occasion of jealousy to your Brethren, the white people, that you Indians were not well disposed. Therefore it is our ardent wish that they may all remain among you, as your teachers and instructors in virtue, piety, and true religion; and we hope you may benefit and profit by their instruction.
"[A belt.]
"Brothers:—Before any commissioners were appointed by the twelve United Colonies—from the disagreeable condition of our country, and the ancient friendship and alliance subsisting between us, commenced in the days of your ancestors and our forefathers, we took upon us, as the representatives of the people of the city and county of Albany, to give you an invitation to pay us a friendly visit, that we might have an opportunity of seeing you here, at the place where the first fire was kindled, that we might rake up the old ashes, and not suffer it to be extinguished, but renew the old covenant chain, and make it shine with brighter lustre.
"Brothers:—We are happy to find from your speech, that you still retain that affection for us which a well-founded friendship will naturally produce, and which we hope, from our conduct toward you, is not unmerited; and we rejoice to find that you feel for our distresses, and lament the unnatural quarrel of brethren, which you express so warmly by a desire of an amicable settlement.
"Brothers:—Time will not permit us, at present, to mention to you, how, and on what occasion, the first covenant was made between you and our forefathers. They had never deserted you, but kept their covenants and agreements with you, nor do we mean to act otherwise on our part.
"Brothers:—This covenant, afterwards improved upon, was confirmed between you and us in the year 1665, one year after this country went over to the crown of England. Since this, you have from time to time admitted into your chain, the Tuscaroras, and most, if not all, the twelve United Colonies.
"Brothers:—There are five gentlemen commissioners, appointed by the twelve United Colonies, at the grand council in Philadelphia; and the management of public affairs in the Indian department now belongs to them. These gentlemen have informed you of the nature of the dispute between Great Britain and this country; and testified their desire of keeping up the council fire between us.
"Brothers:—We know it is customary, at the renewal of any covenants between us, that a present should follow; we now make it known to you, that the goods you will receive of the commissioners of the twelve United Colonies are partly ours; we pay our proportionable part toward them, so that what you receive of them is from us also. We are the same. There is no distinction.
"Brothers:—If our memory do not fail us, we think that when we invited two or three of each of our brethren of the Six Nations to come down here, we also desired that you would acquaint us of what had passed in the congress held at Oswego (which as yet we know nothing of.) You say, indeed, you are glad we are peaceably inclined as well as Col. Johnson; but you have told us nothing else of what had passed there, which we had expected, and do wish that our brothers conceal nothing from us, especially as you called God to witness for the truth of what you said.
"Brothers of the Six Nations, and you, the Mohawks in particular:—We apprehend the bird Tsklelele has been busy again. He seems to be a mischievous bird, and ought not to be nourished or entertained. In your answer to the commissioners you addressed yourselves to the inhabitants of Albany, complaining that they had taken from you two pieces of land without giving you the value of a pipe of tobacco for them; and that you desired they would restore you to the peaceable possession of them, and that the commissioners would look into this matter and afford you relief. The land you speak of we suppose to be Ticonderoga.
"Brothers:—This is a matter foreign to the business we met upon, (and we are not authorised nor qualified to enter upon the subject, it is a business that belongs to the corporation of Albany) yet as we may be considered the representatives of the people at large, our entire silence may be construed into guilt of the heavy charge fixed upon us. For your satisfaction as well as of the audience, we will endeavor to show by a few remarks that the accusation is groundless. The lands alluded to are granted by the charter of Albany. We never heard that any of your nation have been dispossessed or driven off those lands; but you hitherto have and still enjoy those lands without the least interruption.
"Brothers:—As we observed before, the matter cannot properly come before us, but belongs to another body; and therefore the application to us is improper. However, give us leave to say, that, instead of complaining, we think the Mohawks, if they considered their own interest and that of their posterity, and would be candid, must acknowledge the truth of the fact, and rejoice at this day, that they have had such faithful guardians and trustees, for if it had not been so, who would have enjoyed those lands now? There have been complaints concerning this matter before, and inquiries into it before proper tribunals; and for your information, and that of the curious, we refer to the proceedings of the House of Assembly of this Colony, and also to the minutes taken on a conference between the corporation of this city and yourselves, at which Sir William Johnson was present, and therefore return you the belt."
After consultation, the Indians returned the following answer by Abraham, chief of the Mohawks:—
"Brothers of Albany:—We return you thanks for your speech, and that you have informed us that the twelve United Colonies by their commissioners, have opened all the roads; and we now take it for granted that the communications at Fort Stanwix are not to be shut up, and that the New England people never will do it. This, Brethren, has been the occasion of some anxiety in the minds of the Six Nations.
"Brothers of the Six Nations, attend; You also the people of Albany, and you the twelve United Colonies by your commissioners:—Last spring Col. Johnson informed us that the New England people were near him to take him prisoner. Upon which we, like people intoxicated, took up our guns and ran to assist him, as he was our superintendent. But, Brethren, as it happened in the manner before mentioned, we hope you will look upon it in that light. We, the Six Nations, have now made and renewed our ancient covenants. The proceedings just now mentioned have brought me down. I have made a proper acknowledgment to the Six Nations, and now do the same to you, and I hope you will raise me up again. The news I was just speaking of, came not from a bird, but from your own people.
"Brothers of Albany, farther attend:—I shall only make a short reply to your speech relating to the lands. Many agreeable things are therein. You farther say, that you never heard that any of us were driven from those lands. There is one thing which is not so agreeable. It is the Tskleleli. You, Brothers, know how that matter is, and in case I was to answer that part of your speech, it might perhaps draw us into an argument;—and as you are not, as you say, the proper body to which we ought to have applied, and as you have referred us to former proceedings, we shall close.
"Brothers of Albany:—We the Six Nations now tell you, that it is at your pleasure to call on us, and we will inform you of what passed in the congress at Oswego."
Taking the hint that the Indians would say nothing except in due form, the chairman of the committee immediately said:—
"Brothers of the Six Nations:—We are now ready to hear it, and should be glad you would inform us."
The Mohawk chief then proceeded:—
"Brothers of Albany:—You sent for us to inform you of what passed at Oswego;—but you have not, since we have been down, desired it. We have been always ready; and as you have now asked us, we will now tell you, and think it our duty, as we look upon it that God will punish us should we conceal any thing from you.
"Brothers:—The transactions of that treaty were very public. The Shawanese were there, and some from Detroit. Mr. Johnson told us, that the fire kindled there was a fire of peace, that all the white people were the king's subjects, and that it seemed they were intoxicated. Mr. Johnson also told us, that the white people were all got drunk, and that God's judgment hung over them, but did not know on which side it would fall. Mr. Johnson farther told us, that the council-fire was kindled on account of the present dispute, and desired us not to interfere, as they were Brothers, and begged us to sit still and maintain peace. This is what Colonel Johnson told us at that council-fire. He also said he had his eye on Mr. Kirkland; that he was gone to Philadelphia and along the sea-coast; that he was become a great soldier and a leader. Is this your minister? says he. Do you think your minister minds your souls? No, by the time he comes to Philadelphia, he will be a great warrior, and when he returns he will be the chief of all the Five Nations.
"Brothers:—There were present five people of Detroit, five from Caughnawaga, and two of the Shawanese. Col. Johnson told them, that by the time he returned from Canada, they should have all their men there, and he would then kindle a council-fire; and he would also desire them not to take any part in this dispute, as it was a quarrel between brothers. Mr. Johnson also told them that this council-fire was kindled upon peace, and that it seemed, by reason of the white people's intoxication, that God's judgment hung over them. He also told us that he was going to the Governor of Canada, who was of a different opinion from him, but would talk with him; and he farther said that he would tell the Caughnawaga Indians the same he told us, and for that purpose desired that two of each nation might go along, and hear it. He likewise desired us to consider which way we would have our trade, whether up this river, or from Canada. He at the same time assured us, that we should not suffer for want of goods, as we were not concerned, nor had any hand in the present dispute. He also mentioned something about the council-fires. He said there are two fires which you shall keep your eyes upon, and if they call you down to Albany, do not you go, for they will deceive you, and tell you a great many fine stories. We are very glad that your language and Col. Johnson's so well agrees."
Thus ended this grand council with the Six Nations, and the last council ever held at Albany, with the great aboriginal confederacy which has been denominated the Roman Republic of the Indian world.
No. III.
[Reference from Page 231.]
By Barry St. Leger, Esq.,
Commander-in-chief of a chosen body of troops from the grand army, as well as an extensive corps of Indian allies from all the nations, &c., &c.
The forces entrusted to my command are designed to act in concert, and upon a common principle, with the numerous armies and fleets which already display, in every quarter of America, the power, justice, and, when properly sought, the mercy of the King.
The cause in which the British arms are thus exerted, applies to the most affecting interest of the human heart, and the military servants of the Crown, at first called forth for the sole purpose of restoring the rights of the constitution, now combine with love of their country and duty to their sovereign, the other extensive incitements which spring from a due sense of the general privileges of mankind. To the eyes and ears of the temperate part of the public, and to the breast of suffering thousands in the provinces, be the melancholy appeal, whether the present unnatural rebellion has not been made a foundation for the completest system of tyranny that ever God in his displeasure suffered for a time to be exercised over a froward and stubborn generation. Arbitrary imprisonment, confiscation of property, persecution and torture unprecedented in the inquisitions of the Romish Church, are among the palpable enormities that verify the affirmative. These are inflicted by Assemblies and Committees, who dare to profess themselves friends to liberty, upon the most quiet subjects, without distinction of age or sex, for the sole crime, often for the sole suspicion, of having adhered in principle to the government under which they were born, and to which by every tie, divine and human, they owe allegiance. To consummate these shocking proceedings, the profanation of religion is added to the most profligate prostitution of common reason; the consciences of men are set at nought; and multitudes are compelled, not only to bear arms, but also to swear subjection to an usurpation they abhor.
Animated by these considerations; at the head of troops in the full powers of health, discipline and valor, determined to strike when necessary, and anxious to spare when possible; I by these presents invite and exhort all persons, in all places where the progress of this army may point, and by the blessing of God I will extend it far, to maintain such a conduct as may justify me in protecting their lands, habitations, and families. The intention of this address is to hold forth security, not depredation, to the country.
To those whom spirit and principle may induce to partake the glorious task of redeeming their countrymen from dungeons, and reestablishing the blessings of legal government, I offer encouragement and employment; and upon the first intelligence of their associations, I will find means to assist their undertakings. The domestic, the industrious, the infirm, and even the timid inhabitants, I am desirous to protect, provided they remain quietly at their houses; that they do not suffer their cattle to be removed, nor their corn or forage to be secreted or destroyed; that they do not break up their bridges or roads; nor by any other acts, directly or indirectly, endeavor to obstruct the operations of the king's troops, or supply or assist those of the enemy.
Every species of provision brought to my camp will be paid for at an equitable rate and in solid coin. If, notwithstanding these endeavors and sincere inclinations to effect them, the frenzy of hostility should remain, I trust I shall stand acquitted in the eyes of God and man, in denouncing and executing the vengeance of the State against the willful outcasts. The messengers of justice and of wrath await them in the field, and devastation, famine, and every concomitant horror that a reluctant but indispensable prosecution of military duty must occasion, will bar the way to their return.
Barry St. Leger.
By order of the Commander-in-chief,
Will. Osb. Hamilton, Secretary.
No. IV.
[Reference from Page 241.]
The fury and cruelty of the Indians and Tories at and immediately after the battle of Oriskany, is strongly set forth in the following affidavit, the original of which is now in the office of the Secretary of State, Albany. Dr. Younglove died about fifteen years since in the city of Hudson. He was known to the author as a respectable man, though of strong feelings and prejudices. Any statement of this kind, from a man of his temperament, would be likely to receive a strong coloring, without, however, any designed misstatement of facts.
"Moses Younglove, Surgeon of General Herkimer's brigade of militia, deposeth and saith, that being in the battle of said militia above Oriskany on the 6th of August last, toward the close of said battle he surrendered himself a prisoner to a savage, who immediately gave him up to a sergeant of Sir John Johnson's regiment; soon after which, a Lieutenant in the Indian department came up in company with several other Tories, when said Mr. Grinnis by name, drew his tomahawk at this deponent, and with a deal of persuasion was hardly prevailed on to spare his life. He then plundered him of his watch, buckles, spurs, &c.; and other Tories following his example, stripped him almost naked with a great many threats, while they were stripping and massacring prisoners on every side. That this deponent, on being brought before Mr. Butler, Sen., who demanded of him what he was fighting for; to which this deponent answered, he fought for the liberty that God and Nature gave him, and to defend himself and dearest connexions from the massacre of savages. To which Butler replied, 'you are a damned impudent rebel;' and so saying, immediately turned to the savages, encouraging them to kill him, and if they did not, the deponent and the other prisoners should be hanged on a gallows then preparing. That several prisoners were then taken forward toward the enemy's head-quarters with frequent scenes of horror and massacre, in which Tories were active as well as savages; and in particular one Davis, formerly known in Tryon County on the Mohawk river. That Lieut. Singleton, of Sir John Johnson's regiment, being wounded, entreated the savages to kill the prisoners, which they accordingly did, as nigh as this deponent can judge, about six or seven."
"That Isaac Paris, Esq., was also taken the same road, without receiving from them any remarkable insult except stripping, until some Tories came up, who kicked and abused him; after which the savages, thinking him a notable offender, murdered him barbarously. That those of the prisoners who were delivered up to the provost guards, were kept without victuals for many days, and had neither clothes, blankets, shelter, nor fire; while the guards were ordered not to use any violence in protecting the prisoners from the savages, who came every day in large companies with knives, feeling of the prisoners, to know who were fattest. That they dragged one of the prisoners out of the guard with the most lamentable cries; tortured him for a long time; and this deponent was informed, by both Tories and Indians, that they ate him, as appears they did another on an island in Lake Ontario, by bones found there nearly picked, just after they had crossed the lake with the prisoners. That the prisoners who were not delivered up, were murdered in considerable numbers from day to day round the camp, some of them so nigh that their shrieks were heard. That Capt. Martin, of the batteaux-men, was delivered to the Indians at Oswego, on pretence of his having kept back some useful intelligence. That this deponent during his imprisonment, and his fellows, were kept almost starved for provisions; and what they drew, were of the worst kind, such as spoiled flour, biscuit full of maggots, and mouldy, and no soap allowed, or other method of keeping clean; and were insulted, struck, &c. without mercy by the guards, without any provocation given. That this deponent was informed by several sergeants orderly on Gen. St. Leger, that twenty dollars were offered in general orders for every American scalp.
"MOSES YOUNGLOVE. "JOHN BARCLAY, Chairman of Albany Committee."
No. V.
[Reference from Page 249.]
The following is a copy of the letter addressed to Colonel Gansevoort, while under duress in the camp of General St. Leger, by Colonel Bellinger and Major Frey:—
"9 o'clock P. M.—Camp before Fort Stanwix,}
6th August, 1777.}
"Sir,
"It is with concern we are to acquaint you that this was the fatal day in which the succors, which were intended for your relief, have been attacked and defeated, with great loss of numbers killed, wounded, and taken prisoners. Our regard for your safety and lives, and our sincere advice to you is, if you will avoid inevitable ruin and destruction, to surrender the fort you pretend to defend against a formidable body of troops and a good train of artillery, which we are witnesses of; when, at the same time, you have no farther support or relief to expect. We are sorry to inform you that most of the principal officers are killed; to wit—Gen. Herkimer, Colonels Cox, Seeber, Isaac Paris, Captain Graves, and many others too tedious to mention. The British army from Canada being now perhaps before Albany, the possession of which place of course includes the conquest of the Mohawk river and this fort."
The following endorsement is on the back of this letter. "Gen. St. Leger, on the day of the date of this letter, made a verbal summons of the fort by his Adjutant General and Colonel Butler, and who then handed this letter; when Colonel Gansevoort refused any answer to a verbal summons, unless made by General St. Leger himself, but at the mouth of his cannon."
{FN} [In regard to the battle of Oriskany, to which the preceding note refers, the author has received an interesting anecdote from Mr. John S. Quackenboss, of Montgomery county, which would have formed a page in the chapter containing an account of that battle had it come to hand in season. The father of the author's correspondent, Abraham D. Quackenboss, resided in the Mohawk country on the south side of the river, at the breaking out of the war. Living as it were among the Indians, bespoke their language as well as he did his own. Among them he had a friend, named Bronkahorse—who, though an Indian, had been his playmate, and they had served in the French war together under Sir William Johnson. When the revolutionary troubles came on, Bronkahorse called upon Quackenboss, and endeavored to persuade him to espouse the cause of the King—assuring him that their Great Father could never be conquered. Quackenboss refused, and they parted—the Indian, however, assuring him that they were parting as friends, although, since they had fought in one war together, he had hoped they might do so in the other. Mr. Q. saw no more of his friend until the battle of Oriskany. During the thickest of the fight, he heard his name called, in the well-known voice of Bronkahorse, from behind a large tree near by. He was himself sheltered by a tree; but in looking out for the warrior, he saw his Indian friend. The latter now importuned Quackenboss to surrender, assuring him of kind treatment and protection, but also assuring him that unless he did so, he would inevitably be killed. Quackenboss refused, and the Indian thereupon attempted to kill him. For a moment they watched each other, each endeavoring to obtain the first and best chance of a shot. The Indian at length fired, and his ball struck the tree, but had nearly been fatal. Springing from his covert upon the Indian, Quackenboss then fired, and his friend Bronkahorse fell dead on the spot. It was the belief of Mr. Quackenboss that the loss of the enemy during that battle equaled that of Herkimer's command. The latter suffered the most severely in the early part of the engagement—the enemy in the latter part]
No. VI.
[Reference from Page 252.]
"Camp before Fort Stanwix, August 9, 1777
"Sir,
"Agreeable to your wishes, I have the honor to give you on paper, the message of yesterday, though I cannot conceive, explicit and humane as it was, how it could admit of more than one construction. After the defeat of the reinforcement and the fate of all your principal leaders, in which, naturally, you built your hopes; and having the strongest reason from verbal intelligence, and the matter contained in the letters which fell into my hands, and knowing thoroughly the situation of General Burgoyne's army, to be confident you are without resource—in my fears and tenderness for your personal safety from the hands of Indians enraged for the loss of some of their principal and most favourite leaders—I called to council the chiefs of all the nations; and after having used every method that humanity could suggest to soften their minds, and lead them patiently to bear their own losses by reflecting on the irretrievable misfortune of their enemies, I at last labored the point my humanity wished for; which the chiefs assured me of the next morning, after a consultation with each nation, that evening, at their fire-places. Their answer, in its fullest extent, they insisted should be carried by Col. Butler, which he has given in the most categorical manner. You are well acquainted that Indians never send messages without accompanying them with menaces on non-compliance, that a civilized enemy would never think of doing; you may rest assured, therefore, that no insult was meant to be offered to your situation, by the king's servants, in the message they peremptorily demanded to be carried by Col. Butler.
"I am now to repeat what has been told you by my Adjutant General; 'That provided you will deliver up your garrison, with every thing as it stood at the moment the first message was sent, your people shall be treated with every attention that a humane and generous enemy can give.'
"I have the honor to be, Sir, Your most obedient, humble Servant, Barry St. Leger, "Brig. Gen. of his Majesty's forces.
"P. S.—I expect an immediate answer, as the Indians are extremely impatient; and if this proposal is rejected, I am afraid it will be attended with very fatal consequences, not only to you and your garrison, but the whole country down the Mohawk river—such consequences as will be very repugnant to my sentiments of humanity, but after this entirely out of my power to prevent.
"Barry St. Leger. "Col. Gansevoort, commanding Fort Stanwix."
No. VII.
[Reference from Page 253.]
"Camp before Fort Stanwix. August 13, 1777.
"To the Inhabitants of Tryon County.
"Notwithstanding the many and great injuries we have received in person and property at your hands, and being at the head of victorious troops, we most ardently wish to have peace restored to this once happy country; to obtain which, we are willing and desirous, upon a proper submission on your parts, to bury in oblivion all that is past, and hope that you are, or will be, convinced in the end that we were your friends and good advisers, and not such wicked, designing men, as those who led you into error, and almost total ruin. You have, no doubt, great reason to dread the resentment of the Indians, on account of the loss they sustained in the late action, and the mulish obstinacy of your troops in this garrison, who have no resource but in themselves; for which reasons the Indians declare, that if they do not surrender the garrison without further opposition, they will put every soul to death,—not only the garrison, but the whole country,—without any regard to age, sex, or friends; for which reason it is become your indispensable duty, as you must answer the consequences, to send a deputation of your principal people, to oblige them immediately to what, in a very little time, they must be forced,—the surrender of the garrison; in which case we will engage, on the faith of Christians, to protect you from the violence of the Indians.
"Surrounded as you are by victorious armies, one half (if not the greater part) of the inhabitants friends to government, without any resource, surely you cannot hesitate a moment to accept the terms proposed to you by friends and well-wishers to the country.
"John Johnson, } D. W. Claus, } Superintendents. John Butler, }"
No. VIII.
[Reference from Page 256.]
"By the Hon. Benedict Arnold, Esq. Major-general and Commander-in-chief of the army of the United States of America on the Mohawk River.
"Whereas a certain Barry St. Leger, a Brigadier-general in the service of George of Great Britain, at the head of a banditti of robbers, murderers, and traitors, composed of savages of America, and more savage Britons, (among whom is the noted Sir John Johnson, John Butler, and Daniel Glaus,) have lately appeared in the frontiers of this State, and have threatened ruin and destruction to all the inhabitants of the United States. They have also, by artifice and misrepresentation, induced many of the ignorant and unwary subjects of these States to forfeit their allegiance to the same, and join with them in their atrocious crimes, and parties of treachery and parricide.
"Humanity to those poor deluded wretches, who are hastening blindfold to destruction, induces me to offer them, and all others concerned, (whether Savages, Germans, Americans, or Britons,) PARDON, provided they do, within ten days from the date hereof, come in and lay down their arms, sue for protection, and swear allegiance to the United States of America.
"But if, still blind to their own interest and safety, they obstinately persist in their wicked courses, determined to draw on themselves the just vengeance of heaven and of this exasperated country, they must expect no mercy from either.
"B. Arnold, M. G. "Given under my hand, Head-quarters, German Flats, 20th August, 1777."
No. IX
[Reference from Page 274.]
Extracts from Mad. de Riedesel's account of her Residence in America.
When the army broke up, on the 11th of September, 1777, I was at first told that I must remain behind; but on my repeated entreaties, and as other ladies had been permitted to follow the army, the same indulgence was extended to me. We advanced by short journeys, and went through many toils; yet I would have purchased at any price the privilege thus granted to me of seeing daily my husband. I had sent back my baggage, and only kept a small bundle of summer dresses. In the beginning, all went well; we thought that there was little doubt of our being successful, and of reaching "the promised land;" and when, on the passage across the Hudson, general Burgoyne exclaimed, "Britons never retrograde," our spirits rose mightily. I observed, however, with surprise, that the wives of the officers were beforehand informed of all the military plans; and I was so much the more struck with it, as I remembered with how much secrecy all dispositions were made in the armies of Duke Ferdinand during the seven-years' war. [FN] Thus the Americans anticipated our movements, and expected us wherever we arrived; and this of course injured our affairs. On the 19th of September, an action took place, which ended to our advantage; but we were, in consequence, obliged to halt at a place called Freeman's Farm. I witnessed the whole action, and knowing that my husband was among the combatants, I was full of anxiety and care, and trembled at every shot—and nothing escaped my ear. I saw a great number of wounded, and, what was still worse, three of them were brought into the house where I was. One of them was a Major Harnage, whose wife was with us; the second, a lieutenant, whose wife was of our acquaintance; and the third, a young English officer called Young. The Major occupied, with his wife, a room close by to that where I was. He had received a shot through his body, and suffered exquisite pains. A few days after our arrival, I heard groans in another room, and was told that the young officer, whom I have just mentioned, was lying there, and that his recovery was very doubtful. I took much interest in him, as a family of his name had shown me great kindness during my stay in England. He expressed a great desire to see his benefactress, for so he called me. I went into his room, and found him on a thin bed of straw, for he had lost his whole baggage. He was eighteen or nineteen years old, an only son, and the nephew of the same Mr. Young I had known in England. He lamented for his parents' sake, but said nothing of his sufferings. He had lost much blood, and the surgeon advised him to submit to the amputation of his wounded leg; but he would not consent to it, though the limb had become gangrenous. I sent him pillows and blankets, and my maids gave him their mattress. I took more and more care of him, and visited him daily; for which he thanked me a thousand times. At last the amputation took place; but it was too late, and he died a few days afterwards. My room being close to his, and the walls very thin, I heard his last moans.
[FN] Lieutenant Auburey made a similar remark when the army was yet in Canada: "We have more dangerous enemies at home than any we have to encounter abroad; for all the transactions that are to take place, are publicly known long before they are officially given out in orders; and I make no doubt but you will be as much surprised as the General (Burgoyne) was, when I tell you that the whole operations of the ensuing campaign were canvassed for several days before he arrived, who, no doubt, supposed, that in giving out his orders, he was communicating an entire secret."—[Montreal, May 20th, 1777. Vol. i, p. 203.]
Great secrecy, observes the same writer, was, on the contrary, observed in the American army.
I occupied a tolerably good house, and had a large room. The door and the wainscot were of cedar, a sort of wood which is found in abundance here; insects are driven away by the smell of it when it is burned, and it is often used for that purpose; but some people believe that the smoke of it is injurious to the nerves, and principally to females in certain situations.
For our farther march, I had caused a calash to be made for me, in which I could take, not only my children, but also my two female attendants; and thus I followed the army in the midst of the troops, who were in great spirits, and sang and longed for victory. We marched through endless forests, and a beautiful district, though deserted by the inhabitants, who ran away at our approach to reinforce General Gates's army. They are naturally soldiers and excellent marksmen, and the idea of fighting for their country and their liberty increased their innate courage. My husband was encamped with the rest of the army; being myself an hour's ride behind the army, I went every morning to pay him a visit in the camp, and sometimes I dined there with him, but generally he took his dinner in my quarters. There were daily skirmishes with the enemy, generally of little importance. But my husband could never sleep without his clothes. The weather having already grown rougher, Colonel Williams of the artillery thought our mutual visits were rather too fatiguing for us, and proposed to have a house built for me with a chimney, which should not cost more than five or six guineas, and which I could uninterruptedly inhabit. I accepted of his offer; and the building, which was to be about twenty feet square, was begun. Such a dwelling is called a block-house, for which logs nearly of equal diameter are put together; and if the interstices are filled up with clay, it is not only very solid, but very warm. I was to take possession of it on the next day; and I rejoiced in it the more, as the nights were damp and cold, and it being close to the camp, my husband would be able to be with me. But all at once, on the 7th of October, he marched away with the whole staff, and then our misfortunes began. While breakfasting with my husband, I heard that something was under contemplation. General Fraser, and, I believe, Generals Burgoyne and Phillips, were to dine with me on that day. I remarked much movement in the camp. My husband told me that it was a mere reconnaissance; and as this was frequent, I was not much alarmed at it. On my way homeward I met a number of Indians, armed with guns, and clad in their war dresses. Having asked them where they were going, they replied, "War, war;" by which they meant that they were about to fight. This made me very uneasy, and I had scarcely got home before I heard reports of guns; and soon the fire became brisker, till at last the noise grew dreadful, upon which I was more dead than alive. About 3 o'clock in the afternoon, instead of guests whom I had expected to dine with me, I saw one of them, poor General Fraser, brought upon a hand-barrow, mortally wounded. The table, which was already prepared for dinner, was immediately removed, and a bed placed in its stead for the General. I sat, terrified and trembling, in a corner. The noise grew more alarming, and I was in a continual tremor while thinking that my husband might soon also be brought in, wounded like General Fraser. That poor General said to the surgeon, "tell me the truth; is there no hope?" His wound was exactly like that of Major Harnage; the ball had passed through his body, but, unhappily for the General, he had that morning eaten a full breakfast, by which the stomach was distended, and the ball, as the surgeon remarked, passed directly through it. I heard often, amidst his groans, such words as these, "O bad ambition! poor General Burgoyne! poor Mistress Fraser." Prayers were read, after which he desired that General Burgoyne should be requested to have him buried the next day, at six o'clock in the evening, on a hill where a breast-work had been constructed. I knew not what to do; the entrance and all the rooms were full of sick, in consequence of the dysentery which prevailed in the camp. At length, toward evening, my husband came; and from that moment my affliction was much soothed, and I breathed thanks to God. He dined with me and the aids-de-camp in great haste, in an open space in the rear of the house. We poor females had been told that our troops had been victorious; but I well saw, by the melancholy countenance of my husband, that it was quite the contrary. On going away, he took me aside to tell me every thing went badly, and that I should prepare myself to depart, but without saying any thing to any body. Under the pretense of removing the next day to my new lodgings, I ordered the baggage to be packed up. Lady Ackland's tent was near ours. She slept there, and spent the day in the camp. On a sudden she received news that her husband was mortally wounded and taken prisoner. She was much distressed; we endeavored to persuade her that the wound was not so dangerous, but advised her to ask permission to join her husband, to take care of him in his sickness. She was much attached to him, though he was rude and intemperate; yet he was a good officer. She was a lovely woman. I divided the night between her whom I wished to comfort, and my children who were asleep, but who, I feared, might disturb the poor dying General. He sent me several messages to beg my pardon for the trouble he thought he gave me. About 3 o'clock I was informed that he could not live much longer, and as I did not wish to be present at his last struggle, I wrapped my children in blankets, and retired into the entrance hall. At 8 o'clock in the morning he expired.