CHAPTER XI.
Preparations for an Indian Consultation at Philadelphia—Captain Brant invited to attend—-His objections—Letter of the Rev. Mr. Kirkland to Captain Brant—Letter of the Secretary of War to the same—Letter of Colonel Gordon to the same—Letter of Captain Brant to the Secretary of War—The Secretary of War to Captain Brant—Attempts from Montreal to prevent Brant from going to Philadelphia—His journey—Feelings against him in the Mohawk Valley—His arrival at New-York and Philadelphia—Liberal offers made him—Letter to the Count de Puisy—The offers rejected—Undertakes a Mission of Peace to the Miamis—Returns to New-York—Pursued by a German from the German Flats bent on taking his life—Discovered in New-York—Brant returns to Niagara—Murder of Colonel Harden and Major Trueman—Letters of Brant to the Secretary at War—Feelings of the Western Nations—Correspondence between Brant and McKee—Great Indian Council at the Au Glaize—Sickness of Captain Brant—Hostilities deferred until Spring and a treaty with the United States ordered—Return of the Delegates of the Six Nations—Address to President Washington—Separate organization of Upper Canada—Arrival of Governor Simcoe—Letter to Brant from the Duke of Northumberland—Preparations for the Great Council of 1783—Fresh dissatisfaction of the Indians—Private Councils—They send their ultimatum in anticipation—The American Commissioners depart for the Indian country—Their arrival at Niagara—Friendly conduct of Governor Simcoe—Celebration of the King's Birthday—The Commissioners start for the West—Their progress interrupted—Conduct of General Wayne—Brant suddenly returns from the West with a Deputation—Council held at Fort Erie—Commissioners return to Niagara—Council there—Speech of Captain Brant—Reply of the Commissioners—Speech of Cat's-Eyes—Rejoinder of Brant—Arrival of the Seven Nations—Brant proceeds to the Miami Rapids—Followed by the Commissioners—Arrival at the Detroit River—Their progress interrupted—Unexpected turn of affairs—Explanations with Deputies from the Great Council—Long Debates in the Indian Council—Brant speaks strongly for peace—Governor Simcoe declines advising the Indians—The negotiations suddenly terminated by the Indians—Their address—And sine qua non.
At the treaty with the Six Nations, except the Mohawks, holden by Colonel Pickering at the Painted Post, [FN] in the preceding month of June, an arrangement was made with certain of their chiefs to visit Philadelphia, then the seat of government of the United States, during the session of Congress to ensue in the winter of 1791—92. The motive for this invitation was threefold. First, if possible, to attach them more cordially to the interests of the United States. Secondly, to consult as to the best methods of extending to them the advantages and blessings of civilization. Thirdly, to impress them with just opinions as to the physical and moral strength of the country, that they might see with their own eyes how futile must be every warlike effort of the Indians against the United States. The improvement of the moral and social condition of the Indians was an object dear to the heart of the President, and he lost no opportunity, on all proper occasions, of impressing upon their minds the desire of the United States to become the protectors, friends, and ministers of good to all the sons of the forest peaceably disposed. From the great influence of Captain Brant, not only with the Six Nations, but over all the Indian nations, it was deemed an important point to persuade him to attend the anticipated Council at Philadelphia. Great efforts were accordingly made for the attainment of that object.
[FN] From the earliest knowledge the white men have possessed of the country of western New-York, the Painted Post has been noted as a geographical landmark. When first traversed by the white men, a large oaken post stood at the spot, which has retained the name to this day. It was painted in the Indian manner, and was guarded as a monument by the Indians, who renewed it as often as it gave evidence of going to decay. Tradition says it was a monument of great antiquity, marking the spot of a great and bloody battle, according to some statements. According to others, it was erected to perpetuate the memory of some great war-chief.
The first invitation was given by Colonel Pickering by letter. Apprehending, however, that a mere invitation would not be a sufficient inducement for the veteran chief to undertake the journey, the Secretary of War, on the 20th of December, wrote to the Rev. Mr. Kirkland, the well-known Indian missionary, requesting him to repair from Oneida to Genesee, to meet the chiefs of the Six Nations who were going to Philadelphia, and conduct them thither. Arriving at that place, Mr. Kirkland was instructed to write to Captain Brant in his own name, and dispatch messengers, assuring him of his welcome reception by the government of the United States, and pledging himself for his personal safety. These steps were promptly taken by Mr. Kirkland, to whom Captain Brant wrote a reply, declining the invitation—for what reasons, as this letter seems not to have been preserved, can only be inferred from the subsequent correspondence of the Secretary of War and Mr. Kirkland. By a letter from the former, it appears that the chief thought the invitation not sufficiently formal. By a letter from Mr. Kirkland, also addressed to the chief himself it would seem that the latter was apprehensive that, should he undertake the journey, the American government would expect him to travel like the common herds of Indians who frequently, as now, were in the habit of visiting the capital of the Republic,—and who are usually led through the country in a drove by a single conductor. Such, however, was not the intention of the government, as will more fully appear by the following correspondence:—
"Rev. Mr. Kirkland to Captain Brant. (Extract.)
"Genesee, February 17, 1792."
"My dear and worthy friend, it is not in my power, at this instant, even to attempt such a reply to your letter by Dr. Allen as it justly merits. Suffice it to say, it was not in my idea that you should be crowded into the company of all the old chiefs, and dragged along promiscuously with them through the proposed tour to Philadelphia. No, Sir; the respect I have for your character and happiness would have spurned at the thought. Dr. Allen was apprised of this, and directed to acquaint you with my instructions relative to the same. You need, Sir, be under no apprehensions of any neglect, or want of proper attention on my part, in the proposed tour, or of a cordial reception upon your arrival at the seat of government. Pardon me, if I say you will have occasion much more to fear the opposite extreme. There are so many matters of importance relative to the Indians upon which I have a desire to converse with you, that I cannot willingly relinquish the idea of a personal interview.
"Believe me, my dear friend, that your honor and happiness, as well as the cause of humanity, have a share of my affection and concern. It is very possible I may be partial in your favor by reason of your rescuing my life at the beginning of the late war, which instance I can never forget, and have thousands of times mentioned to your praise. I cannot but flatter myself from the sensibility of soul you possess, that you will so adjust your domestic affairs as to honor me with a short visit in this vicinity next Spring, should I return here at that season; and should you, upon mature deliberation, conclude to come down sooner, General Chapin and Dr. Allen will be ready to wait on you wherever you please to go. Excuse the abruptness with which I close, being much crowded—wishing you every form of happiness, believe me to be, in great truth and esteem,
"Dear Sir, your affectionate friend And very humble serv't. S. Kirkland.
"Col J. Brant.
"P. S. Please remember me respectfully to Dr. Kerr and his lady. I am exceedingly sorry for the detention of my former letter, which deprived me of the happiness of a personal interview. I hope this will be delivered by the bearer's own hand, your friend, Captain Hendrick."
Nearly at the same time that Mr. Kirkland was thus endeavoring to persuade the chief to comply with the request of the government in this matter, the Secretary of War addressed directly to him a letter as full, courteous, and formal, as the most fastidious diplomatist could have desired:—
"The Secretary of War to Captain Brant.
"Philadelphia, February 20th, 1792.
"Sir,
"Colonel Pickering, who had some communications with the Senecas and others of the Six Nations, during the last two years, was duly authorised to invite you to visit this city, in order to consult you upon the best means of civilizing and advancing the happiness of the Indians. Some information has been recently received from Mr. Kirkland, intimating your disposition to perform the visit, but declining to do it upon the former invitation, as not being sufficiently explicit.
"I now repeat to you this invitation, accompanied with a wish that you would repair to this city, being the seat of the American government; and I can assure you that the President of the United States will be highly gratified by receiving and conversing with a chief of such eminence as you are, on a subject so interesting and important to the human race.
"This invitation is given to you from the fairest motives. The President of the United States is conscious of the purest disposition to promote, generally, the welfare of the Indians; and he flatters himself that proper occasions only are wanting to impress them with the truth of this assertion. He considers your mind more enlightened than theirs, and he hopes that your heart is filled with a true desire to serve the essential interests of your countrymen. The United States, much against the inclination of the government, are engaged in hostilities with some of the western Indians. We, on our parts, have entered into it with reluctance, and consider it as a war of necessity; and not, as is supposed, and industriously propagated, by many, for the purpose of accumulating more land than has been ceded by the treaty with the Indians, since the peace with Great Britain. We are desirous of bringing it to a conclusion, not from any apprehension as to a favorable result, because, by a comparison of forces and resources, however troublesome a perseverance therein may be to us, it must be utter destruction to the hostile Indians. We are desirous, for the sake of humanity, of avoiding such a catastrophe.
"This is the main business which will be mentioned to you on the part of the United States; and it is an object worthy of the best cultivated head and heart. If you should enter into this view, Mr. Kirkland has directions to concert with you the most satisfactory mode of your performing the journey. The nature of the case will show the necessity of your coming without delay, if you incline to accept the invitation.
"I am, Sir, H. Knox.
"To Capt. Joseph Brant."
This letter was enclosed by General Knox to Mr. Kirkland, who was assured that the "presence of Captain Brant in Philadelphia was considered of great importance." Mr. Kirkland was accordingly enjoined "to spare no pains in endeavoring to induce him to come," and "to arrange with him the most satisfactory mode of traveling—to make it as flattering to him as might be, and to accompany him." Mr. Kirkland despatched the letter of the Secretary immediately to Colonel Gordon, at Niagara, by the hand of Dr. Allen, with a request that it might be transmitted by the Colonel to its place of destination—Grand River. But Mr. Kirkland's messenger disclosed to Colonel Gordon the contents of the package, thereby enabling that officer to exert an immediate influence upon the mind of the chief, if he chose to do so. The result was, that, accompanying the Secretary's letter, Captain Brant received the following communication:—
"Colonel Gordon to Captain Brant.
"Niagara, 20th March, 1792.
"My Dear Friend,
"The packet which I now send you was brought here by a Doctor Allen, from Canadasago. I do not know the contents, farther, than the bearer tells me it is a letter from the Secretary at War of the United States, inviting you to Philadelphia on business of consequence.
"Your own good sense will best dictate the answer you ought to give.
"Should it have a reference to the bringing about a peace with the Western Indians, I cannot conceive that Philadelphia is the place where a conference of so much moment ought to be held; as it is evident none of the Western Indians, whose dearest interests are concerned in the event, can be present; and if any steps are taken by the Six Nations without their concurrence, it is much to be feared it will give rise to jealousies, which may be attended with disagreeable consequences hereafter.
"If the United States have at length seriously determined to do justice to, and make peace with, the Western Indians, a general council should be convened in some convenient situation, where deputies from all the nations concerned, as well as commissioners on the part of Great Britain and America, can be assembled. The views of all parties would then be clearly defined; an accurate boundary ascertained; past acts of hostility be buried in oblivion; and such measures adopted as would tend to establish permanent peace and friendship on a solid and equitable basis.
"In the many conversations we have had on this subject, we have generally agreed, that from the line of conduct the United States have hitherto pursued, it did not appear that they had this object seriously in view; and I am sorry to observe, from the mode of proceeding on the present occasion, there is too much reason to suspect they have not yet seen their error.
"In almost every transaction they have had with the Six Nations during the course of the last two years, there has appeared a duplicity and inconsistency, on which it is impossible to put a liberal construction.
"The Six Nations, in the present critical situation of affairs with their western brethren, ought to be exceedingly cautious how they involve themselves either one way or another. Great Britain is at peace with the United States, and it is therefore anxiously wished that her friends, the Indians in general, should be so likewise; every advice which has been given to them had that object in view; and I still hope the period is at no great distance, when this desirable event will be accomplished on equitable terms, and to the mutual satisfaction of all parties.
"I have thus, my dear friend, been induced to give you my private opinion on the present occasion, and I am fully persuaded you will pursue a line of conduct that will deserve the approbation of your brethren and friends.
"Accept my sincere good wishes, and believe me, with much regard, your friend,
"A. Gordon.
"P. S. I understand some of the Senecas from Buffalo Creek are gone to Philadelphia on Colonel Pickering's former invitation, which, I am told, causes much uneasiness in the village.
"A.G.
"Captain Joseph Brant, Grand River."
This was certainly an artful communication. His Majesty's commander at Niagara was desirous that peace should be restored between the Indians and the United States, but takes care not to omit the oft-repeated insinuations of injustice and bad faith on the part of the latter toward the former. In one word, notwithstanding his pacific protestations, Colonel Gordon was desirous of peace only through the agency of British intervention, and his present purpose was, to prevent the influential chief of the Mohawks from visiting the seat of the American government. Notwithstanding the Colonel's letter, however, the chief addressed the following conditional acceptance of the invitation to the Secretary of War:—
"Captain Brant to General Knox.
"Nassau, March 27th, 1792.
"Sir:—
"Yours of the 25th of February I have the pleasure of acknowledging the receipt of, and entertain the highest sense of the honor done me by the invitation and flattering compliment contained therein. It is a visit I have long been desirous of making, and the time now seems not to be far distant when that desire will be accomplished. Visiting you as an individual, would be by no means tending to the accomplishing any good end, as those meetings must show that have hitherto been held with people not deputized by the nation in general to transact business. I should therefore wish to visit you, vested with some power that will enable me to speak with certainty as to what I may assert, and not assert what I, at the same time, must well know would be by no means approved of. This has been too much the case of late years, and in my opinion is principally the cause of the present disturbances. An explanation of grievances it is absolutely necessary should be made, and that to the head of the United States, from whom I entertain not the smallest doubt but justice will be given where due. To accomplish such desirable ends as civilization and peace-making, no exertions on my part shall be wanting; and though circumstances render it impossible for me to do myself the honor of accepting the invitation at present, as I cannot say whether the western nations would approve of it, I shall nevertheless despatch messengers immediately to the Miamis, with your invitation, to have the opinion of the people there, who, I have no great reason to suppose otherwise than that they'll approve of my going, and very possibly invest me with such powers as will give energy to what I may do.
"My messengers, I suppose, will return here in about thirty days, until when, I shall remain at home. If visiting you after that would not be too late to answer the good end intended, I shall endeavor to accomplish my wished-for journey—at least if I may hear from you in answer to this, ere that period.
"I am, Sir, With esteem, Yours, &c. Joseph Brant.
"The Secretary of War."
Immediately on the receipt of this letter at the War Department, General Israel Chapin, of Genesee, was appointed a Deputy Indian Agent by the President, with instructions to transmit the following communication to Captain Brant, and make all needful preparations for his journey:—
"The Secretary of War to Captain Brant
"April 23d, 1792.
"Sir: I have received your letter of the 27th of March, postponing your visit to this city until a period of thirty days after that date.
"I regret exceedingly the existence of any circumstance which suspended your visit. But as the dispositions of the President of the United States remain the same, as to the objects mentioned in my former letter, I can with great truth assure you that your visit at the time you have proposed, will be cordially received.
"General Chapin, who is appointed an agent of the Five Nations, will either accompany you to this city, or he will obtain some other person for that purpose, as shall be agreed upon between you and him,
"I am, &c. &c. H. Knox
"To Captain Joseph Brant."
Pending this correspondence, however, the proposed conference with a deputation of the Six Nations, referred to in the postscript of Colonel Gordon's letter, took place in Philadelphia. It was begun on the 13th of March, and protracted until near the close of April. Fifty sachems were present, and the visit resulted to the mutual satisfaction of the parties. In addition to arrangements upon other subjects, the delegations agreed to perform a pacific mission to the hostile Indians, and endeavor to persuade them to peace. But such were their dilatory movements, that they did not depart from Buffalo for the Miamis until the middle of September. At the head of this embassage was that fast friend of the United States, the Corn-planter.
In regard to the mission of Captain Brant, in addition to the dissuasions of Colonel Gordon, strenuous efforts were made by the official friends of the chief at Montreal, to prevent his visit to the federal capital. On the 1st of May he was addressed by Mr. Joseph Chew, an officer under Sir John Johnson, expressing much satisfaction at the refusal of the first invitation by Captain Brant, and advising the chief of the preparations the Americans were making for another Indian campaign. The following passage occurs in this letter:—"I see they expect to have an army of about five thousand men, besides three troops of horse. By the advertisements for supplies of provisions, &c., it seems this army will not be able to move before the last of July. What attempts Wilkinson and Hamtrack may make with the militia, is uncertain. Our friends ought to be on their guard. I long to know, what they think in England of the victory gained over St. Clair's army." [FN-1] On the 23d of May, Brant advised Mr. Chew that he had accepted the invitation; [FN-2] and on the 19th of June, the latter gentleman replied—expressing his regrets that several of his letters to the Chief had not been received prior to his taking that resolution. Mr. Chew, who doubtless expressed the views of Sir John Johnson and the Executive government of the province, thought the Captain should not have accepted such an invitation without previously knowing the wishes of the King, in regard to the means of bringing about a peace between the Americans and the Indians. In the same letter he also announces to "his namesake," as he calls the Captain, that a Mr. Hammond was on his way to the Indian country, charged with an offer of his Majesty's-mediation. [FN-3]
[FN-1] Original letters among the Brant papers.
[FN-2] Idem.
[FN-3] Idem.
The necessary arrangements having been adjusted, the journey was commenced early in June. General Chapin not being able to accompany the Chief to the seat of government, he was attended by the General's son, and by Doctor Allen, and two body servants of his own—all mounted. Their route from Niagara to Albany was taken through the Mohawk Valley. At Palatine, by previous invitation, the Captain visited Major James Cochran, who had then recently established himself in that place. But the feelings of the inhabitants had become so embittered against him during the war of the Revolution, and such threats were uttered by some of the Germans, of a determination to take his life, that it was deemed prudent for him privately to leave the inn, where his friend Major Cochran was then at lodgings, and sleep at the house of Mrs. Peter Schuyler in the neighborhood, where he would be-less likely to be assailed. He did so, and the next morning pursued his journey. [FN] With this exception, he was well received at every point of his journey. His arrival in New-York was thus announced in the newspapers:—"On Monday last arrived in this city, from his settlement on Grand River, on a visit to some of his friends in this quarter, Captain Joseph Brant of the British army, the famous Mohawk chief who so eminently distinguished himself during the late war as the military leader of the Six Nations. We are informed that he intends to visit the city of Philadelphia, and pay his respects to the President of the United States."
[FN] Letter of Major Cochran to the author.
He arrived in Philadelphia on the 20th of June, where he was announced in terms very similar to the above, and received by the Government with marked attention. But few memorials of this visit have been preserved. The President announced his arrival in respectful terms, on the 21st of June, in a letter addressed to Gouverneur Morris; and he speaks of the circumstance again in a subsequent letter, but makes no allusion to the result of his interviews with him. No doubt, strong efforts were made, not only to engage his active interposition with the Indians to bring about a peace, but likewise to win him over permanently to the interests of the United States. In a letter subsequently addressed by Captain Brant to the Count de Puisy, [FN] in regard to his difficulties with the British government touching the title to the Grand River territory, while pleading the claims of his Indians to the favorable consideration of the Crown, and repelling certain charges of selfishness which had been bruited respecting himself, the following passage occurs on the subject of the proposals made to him by the American Executive:—"I am sorry to find that my perseverance in endeavoring to obtain our rights, has caused unjust surmises to be formed of my intentions, notwithstanding the many evident proofs I have shown of my integrity and steady attachment to the British interest. Had I not been actuated by motives of honor, and preferred the interests of his Majesty, and the credit of my nation, to my own private welfare, there were several allurements of gain offered me by the Government of the United States when I was at Philadelphia, during the time the Shawanese and other tribes maintained a war against them. I was offered a thousand guineas down, and to have the half-pay and pension I receive from Great Britain doubled, merely on condition that I would use my endeavors to bring about a peace. But this I rejected. I considered it might be detrimental to the British interests, as also to the advantage and credit of the Indian nations, until the Americans should make the necessary concessions. Afterward I was offered the preemption right to land to the amount of twenty thousand pounds currency of the United States, and fifteen hundred dollars per annum. This I considered as inconsistent with the principles of honor to receive, as by accepting of any of these offers, they might expect me to act contrary to his Majesty's interest and the honor of our nations; and from the repeated assurances of his Majesty's representatives, I had full confidence his bounty would never fail."
[FN] The Count de Puisy was one of the French nobles driven into exile by the revolution of 1789. He subsequently held a commission as Lieutenant General in the British service, and commanded a detachment of the emigrants in the Quiberon expedition. Receiving a grant of land in Canada from the British crown, as did several of the exiles, the Count came over, and resided for a time near Niagara. During this period he formed an intimate acquaintance with Captain Brant, who corresponded with him after his return to England. The Count resided somewhere in the neighborhood of London until his death, which happened many years afterward.
But notwithstanding his refusal of these propositions, the result of the interview seems at the time to have been mutual satisfaction. The true causes of the war with the western Indians were explained to him; and great pains were taken by the President and Secretary of War to impress upon his mind the sincere desire of the United States to cultivate the most amicable relations with the sons of the forest, of any and every tribe. In the end, the Chief was induced to undertake a mission of peace to the Miamis, for which purpose he was furnished with ample instructions by the Secretary of War. Most emphatically was he enjoined to undeceive the Indians in regard to their apprehensions that the United States were seeking to wrest from them farther portions of their lands. On this point the Government solemnly disclaimed the design of taking a foot more than had been ceded in the treaty of Muskingum in 1789. The Chief left Philadelphia about the 1st of July, on which occasion the Secretary of War wrote to General Chapin, among other things, as follows:—"Captain Brant's visit will, I flatter myself, be productive of great satisfaction to himself, by being made acquainted with the humane views of the President of the United States." To Governor Clinton the Secretary likewise wrote as follows:—"Captain Brant appears to be a judicious and sensible man. I flatter myself his journey will be satisfactory to himself and beneficial to the United States."
The Chief returned by the same route, lingering a few days in New-York, where he was visited by some of the most distinguished gentlemen in the city. It has been mentioned, a few pages back, that Brant was apprehensive of some attempt upon his life in the Mohawk Valley. Indeed, he had been informed that it would be unsafe for him to traverse that section of country, lest some real or fancied wrong, connected with the war of the Revolution, should be avenged by assassination. Nor were these apprehensions groundless; for while resting in New-York, he ascertained that he had not only been pursued from the German Flats, but that the pursuer was then in the city watching for an opportunity to effect his purpose. The name of this pursuer was Dygert. Several members of his father's family had fallen in the battle of Oriskany, fifteen years before, and this man had deliberately determined to put the leader of the Indian warriors to death in revenge. Brant's lodgings were in Broadway, [FN-1] where he was visited, among others, by Colonel Willett and Colonel Morgan Lewis, both of whom he had met in the field of battle in years gone by. While in conversation with these gentlemen, he mentioned the circumstance of Dygert's pursuit, and expressed some apprehensions at the result, should he be attacked unawares. Before his remarks were concluded, glancing his quick eye to the window, he exclaimed, "there is Dygert now!" True enough, the fellow was then standing in the street, watching the motions of his intended victim. Colonel Willett immediately descended into the street, and entered into a conversation with Dygert, charging his real business upon him, which he did not deny. "Do you know," asked Willett, "that if you kill that savage, you will be hanged?" "Who," replied the ignorant German, "would hang me for killing an Indian?" "You will see," rejoined the Colonel; "if you execute your purpose, you a may depend upon it you will be hanged up immediately." This was presenting the case in a new aspect to Dygert, who, until that moment, seemed to suppose that he could kill an Indian with as much propriety in a time of peace as in war—in the streets of New-York as well as in legal battle in the woods. After deliberating a few moments, he replied to Colonel Willett that if such was the law, he would give it up and return home. [FN-2] He did so, and the Mohawk chief shortly afterward reached Niagara in safety.
[FN-1] The old wooden building where the City Hotel now stands.
[FN-2] These particulars have recently been communicated to the author in a conversation with the venerable Governor, then Colonel Lewis, and confirmed by a letter from Major Cochran, with whom Brant conversed on the subject. Indeed the hostility of the Mohawk-Germans toward all Indians, after the close of the war, was deep and universal. The author well remembers a pensioner living in the neighborhood of the village of Herkimer, named Hartmann, who, some years after the war, deliberately killed an Indian at the German Flats, moved only by his revolutionary thirst for vengeance. Hartmann, it is true, had been grievously hacked and wounded by the Indians, so that he was disabled from labor for life. He was a very ignorant man, and thought it no harm to kill an Indian at any time. Happening one day, in after years, to fall in with a son of the forest, he persuaded the savage to let him examine his rifle. The moment he obtained the weapon, he dropped slowly behind, and shot his confiding companion. He was arrested and carried to Johnstown for trial, but the investigation was so managed as to produce an acquittal. The excuse of Hartmann for the commission of the deed, was, that he saw the Indian's tobacco-pouch, which was, as he said, made of the skin of a child's hand. It was, probably, a leather glove which the Indian had found.
Independently of the proposed mediation of Captain Brant, the Government of the United States, in its great solicitude to prevent the effusion of blood, had employed a large number of messengers of peace, among whom, in addition to the fifty chiefs of the Six Nations already mentioned, were the Rev. Mr. Heckewelder, General Rufus Putnam, Colonel Hardin, Major Trueman, and a man named Freeman. The celebrated Hendrick, chief of the Stockbridge Indians, was also employed upon the same service. It is possible that Captain Brant was not well pleased at the appointment of so large a number of pacificators—very naturally preferring the honor of being the sole agent of terminating the war. It would have been no inconsiderable subject of boasting, to be enabled to say "Alone I did it!" Hence, we may reasonably infer, the tone of the annexed letter, addressed to the Secretary of War by Captain Brant on his arrival at Niagara—a fitting occasion for writing it having been furnished by the murder of Major Trueman. [FN]
[FN] Three of the messengers of peace above mentioned, Messrs. Trueman, Freeman, and Hardin, were murdered by the Indians during that season. Formerly no nations on earth were wont to respect the sacred character of "the man of peace" more than the Indians. But they had now become treacherous even to them. They pleaded, however, the example of the whites, who, they alleged, paid no attention to treaties with the Indians, but treated them as a contemptible race, and had killed several of their own messengers of peace, some of whom were chiefs.—Vide Heckewelder's History of Indian Nations, chapter xxi. President Washington, who was then at Mount Vernon, announced the death of Hardin and Trueman, together with "the harbingers of their mission," in a letter to Mr. Jefferson, Secretary of State, on the 23d of August. Everything then looked hostile at the west; added to which were rising difficulties with the Cherokees, occasioned, as was supposed, by the intrigues of Spain. "If Spain is really intriguing with the Southern Indians," said the President, "I shall entertain strong suspicions that there is a very clear understanding in all this business between the Courts of London and Madrid; and that it is calculated to check, as far as they can, the rapid increase, extension, and consequence of this country; for there cannot be a doubt of the wishes of the former, if we may judge from the conduct of its officers, to preclude any eclaircissement of ours with the Western Indians, and to embarrass our negotiations with them, any more than there is of their traders and some others, who are subject to their government, aiding and abetting them in acts of hostility."—Letter of Washington to Jefferson, August 23d, 1792.
"Captain Brant to the Secretary of War.
"Niagara, 26th July, 1792.
"Sir,
"Since my arrival here, I am sorry to have to say that intelligence respecting Major Trueman's being killed by an Indian boy, who met with him a hunting, has arrived. This will induce you to recollect what passed between us relative to messages being sent. The route by Presque Isle I again recommend as the most eligible; from thence keeping along the lake to the Miamis, at which place the chiefs are aptest to be met with; and when once there, they are safe. Sending such number of messengers rather makes the Indians suspicious of your intentions, and by any other route they are much more liable to meet with hunters. There are now great numbers of Indians collected, and, from all their councils, seem determined upon a new boundary line. In short, they are all sensible that what has hitherto been done, (which I fully explained to you,) was unfair; and I am of opinion peace will not easily be established without your relinquishing part of your claim. The purchases were all made from men who had no right to sell, and who are now to be thanked for the present difficulties." [FN]
[FN] The writer here refers to the treaty of Fort Harmer, which the great majority of the Indians always maintained was unauthorized by their people, and therefore of no binding force upon them.
"The Senecas and Seven Nations of Canada are now waiting at Fort Erie for a passage for Detroit, on their way to the Miamis. I shall be able to go up by the next trip of the vessel. My intention and wish is still for the accomplishing of peace. 'Tis a business will require time; things too rashly or hastily agreed upon, seldom have the effect of those seriously and coolly reflected on; knowing the foundation to be just, and the benefits that will arise therefrom, affords a greater space for forwarding the business.
"After leaving your place until my arrival here, I had a tedious journey. The fatigue is done away by the recollection of the politeness and attention showed me by your officers of government, for which I cannot but return my warmest thanks, and request you to communicate the same. If any return should be in my power to make, I shall think myself particularly happy.
"And am, Sir, Yours, &c. Jos. Brant.
"The Secretary of War."
Apprehensive, from the opposition of his friends to his Philadelphia mission, that evil reports might have been circulated concerning him, and distrust of his fidelity engendered among the upper nations, on the 29th of July the Captain wrote to his friend McKee, at Detroit, making inquiries as to that and various other points, and also with a view of ascertaining whether his presence would be acceptable at the then approaching council at the Miamis. In reply, Colonel McKee assured him that, "whatever bad birds had been flying about," the opinions of the western Indians respecting him were unchanged, and that they were anxious for his presence among them, to aid in their consultations for the general welfare. In regard to the murder of the American messengers, Colonel McKee said they were killed by a banditti, and the circumstance was regretted,—"although the Indians considered that the messengers had been sent more with a view to gain time, and lull the confederacy into a fatal security, than to effect a peace, since they have proposed no other terms than what the nations rejected at first; and you must be perfectly sensible," (added Colonel McK.) "that after two successful general engagements, in which a great deal of blood has been spilt, the Indians will not quietly give up by negotiation what they have been contending for with their lives since the commencement of these troubles." Captain Brant having expressed an opinion that the hostile nations would not be likely to move again until the effect of farther negotiation should be known, McKee replied, that the Indians did not look upon "the hostile preparations" of the Americans, "such as forming posts and magazines in the heart of their country, as indicating much sincerity on their part; nor do they [the Indians] think that such establishments would tend to conciliate or convince them that the Americans wish for peace on any reasonable terms, or on the terms proposed by the confederacy the beginning of last year. A great council is soon to be held at the Au Glaize—the chiefs not judging it proper to move lower down at present, on account of the American force collecting at Fort Jefferson." In regard to the treaty of Muskingum, (Fort Harmar,) Colonel McKee said—"Daintate, the Chief who conducted that business, is dead; but he always declared that he, and all the chiefs who were with him there, were imposed upon—imagining that what they signed was a treaty of amity, and not a cession of country; and were not undeceived until they had been some time returned to their respective villages, and had their papers explained to them. Some messengers are arrived at the Glaize from the westward of the Mississippi, announcing that large bodies of their nations are collected, and will shortly be here to give their assistance to the general confederacy; so that, in all probability, more nations will soon be assembled here than at any former period." [FN]
[FN] Correspondence among the Brant papers.
The letter from which the preceding extracts have been made, was dated from the "Foot of the Miami Rapids, September 4th, 1792." The council of which it speaks, was held at the An Glaize, on the Miami of Lake Erie, in the course of the Autumn. A fit of sickness, however, prevented the attendance of Thayendanegea. The Corn-planter, and forty-eight of the chiefs of the Six Nations, residing within the boundaries of the United States, repaired thither, together with about thirty chiefs and warriors of the Mohawks, and other Canada Indians. But they were not well received, in their character of peace-makers, by the hostiles, who were sturdily bent upon continuing the war. The council was numerously attended on the part of the western tribes; the Shawanese were the only speakers in favor of war, and Red Jacket from the Senecas was alone the orator in opposition, or in behalf of the friendly Indians. The Shawanese taunted the Six Nations with having first induced them to form a great confederacy, a few years before, and of having come to the council now "with the voice of the United States folded under their arm." [FN] There were indications of an angry passage between the two parties in the earlier stages of the council; but after mutual explanations, harmony was restored. The result was, that the hostile Indians finally agreed to suspend belligerent operations for the winter, and to meet the United States in council at the Rapids of the Miami in the following Spring. The basis of the proposed armistice, however, was, that the United States should withdraw their troops from the western side of the Ohio. Nor did they hold out any prospect of treating in the Spring, upon any other principle than that of making the Ohio the boundary, and receiving payment for their improvements on the south-eastern side of that river. They insisted that the United States should allow them all the lands they possessed in Sir William Johnson's time, and that upon no other terms would they agree to a treaty of peace. The council was dissolved about the 10th or 12th of October; and Captain Brant did not arrive at the Au Glaize until after it had broken up. It was a very large council. There were representatives in attendance from the Gora nations, whom it had taken a whole season to travel thither. There were also present, besides the Six Nations and the north-western tribes, twenty-seven nations from beyond the Canadian territory.
[FN] Alluding to the belt by which they were to speak.
On the return of the friendly Indians to Buffalo, a grand council was called, at which the Indian agents of the Five Nations were present, and also Colonel Butler, and a number of other gentlemen from Niagara. At this council, the proceedings and speeches at the Au Glaize were rehearsed, and in conclusion of their mission, the Six Nations transmitted the following speech to the President of the United States; from which it will appear that, though friendly to them, the Six Nations, after all, were yet more friendly to the Miamis, and their claim of the Ohio for a boundary:—