[FN] It was in this memorable action that Captain Solomon (now General Van Rensselaer) of Albany, an officer of dragoons, received a wound in the commencement of the battle, by being shot through the lungs. General Wilkinson, who was also in the battle, states, in his Memoirs, that Van Rensselaer kept his horse, and continued fighting until the blood spurted from his month and nostrils. General Van Rensselaer was afterward dreadfully wounded in half a dozen places, at the daring assault upon Queenston Heights in 1812. He yet lives, and, after having served the State of New-York several years as Adjutant General, and been repeatedly elected to Congress, has for the last fifteen years held the office of Post-master in Albany.
The loss of the Indians is not known. It must, however, have been very severe. Seven Nations were engaged in the action, viz: the Miamis, Wyandots, the Pottawattamies, Delawares, Shawanese, Chippewas, Ottawas, and a portion of the Senecas. All the Chiefs of the Wyandots engaged in the battle, being nine in number, were killed. [FN-1] Great slaughter was made by the legionary cavalry in the pursuit, so many of the savages being cut down with the sabre, that the title of "Long Knives," years before given to the Americans, was brought again into general use among the Indians. [FN-2] It was believed by many that the Indians would not have incurred this signal disaster had the advice of the Little Turtle been heeded. He was opposed to the policy of a general engagement at that time, and it has even been asserted that he was rather inclined to peace. During the night preceding the engagement, the Chiefs of the several tribes were in council, and a proposition was submitted to make a night attack upon the Americans in their encampment. The proposal was overruled, and a general engagement on the following morning was determined upon. Little Turtle alone was opposed to the plan, while Blue Jacket, a Shawanese warrior of high character and influence, strenuously supported the course adopted by the council. Colonel McKee was in the council, and is believed to have urged the Indians to fight. Little Turtle was inspired with a presentiment that they could not successfully encounter the Black Snake. "We have beaten the enemy," said the Turtle, "twice, under separate commanders. We cannot expect the same good fortune always to attend us. The Americans are now led by a chief who never sleeps. The night and the day are alike to him; and during all the time that he has been marching upon our villages, notwithstanding the watchfulness of our young men, we have never been able to surprise him. Think well of it. There is something whispers me it would be prudent to listen to his offers of peace." For holding language like this, he was reproached by some of the Chiefs with cowardice, and that ended the conference. Stung to the quick by an imputation which he was conscious he had never merited, he would have laid the reviler dead at his feet; but his was not the bravery of an assassin. Suppressing his resentment, he took part in the battle, and performed his duty with his wonted bravery. The event proved that he had not formed an erroneous estimate of the character of Wayne; and that his rival, Blue Jacket, though equally brave, was less of a prophet than himself. [FN-3]
[FN-1] Drake's Book of the Indians.
[FN-2] Thatcher's Lives of the Indian Chiefs.
[FN-3] Schoolcraft's Travels. Thatcher. Drake.
Excepting the militia and refugees gathered about Detroit, the British or Canadian authorities took no part in the battle; but the direction in which ran their sympathies could not be mistaken, from the tone of a somewhat tart correspondence occurring after the battle, between General Wayne and Major Campbell, commanding the British garrison. On the day after the engagement, Major Campbell addressed a note to General Wayne, expressing his surprise at the appearance of an American force at a point almost within reach of his guns, and asking in what light he was to view such near approaches to the garrison which he had the honor to command. General Wayne, without questioning the propriety of the interrogatory, replied, that even were the Major entitled to an answer, "the most full and satisfactory one was announced the day before from the muzzles of his small arms, in an action with a horde of savages in the vicinity of the fort, and which terminated gloriously to the American arms." But, added the General, "had it continued until the Indians were driven under the influence of the fort and guns mentioned, they would not have much impeded the progress of the victorious army under my command, as no such post was established at the commencement of the present war between the Indians and the United States." Major Campbell rejoined, complaining that men, with arms in their hands, were approaching within pistol shot of his works, where his Majesty's flag was flying, and threatened hostilities should such insults to that flag be continued. Upon the receipt of this letter, General Wayne caused the fort to be closely reconnoitered in every direction. It was found to be a strong and regular work, with two bastions upon the near and most accessible face of it, mounting eight pieces of artillery upon that side and four upon the front facing the river. This duty having been discharged, General Wayne addressed a letter to the British commander, disclaiming, of course as Major Campbell had previously done any desire to resort to harsh measures; but denouncing the erection of that fortress as the harshest act of aggression toward the United States, and requiring him to desist from any farther act of hostility, and to retire with his troops to the nearest British post occupied by British troops at the peace of 1783. To this requisition, Major Campbell answered that he should not abandon the post at the summons of any power whatever, unless in compliance with orders from those under whom he served. He likewise again warned the American commander, not to approach within the reach of his guns without expecting the consequences that would attend it.
The only notice taken of this last letter was, by immediately setting fire to, and destroying every thing within view of the fort, and even under the muzzles of his Britannic Majesty's guns. But no attempt was made by Major Campbell to carry his threat into execution. Among the property thus destroyed were barns and fields of corn, above and below the fort, together with "the barns, stores, and property of Colonel McKee, the British Indian Agent and principal stimulator of the war between the United States and the savages." [FN-1] The American army lay three days before the fort, when it returned to the Grand Glaize, arriving at that place on the 28th of August. A vast destruction of Indian property took place during this expedition. The Miamis and Grand Glaize ran through the heart of the country of the hostile Indians. "The very extensive and highly cultivated fields and gardens showed the work of many hands. The margins of those beautiful rivers the Miamis of the lakes, and the Au Glaize," wrote General Wayne, "appeared like one continued village for many miles; nor have I ever before beheld such immense fields of corn in any part of America, from Canada to Florida." [FN-2] All were laid waste for twenty miles on each side of the river, and forts erected to prevent the return of the Indians.
[FN-1] Letter of General Wayne. State Papers, Vol. IV.
[FN-2] Letter of General Wayne to the Secretary of War.
There is reason to believe that the Indians were grievously disappointed in the conduct of Major Campbell during the action. Among the papers of Captain Brant, is the copy of a letter addressed by him to Sir John Johnson, in April, 1799, wherein the Baronet is reminded of various wrongs alleged to have been suffered by the Indians, at the hands even of his Majesty's government. The following remarkable passage in this letter induces a belief that the Indians expected that, in the event of defeat, the garrison would come to their succor, or, at least, that the gates of the fortress would be thrown open to them as a place of refuge on their retreat:—"In the first place," wrote the Mohawk Chief to Sir John, "the Indians were engaged in a war to assist the English—then left in the lurch at the peace, to fight alone until they could make peace for themselves. After repeatedly defeating the armies of the United States, so that they sent Commissioners to endeavor to get peace, the Indians were so advised as prevented them from listening to any terms, and hopes were given to them of assistance. A fort was even built in their country, under pretence of giving refuge in case of necessity; but when that time came, the gates were shut against them as enemies. They were doubly injured by this, because they relied on it for support, and were deceived. Was it not for this reliance of mutual support, their conduct would have been different. I imagine that your own knowledge of these things, and judgment, will point out to you the necessity of putting the line of conduct with the Indians on a more honorable footing, and come as nigh as possible to what it was in the time of your father."
Considering the distance, and the difficulties of traveling at that time, intelligence of the disaster which had befallen his Indian friends was very rapidly conveyed to Governor Simcoe at Niagara, and by him communicated to Captain Brant in the following letter:—
"Governor Simcoe to Captain Brant.
"Navy Hall, 28th August, 1794.
"Dear Sir,
"I understand that the Indians and Wayne had an action on the 20th near McCormack's; that the Indians, who amounted to nine hundred, retreated with the loss of some principal chiefs of the Hurons, Ottawas, and Shawanese; a deserter reports that the Americans lost an hundred men.
"The Wyandots, and a friend [FN] of your's, most gallantly covered the retreat."
[FN] Although the fact does not appear, yet it is believed that a goodly number of the Mohawk warriors were in the battle against Wayne, and Brant was likewise to have been in the field with them. Several years afterward, Brant stated these facts in a conversation with the venerable Jacob Snell, Esq. yet living (1837) in Palatine. The Chief stated to Mr. Snell that he obtained the ammunition used by the Indians, himself, at Quebec, and that he should have led his Mohawks in person but was detained by sickness.
"The Indians having retreated to the Miami Bay, Major Campbell was summoned to deliver the post, which of course he refused, and reports that he considered it tenable against Wayne's force.
"The Indians having placed their women and children in safety, have again moved forward to an advantageous position, I imagine Swan Creek, where they wait for reinforcements, and I hope will recover their spirits.
"All the militia on the La Branche are gone to Detroit.
"I shall proceed in the first vessel, and am, in great haste, your faithful humble servant,
"J. G. Simcoe,
"To Captain Brant."
The difficulties between Great Britain and the United States not having yet been adjusted, and a war between the two nations continuing still a probable event, it suited not the Canadian authorities to allow the Indians to conclude a peace, notwithstanding their signal overthrow. The north-western posts, moreover, within the territory not only of the far west, but within the boundaries of the State of New-York, were obstinately retained, while an attempt was made to grasp additional territory on the south side of Lake Ontario. It was during the Summer of this year, that Captain Williamson commenced a settlement on the Great Sodus Bay, about forty miles from Oswego; and in this same month of August, Governor Simcoe despatched Lieut. Sheaff to that place, to demand by what authority such an establishment was forming, and that it should be immediately relinquished. [FN] General Simcoe himself, pursuant to the intimation in his letter to Brant, hastened to the west, as also did the Chief, attended by one hundred and fifty of his warriors—evidently for the purpose of continuing in the exercise of an unfriendly influence upon the minds of the Indians against the United States. The Governor was at the fort near the battle-field, on the 30th of September, as also were Captain Brant and Colonel McKee. The Indians had already made some advances to General Wayne toward a negotiation for peace; but their attention was diverted by Simcoe and Brant, who invited a council, of the hostile nations to assemble at the mouth of the Detroit river on the 10th of October. This invitation was accepted, as also was an invitation from General Wayne, who was met by a few of their Chiefs; so that the wily savages were in face sitting in two councils at once, balancing chances, and preparing to make peace only in the event of finding little farther encouragement to fight.
[FN] Marshall. Captain Williamson being absent from Sodus at the time of Lieut. Sheaff's visit, that officer left a written declaration of which the following is a copy:—"I am commanded to declare that, during the inexecution of the treaty of peace between Great Britain and the United States, and until the existing difficulties respecting it shall be mutually and finally adjusted, the taking possession of any part of the Indian territory, either for the purposes of war or sovereignty, is held to be a direct violation of his Britannic Majesty's rights, as they unquestionably existed before the treaty, and has an immediate tendency to interrupt, and in its progress to destroy, that good understanding which has hitherto subsisted between his Britannic Majesty and the United States of America. I therefore require you to desist from any such aggression."
At the council on the 10th of October, the Wyandot Chiefs addressed Governor Simcoe as follows:—
"Father: We request of you to give your sentiments candidly; we have been these many years in wars and troubles; you have, from time to time, promised us your assistance. When is your promise to be fulfilled?"
"Their Father's Answer.
"Children: Your question is very difficult to be answered. I will relate an ancient history, perhaps before any of you here were born. When I first came into this country, I found it in the possession of your fathers, the French. We soon became enemies of each other. In time, the Great Spirit above gave the conquest in my favor. In those days the United States were my subjects. We lived in this state for many years after. At last the Americans began to act independently, which caused a rupture between us. The contest lasted for a while. At last we made peace. From that period they have been encroaching upon your lands. I looked on as a spectator—never would say a word; they have even named the rivers that empty themselves into the Ohio.
"Children: I am still of the opinion that the Ohio is your right and title. I have given orders to the commandant of Fort Miami to fire on the Americans whenever they make their appearance again. I will go down to Quebec, and lay your grievances before the great man. From thence they will be forwarded to the King, your father. Next Spring you will know the result of every thing, what you and I will do."
The particulars of this council, and the labors of Governor Simcoe and Captain Brant in otherwise tampering with the Indians, transpired through some prisoners taken by General Wayne, and also through the means of a confidential deputation of the Wyandots of Sandusky, who were disposed to peace. According to their statements, Governor Simcoe advised them not to listen to any terms of pacification, which did not secure to them their long-contested boundary. He moreover proposed to them to convey all their lands west of that river to the King, in trust, that a pretext might be furnished for a direct interposition of his Majesty's arms in their behalf. In furtherance of this object, he advised them to obtain a cessation of hostilities until the Spring following; when a great council of all the warriors and tribes should take place, which might call upon the British for assistance. The English would at that time be prepared to attack the Americans from every quarter, and would drive them back across the Ohio, and compel the restoration to the Indians of their lands.
Captain Brant's counsel was to the same effect. He told them to keep a good heart and be strong; to do as their father advised; that he would return home at present with his warriors, and come again in the Spring with a stronger force. They would then have the whole Summer before them for operations, and the Americans would not be able to stand before them. He had always been successful, and with the force they would then be able to bring into the field, he would ensure them a victory. He told them, however, that he could not attack the Americans at that time, as it could do no good, but would bring them out against the Indians with more troops in the Winter. He therefore advised the Chiefs to amuse the Americans with a prospect of peace until the Spring, when the Indians might be able to fall upon and vanquish them unexpectedly.
There was considerable division of opinion in the council; the Wyandots being inclined to peace, and also portions of the other tribes. But large presents were given, and the counsels of Brant and Governor Simcoe prevailed—the Indians returning to their temporary homes, consisting of huts and tents in the neighborhood of the fort at the Rapids. Captain Brant, however, left these councils under high displeasure toward the Chiefs of the three principal tribes, in consequence of some neglect which he construed into an insult. What was the precise nature of the circumstances, his papers do not disclose. But among those papers, is a letter from seven of the Chiefs of those tribes, couched in terms of humble apology. The following passages are cited from this letter:—
"The Chiefs of the three nations are very sorry, and in great trouble, that Colonel Brant was obliged to leave them so precipitately; that it was their intention to be in the greatest friendship with him, and that they intended to hold council with him immediately after that with the Governor was finished.
"They sincerely hope Colonel Brant will take their apology for not waiting upon him when his messenger arrived with his pipe. They own themselves much in fault, but are willing by their future services to convince him that they esteem and honor him.
"In token of friendship they send Colonel Brant their Union Belt of wampum, as a pledge that they now will, and their children in future generations will, be in peace and unity with him and the Six Nations, and wish a correspondence to commence immediately by express between them, on the most friendly terms.
"They have heard with grief that Colonel Brant departed hence with a heavy heart and full of sorrow for their negligence and misbehavior, and therefore send him an additional string of wampum to enlighten his heart, and renew friendship with him." [FN]
[FN] This letter, or "speech" as it was called, was signed as follows—the names being written in full by a gentleman named William Bailey, who subscribes the paper as a witness, and each Chief drawing his own mark rudely with the pen:—Aqushua, the mark of a Fox; Sowosat—a Beaver; Quagerwon—a Crane; Cucherwaskiseegua—a Hatchet; Bouemawcutus—a Wolf; Gowsowainse—a Turtle; Clappum—an Arrow-head.
Such was the posture of Indian affairs at the close of the year 1794; and the prospect then was, certainly, that another campaign of active hostilities must ensue. But it was otherwise ordered. The Indians themselves were growing weary of the contest, and becoming more and more convinced that they could not contend successfully against the Americans, of whose leader, General Wayne, they stood in great fear. Before the close of the season, it was ascertained that the warriors from a distance were re-crossing the Mississippi, declaring that it was useless to attempt longer to fight. In March, the difficulties between the United States and Great Britain were adjusted by the treaty of Mr. Jay, which, despite the influence of France and the fierce clamors of the democratic opposition, General Washington had the sagacity and firmness to ratify; so that the Indians were deprived of even the expectation of farther assistance from the accustomed quarter. The restlessness of the Six Nations, the Mohawks excepted, had been quieted by the victory of Wayne; so that no farther support could be anticipated from that direction. The result of all these circumstances was, that by the treaty of Greenville, concluded with the hostile Indians by General Wayne, on the 3d of August, 1795, the long, expensive, and destructive war, which had for so many years desolated that frontier, was terminated in a manner perfectly satisfactory to the United States. In the language of Captain Brant in one of his speeches delivered long afterward, "the Indians, convinced by those in the Miami fort, and other circumstances, that they were mistaken in their expectations of any assistance from Great Britain, did not longer oppose the Americans with their wonted unanimity. The consequence was, that General Wayne, by the peaceable language he held to them, induced them to hold a treaty at his own head-quarters, in which he concluded a peace entirely on his own terms." With this event closed the military career of Joseph Brant—Thayendanegea.
CHAPTER XIII.
Thayendanegea in civil life—His activity—His efforts to accelerate the civilization of his people—Difficulties respecting the title to his lands—Successive Councils and Speeches—Governor Simcoe leaves the province—Captain Claus appointed to the Indian Agency—President Russell—Brant's Speeches asserting the absolute Independence and Nationality of his people—Letter to Sir John Johnson—Correspondence with Lord Dorchester—The Count de Puisy—Letter of Brant to Thomas Morris—Sharp correspondence with Sir John Johnson—The St. Regis and Caughnawaga Indians, and the State of New-York involved in the land controversy—Brant's difficulties with the Caughnawagas—Letter to Thomas Morris—Brant's visit to the Caughnawagas—Council—Satisfactory explanations—Fresh difficulties at home—Norton's Mission to England—Plots against the character of Brant—Alienation of some of his friends—Conspiracy to depose him—Red Jacket and Farmer's Brother active in the plot—Character of Red Jacket—Brant deposed by an illegal Council—Letter to the Duke of Northumberland—A legal Council convoked—Brant meets his accusers, and defends himself—Another Council—Speech of Brant—Acquitted of all charges against him—Council after the return of Norton from England—Proceedings of Red Jacket's Council nullified—Brant re-instated—Letter to the Duke of Northumberland—Letter of the Duke in reply—Last letter of Brant to the Duke.
The termination of Brant's military life brought not therewith a state of inactivity. The proverbial indolence of his race in regard to all matters excepting the war-path and the chase, was not a characteristic of him. On the contrary, the history of man scarcely supplies a parallel instance of such active, unremitting, and unwearied public service, as well in the council as in the field, as was performed by this celebrated man, from the day when he first fleshed his youthful tomahawk at Lake George, until his death more than half a century afterward. The war of the American Revolution being ended, it has already been seen that he early thereafter directed his attention to the improvement of the moral and social condition of his nation. Nor did he lose sight of this object during the years of his active interposition in the complicated affairs of the western nations with the United States.
Mention has been made in a former chapter of the difficulties in which, subsequent to the Revolution, the Six Nations were involved, respecting their lands in the State of New-York, the adjustment of which repeatedly demanded the attention of Captain Brant. There were, likewise, similar difficulties to be adjusted with the purchasers of the Connecticut reservation in Ohio, respecting which formal negotiations were held. Nor did these constitute all his troubles. But a few years had elapsed after the grant of the Grand River country had been obtained, before difficulties sprang up between the Indians and the Provincial Government, in regard to the nature of the title by which the former were to hold their new possessions. The Chief and his people supposed that the territory allotted to them had been conveyed in fee by a perfect title. But in this supposition they were disappointed. There is scarcely a finer or more inviting section of country in North America than the peninsula formed by Lake Ontario on the east, Lake Erie on the south, and Lake Huron on the west—through the heart of which flows the Grand River. The Indians, therefore, had not long been in the occupancy of their new country, before the white settlers began to plant themselves down in their neighborhood. To a man of Brant's sagacity, it was at once obvious that in such an attractive region of country the approach of the white man would soon circumscribe the hunting-grounds of his people, within the narrow boundaries of their own designated territory. He also saw, and without regret, that the effect would be to drive his people from the hunter to the agricultural state; in which case, while his territory was too small for the former, it would be far larger than would be necessary for the latter condition of life. As a compensation for the loss of his game, therefore, he conceived the idea of making sales of portions of his lands, for the creation of an immediate fund for the benefit of the nation, and of leasing other portions in such manner as to ensure a perpetual revenue. There was no selfish design in this project, farther than may be found in the fact, that his own fortunes were identified with those of his people. However covetous Captain Brant may have been of honor and power, he was neither covetous nor mercenary in regard to property. In one of his speeches he declared, with all solemnity, that he had never appropriated a dollar of money, or its value in other property, belonging to his nation, to his own use. Nor had he ever charged his nation a dollar for his services, or even for his personal expenses, in all the journeys he had performed upon their business. All his personal wants, under all circumstances, had been supplied from his own private funds.
There was another consideration connected with his desire to make sales and leases of lands to white settlers. He was anxious to promote the civilization of his people; and in his first negotiations with General Haldimand, after the close of the war, he made provision for the erection of a church and school-house; and it is an interesting fact, that the first temple erected for the worship of the true God in Upper Canada, was built by the Chief of a people recently pagan; and the first bell which summoned the people to the house of prayer in that province on the Christian Sabbath, was carried thither by him. In the furtherance of his plans of civilization, the Chief knew very well that an increasing contiguous white population would be the means of introducing such of the common arts and employments of life, as would materially contribute to the comfort and happiness of his people, while at the same time their progress in civilization would be greatly accelerated.
But he had no sooner commenced disposing of some small portions of land, than the colonial government raised objections. It was alleged that his title was imperfect—that a preemptive right to the soil had been retained by the government; and, as a consequence, that the Indians had no right to sell a rood of ground, since it was their's no longer than they themselves should occupy it. The question proved a fruitful source of disagreement between the parties, and of perpetual vexation to the old Chief until the day of his death. Council after council was holden upon the subject, and conference after conference; while quires of manuscript speeches and arguments, in Brant's own hand, yet remain to attest the sleepless vigilance with which he watched over the interests of his people, and the zeal and ability with which he asserted and vindicated their rights.
Even his friend Governor Simcoe was among the most strenuous opponents of the claim of the Indians to the fee of the soil, and in one instance attempted to curtail their grant by directing the land board to run a line due west from the head of Lake Ontario, which would have stripped the Mohawks of the fairest half of their possessions. On examining the grant from General Haldimand, however, the Governor desisted from this purpose; but still was determined that the Indians should neither lease nor sell any portion of their grant, nor make any manner of use of it, excepting such portions as they should cultivate with their own hands. By these proceedings, the situation of the Indians was rendered truly uncomfortable. Reduced to a narrow strip of land of only twelve miles in breadth, their hunting was of course seriously affected; while their skill in agriculture was so imperfect, that some other resources were indispensable to their sustenance.
In order to define more clearly and explicitly the rights of the Indians, two other deeds were successively framed and presented for their acceptance—both of which were promptly rejected, as being less favorable than their original grant. Finally, in 1795, Governor Simcoe visited Grand River with his councilors, for the purpose of ascertaining, as he said, the real wishes and condition of the Indians. A Council was holden, and the Chief delivered an elaborate speech, containing the whole history of the grant, the circumstances under which it had been made, and the difficulties they had been called to encounter. Among other objections, it seems to have been alleged by the Provincial authorities, as a pretext for dealing hardly by the Indians, that the government had been deceived in regard to the location and value of the territory. General Haldimand had supposed that the territory in question lay a long distance from Niagara, and would not be approached by a white population for an age to come. These assertions were sternly denied by Brant, who declared that the Commander-in-chief, at the time of making the grant, was thoroughly acquainted with the situation, its peculiar advantages, and its value.
This conference with Governor Simcoe resulted in nothing more than a promise that the speech of Thayendanegea should be forwarded to Lord Dorchester. Governor Simcoe left the province soon afterward, and a change was made in the administration of the Indian department, by the appointment of Captain Claus to the Indian agency at Niagara. It appears that before his departure, the Governor had confirmed such sales as had been previously made by the Indians; but difficulties arose on making the surveys, which once more placed everything afloat. The consequence was, that another hearing took place before Mr. Claus at Niagara, in October, 1796, at which, in another written speech, the Chief gave a historical argument of his case. From portions of this speech, it appears that Upper Canada had already become infested with unprincipled land-jobbers, who were the especial dislike of the Chief. "I cannot help remarking," said he, "that it appears to me that certain characters here, who stood behind the counter during the last war, and whom we knew nothing about, are now dictating to your great men concerning our lands. I should wish to know what property these officious persons left behind them in their own country, or whether, through their loyalty, they ever lost any! I doubt it much. But 'tis well known that scarcely a man amongst us but what sacrificed more or less property by leaving our homes. I again repeat, that if these officious persons have made the smallest sacrifice of property then I think they may in some measure be allowed to interfere, although it may be well known that personal interest prompts them to it, not the public good."
This speech, the Chief declared, should be his final effort to obtain justice from the "great men below"—the provincial government meaning. If not successful there, he declared his purpose of proceeding to England, and bringing his case in person before the King. But this resolution was contingent, and was not kept. On the departure of Governor Simcoe, the Executive government of the colony devolved upon the Hon. Peter Russell, President of the Executive Council of the province. For the more convenient administration of the Indian affairs of the province, Mr. Russell was clothed with all the powers upon that subject previously exercised by the General-in-chief at Quebec, acting under the advice of the Superintendent-General of Indian Affairs, Sir John Johnson. Captain Brant lost no time in bringing the subject of his land title before Mr. Russell, and he speedily succeeded in part. The sales already made were confirmed, and the old Chief wrote to his friend and correspondent, Thomas Morris, Esq., then a resident of Canandaigua, that their difficulties respecting lands were nearly removed, and he had reason to believe that henceforth their affairs would go on to their satisfaction. [FN] The basis of the arrangement sanctioned by the acting Governor, was, that the lands then sold, or intended to be sold, by the Indians, should be surrendered to the government, which, upon the good faith of the agreement, was to issue grants to the persons nominated as purchasers by the agent transacting the land business of the nation. Captain Brant was acting in that capacity. The lands were of course to be mortgaged as security for the payment of the principal and interest of the purchase money. It was, moreover, the duty of the Agent to appoint three trustees, to receive the payments in trust for the Indians, and to foreclose the mortgages in cases of default—the lands to revert to the Indians. Captain Brant fulfilled his part of the agreement to the letter; but the government failed altogether to comply with its own corresponding duty. Some of the purchasers had paid their interest for several years, but could not obtain their titles; others died, and the heirs were in the like predicament, and the whole business became involved more than ever in difficulty. Added to all which, as the Indians themselves improved in their agricultural labors, the system of possessing all things in common operated unequally, and interposed great embarrassments to individual industry. But so long as the government refused to the Indians the privilege of disposing of the fee of the soil, the nation could not convey any portion of its own domain to its own people. [FN-2]
[FN-1] Letter to Thomas Morris, Esq, July 30, 1797. [Mr. Morris has furnished the author with a package of letters from Capt. Brant, written between the years 1796 and 1801, which, though chiefly upon private business, have nevertheless been found of use in the present work.]
[FN-2] Memorial of John Norton to the Marquis of Caurden.
There were other difficulties in the business, which it would be tedious to enumerate, the result of all which was, that the arrangement was in fact a nullity. Not only so, but the Mohawks felt themselves to be an independent nation, and they, or perhaps more correctly speaking, their proud and indomitable Chief, could ill brook submission to such a species of guardianship. The "satisfaction" arising from the arrangement under the auspices of President Russell, was consequently of but short continuance, and the Captain was compelled to fight his land battles over again. Many were the councils and conferences which succeeded, in all of which Brant was the principal speaker and defender of the rights of his people to the fee of their lands. The design of the British government was to hold the Indians in a state of pupilage, according to the practice of the United States; and consequently to allow them merely the occupancy of lands of which the government claimed the title. But neither the Mohawks nor their indefatigable leader would listen to any such doctrine; always, on all occasions asserting their own complete and entire independence as a nation. They were an independent nation in the Valley of the Mohawk, argued the Chief in one of his speeches, [FN] and were the undisputed owners of the soil of their country. Their right in this respect had never been questioned. On the breaking out of the war, they had relinquished their country—their all—because of their friendship and loyalty to the King. "In the year 1776," said the old Chief in the speech now referred to, "Lord Dorchester, then Sir Guy Carleton, at a very numerous council, gave us every encouragement, and requested us to assist in defending their country, and to take an active part in defending his Majesty's possessions; stating, that when the happy day of peace should arrive, and should we not prove successful in the contest, that he would put us on the same footing in which we stood previous to our joining him. This flattering promise was pleasing to us, and gave us spirit to embark heartily in his Majesty's cause. We took it for granted that the word of so great a man, or any promises of a public nature, would ever be held sacred." Again, in another part of the speech, the Captain remarked:—"We were promised our lands for our services, and those lands we were to hold on the same footing with those we fled from at the commencement of the American war, when we joined, fought, and bled in your cause. Now is published a proclamation, forbidding us leasing those very lands that were positively given us in lieu of those of which we a were the sovereigns of the soil. This, brothers, is surely a contradiction that the least discerning person amongst you must perceive, and which we think wonderful. Of those lands we have forsaken, we sold, we leased, and we gave away, when and as often as we saw fit, without hindrance on the part of your government; for your government well knew we were the lawful sovereigns of the soil, and they had no right to interfere with us as independent nations." In support of this assertion, the Chief proceeded to enumerate various sales and gifts of their lands; among which he mentioned the large and celebrated tract to Sir William Johnson, commonly called the Royal Grant, and for signing the conveyance of which the Captain asserted that he received a present of £fifty.
[FN] Speech delivered at a meeting of the Chiefs and warriors at Niagara before Colonel Scheaffe, Colonel Claus, and others, in August, 1803, on the occasion of a government proclamation forbidding the sale or leasing of any of their lands by the Indians.
The history of the whole controversy was very clearly stated in the speech just cited, and the argument throughout exceedingly well put. The Captain, in some of his speeches, dwelt with emphasis upon another feature of his case, affording a farther example of the magnanimity of the Mohawks in their dealings with the government, and the want of that attribute as evidenced in the manner of their requital. The Indians never asked of the crown any compensation for the vast tracts of their hunting-grounds relinquished by adhering to the cause of the crown. In a letter written to Sir John Johnson at this stage of the controversy, the veteran Chief cut with a two-edged blade:—"You know we demand nothing new. We have made no demand for compensation for our hunting-grounds, which were very extensive, nor for our wood-lands adjoining our improvements. All we ask is a confirmation of our just right to this very land, which we receive in lieu of those for which we received no compensation. I presume few loyalists have omitted charging, and receiving pay for their woodlands, as we did; many of whom received lands who had never possessed one foot before." [FN]
[FN] In a letter subsequently addressed to Lord Dorchester, after the relinquishment by that officer of the Canadian Government, Captain Brant estimated those hunting grounds relinquished by his tribe at more than two millions of acres.
But the prospect of obtaining justice from the Provincial Government becoming less and less favorable by the lapse of time, the Chief again directed his attention to the parent government. Availing himself of the return to Europe of the Count De Puisy, whom he describes "as a brother soldier and fellow-sufferer in the cause of loyalty," [FN-1] the Captain placed in his hands a succinct history of the troubles he was laboring to remove, with an urgent request that he would lay the same before his Majesty's ministers. By the same conveyance he likewise addressed a vigorous appeal to Lord Dorchester, then in England, enclosing to his Lordship a copy of his original promise to him (Brant) as written down in 1775, and also the subsequent confirmation of that promise by General Haldimand. [FN-2] He was, moreover, in active-correspondence upon the subject with the Duke of Northumberland, in whom the Mohawks had ever a constant friend.
[FN-1] In one of Captain Brant's speeches, dated October 28, 1800, this passage occurs:—"It had for some time been observed that the too large, uninhabited space between York and the head of the Lake was a great inconvenience to the communication by land, we therefore thought it a fit occasion to remove the difficulty, by presenting the Count de Puisy and his adherents a tract of land in this space—sympathizing with them as having suffered in the cause of loyalty, and being obliged to quit their native clime on that account, and seek an asylum in this uncultivated region. This was objected to," &c., &c. When the younger Brant visited London, twenty years afterward, he refers to the Count as then living in retirement in the neighborhood of that capital.
[FN-2] The copy of this letter to Lord Dorchester is not entire. Two foolscap pages have only been preserved, or rather, all but the first two pages has been lost.
These attempts to enlist the parent government in behalf of the Indian claim, were backed by the mission to England of Teyoninhokáráwen, alias John Norton, who spread the case before the ministers in a strong and lucid memorial addressed to Lord Camden, then one of his Majesty's ministers. Among other considerations, it was urged by Norton, that in case their lands should be released from all incumbrances, and every tribe and family be allowed to have their just portion of land confirmed to them, the province would be strengthened by the emigration thither of the major part of the tribes of the Six Nations, who still remained in the United States. It had, doubtless, entered into the policy of Brant to bring the ancient confederacy of the Six Nations once more together, within the jurisdiction either of England or the United States. The removal of the Mohawks into Canada had not dissolved the union of those nations, although their separation, thrown, as they were, under the action of different superior laws, and obliged sometimes to hold their own councils within the boundary of one nation, and at other times within the limits of another, could not but be attended with many embarrassments. Indeed, so numerous were the difficulties they were obliged to encounter, and such was the conduct of the provincial government in regard to their lands, that the Mohawk Chief not withstanding his attachment to the crown, had at one period contemplated withdrawing from Canada with his people in disgust. That such a project was actually entertained, appears by the following letter to his friend Morris:—
"Captain Brant to Thomas Morris, Esq.
(secret and confidential.)
"Grand River, December 26, 1800.
"Dear Sir,
"From our friendship, and the regard you have continually shown to Indians in general, I flatter myself you will be so good as to assist in what I am about to communicate to you.
"There are numbers of our people scattered about in the westward at Sandusky, the Miami, &c. I wish to have them collected in one place, and for that purpose intend making a purchase of the Western Indians, so that any moving from here may also find a place to go to. We are certain that the Indians there will be very happy at the proposal, and that they even would give it for nothing; but we rather wish to buy, that it may be indisputably our own. The favor I have to ask of you is, that you would please to oblige us so far as to sound some of your friends in Congress if such a thing could be confirmed by them, for if we should move there, we would desire to be under the protection of the United States. What you may say on the subject to any one, I hope you will do it in a confidential manner; you may learn the general sentiments in the way of conversation, without making known our real intentions. The reason of my being so cautious, is the great jealousy of the British.
"Dear Sir, I am in truth, Your sincere friend And humb. serv't, Jos. Brant.
"Thomas Morris, Esq."