In the opening chapter of the present work, the Rev. Dr. Stewart, formerly a missionary in the Mohawk Valley, and subsequently Archdeacon of the Episcopal church of Upper Canada, was several times referred to as authority for a variety of particulars in the early life of the elder Brant. The sketches of his life thus referred to, were in fact written by the present honorable and venerable Archdeacon Strachan, of Toronto, from conversations with Dr. Stewart, and published in the Christian Recorder, at Kingston, in 1819. There were portions of those sketches which gave offence to the family of Thayendanegea, and his son and successor entered upon the vindication of his father's character with great spirit. Dr. Strachan had used an unfortunate epithet in reference to the old Chief, and virtually charged him with having been engaged in the bloody affair of Wyoming; accused him of having entertained designs hostile to the interests of the crown; of wavering loyalty; and, before his death, of intemperance. These and other matters, contained in the before-mentioned sketches, tending seriously to detract from the respect previously entertained for the memory of the father, were repelled with vigorous and virtuous indignation by the son in the course of a correspondence with the Reverend Archdeacon; and were it not for the circumstance that the matter was in the end satisfactorily adjusted, some extracts from this correspondence might here be presented, by way of exhibiting the tact and talent with which a Mohawk Chief could manage a controversy in the field of letters. The offensive statements in the sketches of the Christian Recorder were clearly shown to have arisen from mistakes and misrepresentations; and in the course of the explanations that ensued, the conduct of the Archdeacon "was most honorable." [FN]
[FN] Letter of William Johnson Kerr to the author.
The difficulties between the Mohawks and the Provincial Government, respecting the title to the lands of the former, which the elder Brant had so long labored, but in vain, to adjust, yet continuing unsettled, in the year 1821 John Brant, alias Ahyouwaeghs, was commissioned to proceed to England, as his father had been before him, to make one more appeal to the justice and magnanimity of the parent government. He urged his claim with ability, and enlisted in the cause of his people men of high rank and influence. Among these was the Duke of Northumberland, the son of the old Duke—the Lord Percy of the American Revolution, and the friend of his father, who had deceased in 1817. The Duke, like his father, had been adopted as a warrior of the Mohawks under the aboriginal cognomen of Teyonhighkon; and he now manifested as much zeal and friendship for the Mohawks, in the controversy which had carried John Brant to England, as the old Duke had done for Thayendanegea twenty years before. The young chief likewise found an active and efficient friend in Saxe Bannister, Esq., a gentleman bred both to the navy and the law, who had resided for a time in Upper Canada. Mr. Bannister espoused the cause of the Indians with laudable zeal, and wrote several papers for the consideration of the ministers in their behalf. [FN] The result was, that before leaving England in 1822, the agent received a promise from the Secretary of the Colonies, Lord Bathurst, that his complaints should be redressed to his entire satisfaction. Instructions to that effect were actually transmitted to the Colonial Government, then administered by Sir Peregrine Maitland, and Ahyouwaeghs returned to his country and constituents with the well-earned character of a successful diplomatist.
[FN] Mr. Bannister afterward held an appointment in New South Wales, and subsequently still was Chief Justice of the colony of Sierra Leone, where he died.
But the just expectations of the Chief and his people were again thwarted by the provincial authorities. The refusal of the local government to carry into effect the instructions from the ministers of the crown, the pretexts which they advanced, and the subterfuges to which they resorted as excuses for their conduct, were communicated by the chief to his friend the Duke of Northumberland, by letter, in June, 1823. He also wrote simultaneously to Mr. Bannister upon the subject. A correspondence of some length ensued between the Chief and those gentlemen, and repeated efforts were made to compass a satisfactory and final arrangement of the vexed and long-pending controversy. But these efforts were as unsuccessful in the end as they had been in the beginning.
While in England upon this mission, the young Chief determined to vindicate the memory of his father from the aspersions that had been cast upon it there, as he had already done in his own country. Campbell's "Gertrude of Wyoming" had then been published several years. The subject, and general character of that delightful work, are too well and universally known to require an analysis in this place. With a poet's license, Mr. Campbell had not only described the valley as a terrestrial paradise, but represented its inhabitants as being little if any inferior, in their character, situation, and enjoyments, to the spirits of the blessed. Into a community thus innocent, gay, and happy, he had introduced the authors of the massacre of 1778, led on by "the monster Brant." This phrase gave great offence to the family of the old chief, as also did the whole passage in which it occurred. The offensive stanzas purport to form a portion of the speech of an Indian hero of the tale, an Oneida Chief, who is made to interrupt a domestic banquet, under most interesting circumstances, in the following strains, prophetic of danger near at hand:—
"But this is not the time,"—he started up,
And smote his heart with woe-denouncing hand—
"This is no time to fill the joyous cup,
The mammoth comes,—the foe,—the monster Brant,—
With all his howling, desolating band;—
These eyes have seen their blade, and burning pine
Awake at once, and silence half your land.
Red is the cup they drink—but not with wine:
Awake, and watch to-night! or see no morning shine!
"Scorning to wield the hatchet for his tribe,
'Gainst Brant himself I went to battle forth:
Accursed Brant! he left of all my tribe
Nor man, nor child, nor thing of living birth:
No! not the dog that watch'd my household hearth
Escaped that night of blood, upon our plains!
All perish'd—I alone am left on earth!
To whom nor relative, nor blood remains,
No!—not a kindred drop that runs in human veins!"
This paraphrase of the celebrated speech of Logan—less poetical, by the way, than the original—was illustrated by notes, asserting positively that Brant was the Indian leader at Wyoming, and proving his cool-blooded ferocity by citing the anecdote from Weld's Travels, quoted, for denial, as a note on a preceding page. John Brant had previously prepared himself with documents to sustain a demand upon the poet for justice to the memory of his father; and in December, 1821, his friend Bannister waited upon Mr. Campbell, with an amicable message, opening the door for explanations. A correspondence ensued, only a portion of which has been preserved among the papers of John Brant; but in a note of the latter to the poet, dated the 28th of December, the young chief thanked him for the candid manner in which he had received his request conveyed by Mr. Bannister. The documents with which the Chief had furnished himself for the occasion, were thereupon enclosed to Mr. Campbell, and the result was a long explanatory letter from the poet, which has been very generally re-published. Candor, however, must admit that that letter does but very partial and evidently reluctant justice to the calumniated warrior. It is, moreover, less magnanimous, and characterised by more of special pleading, than might have been expected. [FN-1] In addition to this, it appears, by a communication from the young chief to Sir John Johnson, dated January 22, 1822, that Mr. Campbell had not only expressed his regret at the injustice done the character of his father, but had promised a correction in the next edition—then soon to be published. This correction, however, was not made, as it should have been, in the text, but in a note to the subsequent edition; and although, at the close of that note, Mr. Campbell says, for reasons given, that "the name of Brant remains in his poem only as a pure and declared character of fiction," yet it is not a fictitious historical character, and cannot be made such by an effort of the imagination. The original wrong, therefore, though mitigated, has not been fully redressed, for the simple reason that it is the poem that lives in the memory, while the note, even if read, makes little impression, and is soon forgotten. [FN-2]
[FN-1] See close of the Appendix.
[FN-2] The note referred to, is as follows:—"I took the character of Brant in the poem of Gertrude from the common histories of England, all of which represented him as a bloody and bad man, (even among savages,) and chief agent in the horrible desolation of Wyoming. Some years after this poem appeared, the son of Brant, a most interesting and intelligent youth, came over to England; and I formed an acquaintance with him, on which I still look back with pleasure. He appealed to my sense of honor and justice, on his own part and on that of his sister, to retract the unfair assertion which, unconscious of its unfairness, I had cast on his father's memory. He then referred to documents which completely satisfied me that the common accounts of Brant's cruelties at Wyoming, which I had found in books of travels, and in Adolphus's and similar histories of England, were gross errors; and that, in point of fact, Brant was not even present at that scene of desolation. . . . I ascertained, also, that, he often strove to mitigate the cruelty of Indian warfare. The name of Brant, therefore, remains in my poem, a pure and declared character of fiction." This is something like knocking a man down, and then desiring that he would regard the blow as purely a phantasy of the imagination.
During his sojourn in London, the young chief seems to have paid considerable attention to the public institutions, particularly those of a humane and benevolent character. He was introduced by Mr. Butterworth to the British and Foreign School Society; and in his diary mentions an interesting visit to the Royal College of Physicians and Surgeons. Other objects of interest or curiosity, which attracted his attention, were noted in his diary, a small fragment of which only remains among his papers. The following entry is not very flattering to British beauty:—
"Thursday Evening, 16th May, 1822, I went to Mr. C. A. Tulk's, M. P. party, to hear a little music. There were twenty-two ladies—one only pretty—Casweighter, said to be the best violin player in Europe, and Solly, celebrated for the guitar and piano. I met a gentleman well acquainted with my father—formerly of the Queen's Rangers."
But his attention to other matters did not lead him to forgetfulness of the moral wants of his people. The war between the United States and Great Britain, the principal seat of which was in the vicinity of the Mohawks' territory, had had a most unhappy effect upon their social condition. Their farms had been neglected, their buildings had suffered from the same cause, as also had their church and schools. It is likewise probable, that after the decease of Thayendanegea, in the absence of a directing master mind, there had been but little advance in the work of public instruction before the war; and it was the design of young Brant, on his return to Canada, to resuscitate and extend the schools among his nation. For this purpose he procured an appropriation, in 1822, from the New-England Corporation for the civilization of Indians, which had been chartered as far back as 1662. After his return to Grand River, the young chief entered zealously upon the work, as appears from an active correspondence maintained for several years with the officers of that institution. The following extracts, from a mass of his letters, are given, not only as examples of his epistolary style, but for the purpose of showing the extent and nature of the exertions he was making, and the prospects of good which were opening upon him:—
"John Brant, (Ahyouwaeghs) to James Gibson.
"Mohawk Village, Grand River, U. C. }
19th June, 1824. }
". . . I have attended to the subject of your letters with the greatest satisfaction, and I hope that the report I am now about to make to you, will be equally satisfactory to the humane and benevolent members of the New England Corporation. I set out with observing that the appointed teacher conducts himself in every point of view corresponding to our expectations. The children are particularly taught religious and moral duties; the hours of prayer are rigidly attended to; and on the Sabbath the scholars attend divine service. Cleanliness is strictly enforced, and all laudable means are resorted to in order to excite a liberal spirit of emulation. Corporeal punishment is discountenanced, except in cases of flagrant indifference. Upon the whole, I have the pleasure of announcing, through the medium of you, Sir, to the Corporation, that the donation so liberally applied, will, in my opinion, be attended with the most salutary effects. It is an agreeable sight to observe the rising generation of the aborigines employed in acquiring knowledge, and in a spirit of true worship attending divine service on the Sabbath. . . .
"One of our tribes, the Oneidas, [FN] are very anxious to have a school established for them. The chiefs have assured me that not less than thirty children would attend the school if established. . . ."
[FN] A section of the Oneida nation. After the war of the Revolution, portions of all the Six Nations emigrated to the new Mohawk territory, although the majority of all the nations, except the Mohawks, remained within the United States—on their ancient territory.
"Seven of the oldest children in our school read in the Mohawk Prayer-book, repeat the catechism, and answer responses in church. The others use our primers, and spell very well in them to seven and eight syllables. The number of scholars is twenty-one. . . . I am sensible of the generous aid that the Corporation have already afforded, and I am requested by the Chiefs of my tribe to return their sincere thanks to the members of the New England Corporation.
"I am, Sir, Your very obedient servant, J. Brant, Ahyouwaeghs
"James Gibson, Esq. Treasurer New England Corporation."
"The Same to the Same.
"Mohawk Village, Grand River, U. C. }
19th July, 1826. }
"Dear Sir,
"After having visited the schools which are supported by the New England Corporation, where more than sixty children are taught to read and write in the Mohawk dialect and the English language, I beg to communicate to you the state of the church in our village. It being the first built in the province, is now in a very dilapidated state, and we have not the funds to rebuild. We have made an allotment of two hundred acres of land for the use of a resident clergyman, and fifty acres for the use of the school; and we have appropriated six hundred dollars, or £150 province currency, toward defraying the expenses of building a parsonage; and although that sum is quite insufficient for the object, yet it is the utmost we can do, considering the circumstances and wants of our respective tribes. We would be very thankful if we could obtain pecuniary aid sufficient to finish the parsonage and rebuild our church; and would rejoice to have a resident clergyman amongst us, who would not consider it too laborious frequently to travel to our several hamlets, to preach the Gospel of the meek and lowly Jesus; to visit the sick; and always to evince, not only by preaching, but by example, his devotion to the church of Christ.
"I am, dear Sir, Your friend and servant, J. Brant."
"Letter from the Same to the Same.
"Mohawk Village, Grand River, U. C. }
October 27, 1828. }
"Dear Sir,
"I have the pleasure to acknowledge your communication of the 17th August last, subjoining copies of the resolutions of the New England Corporation at a meeting held on the 8th of March, 1825. Permit me to repeat the grateful sentiments formerly expressed on the part of my tribe to the members of the Corporation for their liberal contributions, as also for the farther support they have now afforded to the most efficient and practical plans of promoting education and the diffusion of knowledge among the Mohawks.
"I have received a letter from the Rev. Mr. West, dated at New-York; but have not as yet arranged any plans with that gentleman relative to his mission; being satisfied, that after a personal conference and actual observation, we can in a much better way arrange such measures as may appear most beneficial.
"Mr. West mentions that he will visit me in the month of May next. I anticipate much satisfaction in meeting the reverend gentleman. It is undoubtedly the best mode of ascertaining our relative situations, circumstances, &c. &c. This I ardently desire for several reasons. It will enable the company to judge how far it may be useful to extend the means of education, and of the probable results; as also the difficulties in which, for very many years, a continuation of unfavorable circumstances has involved the Five Nations. To effect a complete change in manners and customs, that have been long established, will indeed be an arduous task. Let not the difficulties terrify us from the attempt. The more arduous, the more animating—inasmuch as if the attempt succeed, the reward will be great. Not that those who commence this work of humanity are to flatter themselves with the hope of seeing the complete effect of their labors; time will be required; and when the foundation is laid in the spirit of sincerity, no doubt can remain that, with the help of God, the edifice will be raised.
"With respect to that part of your letter which refers to the religious faith of a part of the Five Nations, I beg for a short time to defer a reply; as it embraces a variety of important considerations, in connexion with the attempt to introduce religious instruction among them. The first great restraint, as to civilization, is removed; I mean by their local situation, in possessing permanent, or rather fixed places of residence. The commencement must be among the youth, with mildness and assiduity. To render the task not only a good, but a lasting work, it will be necessary to obtain the consent of parents. Care should be taken to explain matters, that the object of instruction be understood as clearly as possible by the parents.
"In my next I shall draw on you for the amount appropriated for the building of the Mohawk and Oneida school-houses, as also for the schoolmaster at Davis's hamlet. This is a proper season for entering into contracts for building, as our sleighing season is nigh at hand, which affords great facility in the way of collecting materials. As you have not mentioned Lawrence Davids, I shall continue to draw for his salary as usual, out of the £200 appropriated by the Corporation in 1822.
"In my next I will tell you how the scholars get on. All my letters have been on business. I will in a few days write in a more friendly way, for I remember your kindness to me at Epsom.
"I beg my best respects to the Governor, Mr. Solly, and the other members of the Corporation, with whom I have the pleasure to be acquainted.
"I am, very truly, Dear Sir, Your obedient servant, J. Brant. Ahyouwaeghs.
"James Gibson, Esq., Treasurer New England Corporation, London."
These letters breathe the spirit of an enlarged and noble philanthropy, guided by true wisdom. The writer had formed a just estimate of the importance of the work in which he engaged, and the difficulties to be encountered; and he had the sagacity to perceive the only practicable method of accomplishing it—a knowledge of the only means that could be successfully adapted to the end. The society of which he was the judicious almoner appreciated his worth, and in the year 1829 presented him with a splendid silver cup, bearing the following inscription:—
"Presented by the New England Corporation,
Established in London by charter, A. D. 1662, for the civilization
of Indians,
To JOHN BRANT, Esq.,
Ahyouwaeghs,
One of the Chiefs of the Mohawk Nation,
In acknowledgment of his eminent services in promoting the
objects of the Corporation. A. D. 1829."
In the year 1827, Ahyouwaeghs was appointed by the Earl of Dalhousie, then Commander-in-Chief of the British American provinces, to the rank of Captain, and also Superintendent of the Six Nations. It was early in the same year that the Chief heard that a liberty had been taken with his name in the American newspapers, which kindled in his bosom feelings of the liveliest indignation. Those familiar with that deep and fearful conspiracy in the western part of New-York, in the Autumn of 1826, which resulted in the murder of William Morgan by a small body of over-zealous Freemasons, will probably remember that the name of John Brant appeared in a portion of the correspondence connected with that melancholy Story. The circumstances were these: It was well ascertained, that in the origin and earlier stages of that conspiracy no personal injury was designed against the unhappy victim of Masonic fanaticism. The immediate object of the conspirators was to send Morgan out of the country, under such circumstances, and to so great a distance, as to ensure his continued absence. But they had adjusted no definite plans for the execution of that purpose, or distinct views upon the subject of his destiny. Having abducted and illegally carried him away, those entrusted with his safekeeping found him upon their hands, and knew not what to do with or whither to send him. In this dilemma, one of their projects was to convey him to Quebec, and procure his enlistment on board of a British man-of-war. Another suggestion, under the supposition that the Mohawk chief was a Freemason himself, and would of course embark in any practicable scheme to prevent the disclosures of the secrets of Freemasonry, which Morgan was in the act of publishing when seized, was, that Brant should take charge of the prisoner, and cause his transfer by the Indians to the North-western Fur Company. But every device for the banishment of the unhappy man failed, and he was buried at the solemn hour of midnight in the rocky caverns of the Niagara. The suggestion in regard to the transfer of the prisoner to Ahyouwaeghs, however, became public, and for a time it was supposed by those unacquainted with his character, that he might have been consulted in regard to that murderous transaction. The imputation was most unjust, and was repelled with a spirit becoming the man and his race, as will appear by the following letter:—
"To the Editor of the York Observer.
"Wellington Square, Feb. 29, 1827.
"Sir,
"I have read a paragraph in the New-York Spectator of the 16th instant, wherein it is stated that the fraternity at Niagara had sent for me to receive and sacrifice the unhappy Morgan, of whom so much has been lately spoken.
"You will oblige me by contradicting this report, which is wholly false. Neither in that instance, nor any other, has such a barbarous proposal been made to me; nor do I believe the man exists who would dare to wound my feelings in such a heinous manner.
"I know nothing of the man, nor of any transaction relating to him; and I am much surprised that my name has been called in question.
"I am, Sir, your's respectfully, J. Brant."
In the year 1832 John Brant was returned a member of the Provincial parliament for the county of Haldimand, comprehending a good portion of the territory originally granted to the Mohawks. The right of the Indians to this territory yet depended upon the original proclamation of Sir Frederick Haldimand, which, according to the decision of the courts of Upper Canada, conveyed no legal title to the fee of the land. The Indians had been in the practice of conveying away portions of their lands by long leases—for the term of nine hundred and ninety-nine years—and a large number of those persons by whose votes Brant was elected, had no other title to their real estate than leases of that description. As the election laws of Upper Canada very wisely require a freehold qualification for county electors, Mr. Brant's return was contested by the opposing candidate, Colonel Warren, and ultimately set aside, and the Colonel declared to be duly chosen. [FN]
[FN] Letter to the author from the Hon. M. S. Bidwell, who sat in Parliament with the Mohawk Chief.
It was of but small moment to either candidate, however, which of the two should be allowed to wear the parliamentary honors. The desolating scourge of India—the cholera—was introduced upon the American continent in the Summer of that year, commencing its ravages at Quebec; and among the thousands who fell before the plague, as it swept fearfully over the country of the great lakes, were John Brant—Ahyouwaeghs—and his competitor.
He was a man of fine figure and countenance, and great dignity of deportment, though by no means haughty—having the unassuming manners of a well-bred gentleman. "The first time I ever saw him, was at a court at Kingston, where he acted as an interpreter on the trial of an Indian charged with murder. Another Indian was a witness. One of the Indians was a Mohawk and the other a Chippewa, of the Mississagua tribe. It was necessary, therefore, that the questions should be interpreted to the witness in one language, and to the prisoner in the other, which afforded me an opportunity to compare the sounds of the one with the other; and the harsh and guttural language of the Mohawk [FN-1] was, indeed, singularly contrasted with the copiousness and smoothness of the Chippewa. But what impressed me most on the trial, was the noble appearance of Brant, and the dignity and composure with which he discharged his duty." [FN-2]
[FN-1] Not "harsh and guttural," when spoken by the youngest daughter of Joseph Brant.
[FN-2] Letter to the author from the Hon. M. S. Bidwell.
Ahyouwaeghs was a member of the Church of England, though not a communicant. A number of his friends and relations were with him when he died, all of whom believed his death was that of a happy and sincere Christian. In closing the present imperfect sketch of this remarkable man, who had but just attained the prime of manhood, and was cut off as it were in the dawn of a career bright with hope and brilliant with promise, the Christian philanthropist may pause a moment in the contemplation of at least one proud example of what letters and civilization may accomplish with the sons of the American forest.
Elizabeth, the youngest daughter of Joseph Brant, whose name has already been repeatedly mentioned in the foregoing pages, was married several years ago to William Johnson Kerr, Esq. son of the late Dr. Robert Kerr of Niagara, and a grandson of Sir William Johnson. Mrs. Kerr, as the reader must have inferred from what has been previously said respecting her, was educated with great care, as well in regard to her mental culture as her personal accomplishments. With her husband and little family she now occupies the old mansion of her father, at the head of Lake Ontario—a noble situation, as the author can certify from personal observation. Though fully conscious of the delicacy due to a lady living in unostentatious retirement, yet, as the daughter of Joseph Brant, the author trusts that, should this page meet her eye, the enthusiasm of her father's biographer may plead his apology for introducing her before the public—more especially as it shall be done in the language of one of the fair companions [FN] of his journey:—
[FN] Miss Ann Elizabeth Wayland.
". . . Let, then, my reader present to himself a lady of rather more than middling stature, of dignified, reserved, and gentle address, most pleasing in person, and attired in a costume sufficiently Indian to retain the flow and drapery, but donned with the ease, adaptation, and grace, so peculiarly the attributes of an elegant mind.
"Let my reader mark the keen, penetrating glance of that dark eye, as now it rests upon the stranger, whose too eager interest might be deemed obtrusiveness, or anon, its soft, tender, or melting expression, when it falls upon the portraits of her brother, is cast upon her father's miniature, or bides upon her children.
"Let him mark the haughty curl of that lip as she speaks of those who depreciate her people, its sarcastic curve when she alludes to the so-called delineations of her father's character, or its fond smile as she looks upon her husband; let him have before him a being in whom mind rules every action, and predominates above all; and let him attach this idea to one who glories in the fact, that the blood of the Mohawk courses in her veins; and he will know the daughter of Joseph Brant. But no; he must yet learn that this mind and these energies are devoted not alone to her immediate circle; but have been exerted most faithfully for the improvement and well-being of her race. She has, within a few years, translated portions of the New Testament into her vernacular, and is devising various means for the elevation of the Indian character."
Colonel Kerr, her husband, is the eldest of three brothers, William Johnson, Walter, and Robert, all of whom bore commissions, and fought the Americans bravely on the Niagara frontier during the last war. They were likewise all wounded, and two of them taken prisoners, and brought to Greenbush and Pittsfield, whence they escaped, striking first upon Schoharie, and thence across the country from the Mohawk Valley, through the woods to the St. Lawrence—though, it is believed, not both at the same time. Walter was accompanied in his escape and flight by a fellow-prisoner named Gregg. In the course of their travels through the county of St. Lawrence, they fell in with a courier going from the American commander at Sackett's Harbor to General Wilkinson, then below, on his successful approach to Montreal. The fugitives had the address to pass themselves off for Yankees looking for lands, and obtained from the express such information as they desired. Gregg was disposed to rob him of his dispatches, but Walter Kerr would not consent. He subsequently died from the effects of his wound in London. Inheriting a share of Indian blood, from their grandmother, Molly Brant, the young Kerrs have been represented to the author by an American gentleman, who has known them well, "as being alike fearless in battle, and full of stratagem."
On the death of her favorite son, John, the venerable widow of Joseph Brant, [FN] pursuant to the Mohawk law of succession heretofore explained, being herself of the royal line, conferred the title of Tekarihogea upon the infant son of her daughter, Mrs. Kerr. During the minority, the government is exercised by a regency of some kind; but how it is appointed, what are its powers, and at what age the minority terminates, are points unknown to the author. The infant chief is a fine-looking lad, three quarters Mohawk, with an eye piercing as the eagle's. But the people over whom he is the legitimate chief—the once mighty Six Nations—the Romans of the new world—whose conquests extended from Lake Champlain west to the falls cf the Ohio, and south to the Santee—where are they? The proud race is doomed; and Echo will shortly answer, where?
[FN] This remarkable Indian princess died at Brantford, on the Grand River, on the 24th day of November, 1837—thirty years, to a day, from the death of her husband. Her age was 78 years.
NOTE TO THE FOURTH EDITION.
Since the 1st edition of this work was printed, the author has ascertained that his account of the battle of Queenston is not complete, nor entirely accurate although pains were taken to consult the best authorities, and all known to be extant. The reader, therefore, is requested to examine that account again, commencing at page 505, with the following amendments and additions.
The American force that first crossed the river, consisted of three companies, viz., those of Captains Wool, Malcolm and Armstrong. They were not undiscovered by the British, but were seen and fired upon before they reached the bank. The enemy, however, fled as the Americans landed, and the three companies mounted the bank and formed in line fronting the heights, Captain Wool commanding, as the senior officer. A few moments afterward, Captain Wool was informed of Col. Van Rensselaer's landing, and ordered to prepare for storming the heights—and soon the command was brought him to march. The detachment did march to the base of the heights, where it was ordered by an aid from Col. Van Rensselaer to halt; and in a few minutes it was attacked by a party of British from Queenston, which, after a short but severe struggle, was repulsed. In this affair, Lieut. Wallace and Ensign Morris were killed, and Captains Wool, Malcolm and Armstrong, and Lieut. Lent, wounded.
Shortly after this success, word was brought to Captain Wool that Col. Van Rensselaer was mortally wounded, and the detachment was ordered to return to the bank of the river. Captain Wool repaired to the Colonel, and volunteered to storm the battery on the heights—and this service was gallantly performed by the three companies of the 13th Infantry under his command, and a small detachment of artillery commanded by Lieuts. Gansevoort and Randolph. Through some cause, (probably the severe wounds of Col. Van Rensselaer,) full credit was not given to Captain Wool, in the official accounts, for his successful gallantry. From this point the narrative is correct, as it proceeds on page 507.
APPENDIX.
No. I.
[Reference prom Page 95.]
DESCRIPTION OF FORT PLAIN.
The following is said to be a correct drawing of Fort Plain, sometimes erroneously called Fort Plank. [FN]
[FN] Fort Plank, as it is written in the books, was situated two and a half miles from Fort Plain. The true name was Fort Blank, from the name of the owner of the farm on which it stood—Frederick Blank.
The Fort was situated on the brow of the hill, about half a mile north-west of the village, so as to command a full view of the valley, and the rise of the ground, for several miles in any direction; and hence it doubtless derived its name, because its beautiful location commanded a "plain" view of the surrounding country. It was erected by the government, as a fortress, and place of retreat and safety for the inhabitants and families in case of incursions from the Indians, who were then, and, indeed, more or less during the whole Revolutionary war, infesting the settlements of this whole region. Its form was an octagon, having port-holes for heavy ordnance and muskets on every side. It contained three stories or apartments. The first story was thirty feet in diameter; the second, forty feet; the third, fifty feet; the last two stones projecting five feet, as represented by the drawing aforesaid. It was constructed throughout of hewn timber about fifteen inches square; and, beside the port-holes aforesaid, the second and third stories had perpendicular port-holes through those parts that projected, so as to afford the regulars and militia, or settlers garrisoned in the fort, annoying facilities of defence for themselves, wives, and children, in case of close assault from the relentless savage. Whenever scouts came in with tidings that a hostile party was approaching, a cannon was fired from the fort as a signal to flee to it for safety.
In the early part of the war there was built, by the inhabitants probably, at or near the site of the one above described, a fortification, of materials and construction that ill comported with the use and purposes for which it was intended. This induced government to erect another, (Fort Plain,) under the superintendence of an experienced French engineer. As a piece of architecture, it was well wrought and neatly finished, and surpassed all the forts in that region. After the termination of the Revolutionary war, Fort Plain was used for some years as a deposit of military stores, under the direction of Captain B. Hudson. These stores were finally ordered by the United States Government to be removed to Albany. The fort is demolished. Nothing remains of it except a circumvallation or trench, which, although nearly obliterated by the plough, still indicates to the curious traveler sufficient evidence of a fortification in days by-gone.—Fort Plain Journal, Dec 26, 1837.
No. II.
[Reference from Page 153.]
"Copy of another paper in the same hand-writing, taken with the letter to General Haldimand from Dr. Smith.
"April 20,1781.
"Fort Stanwix.
"This post is garrisoned by about two hundred and sixty men, under the command of Colonel Courtlandt. It was supplied with provision about the 14th of last month, and Brant was too early to hit their sleys; he was there on the 2d; took sixteen prisoners. A nine-inch mortar is ordered from Albany to this fort, to be supplied against the latter end of May. The nine months' men raised are to join Courtlandt's.
"25th May.—Fort Stanwix is entirely consumed by fire, except two small bastions; some say by accident, but it is generally thought the soldiers done it on purpose, as their allowance is short; provision stopped from going there, which was on its way.
"John's Town.
"At this place there is a captain's guard.
"Mohawk River.
"There are no troops, or warlike preparations (as yet) making in this quarter; but it is reported, that as soon as the three years and nine months' men are raised, they will erect fortifications. From this place and its vicinage many families have moved this winter, and it is thought more will follow the example this spring.
"Schenectady.
"This town is strongly picketed all round; has six pieces of ordnance, six pounders, block-houses preparing. It is to be defended by the inhabitants; (except about a dozen) are for Government. There are a few of Courtlandt's regiment here; a large quantity of grain stored here for the use of the troops; large boats building to convey heavy metal and shot to Fort Stanwix.
"Albany.
"No troops at this post, except the Commandant, General Clinton, and his Brigade Major. Work of all kinds stopped for want of provisions and money. The sick in the hospitals, and their doctors, starving. 8th May—No troops yet in this place; a fine time to bring it to submission, and carry off a tribe of incendiaries.
"Washington's Camp.
"The strength of this camp does not exceed twenty-five thousand. Provisions of all kinds very scarce. Washington and the French have agents through the country, buying wheat and flour. He has sent to Albany for all the cannon, quick-match, &c., that was deposited there. Desertions daily from the different posts. The flower of the army gone to the southward with the Marquis De La Fayette.
"May 8th. They say Washington is collecting troops fast.
"Southern News.
"On the 15th of March, Lord Cornwallis attacked General Green at Guilford Court House, in North Carolina, and defeated him with the loss on Green's side of thirteen hundred men killed, wounded, and missing; his artillery, and two ammunition wagons taken, and Generals Starns and Hegu wounded.
"May 25th. Something very particular happened lately between here and New-York, much in the King's favor, but the particulars kept a secret.
"Eastern News.
"The inhabitants between Albany and Boston, and several precincts, drink the King's health publicly, and seem enchanted with the late proclamation from New-York. By a person ten days ago from Rhode Island, we have an account that the number of land forces belonging to the French does not amount to more than three hundred; that when he left it, he saw two of the French vessels from Chesapeake much damaged and towed in; that several boats full of wounded were brought and put into their hospitals, and that only three vessels out of the eight which left the island escaped, the remainder brought into York. Out eastward of Boston is acting on the Vermont principle.
"State of Vermont.
"The opinion of the people in general of this State is, that its inhabitants are artful and cunning, full of thrift and design. About fifteen days ago Colonel Allen and a Mr. Fay was in Albany. I made it my particular business to be twice in their company; at which time I endeavored to find out their business, and on inquiry I understood from Colonel Allen that he came down to wait on Governor Clinton, to receive his answer to a petition which the people of Vermont had laid before the Assembly; that he had been twice at the Governor's lodging, and that the Governor had refused to see or speak to him. Allen then said he might be damned if ever he would court his favor again; since that time they have petitioned the Eastern States to be in their Confederacy, to no purpose. I heard Allen declare to one Harper that there was a North Pole and a South Pole; and should a thunder-gust come from the south, they would shut the door opposite to that point and open the door facing the north.
"8th May. By this time it is expected they will be friendly to their King; various opinions about their flag.
"Saratoga.
"At this post there is a company belonging to Van Schaick's regiment, lately come from Fort Edward; which garrison they left for want of provision; and here they are determined not to stay for the same reason. A fort erecting here by General Schuyler. Two hundred and fifty men at this place.
"Fort Edward.
"Evacuated. Now is the time to strike a blow in these ports. A party toward Johnstown, by way of Division, and a considerable body down here, will effect your wish.
"General Intelligence.
"Norman's Kill, Nisquitha, Hill Barrack, and New-Scotland, will immediately on the arrival of his Majesty's troops, join and give provision. Several townships east of Albany and south-east, are ready to do the like. Governor Trumbull's son was hanged in London for a spy; he had several letters from Dr. Franklin to some lords, which were found upon him. [FN] No mention in the last Fishkill papers that Greene obliged his Lordship to retreat, as has been reported. The Cork fleet, of upward of one hundred sail, are safely arrived in York. No hostile intentions on foot against the Province of Canada."
[FN] The reference here is to Colonel John Trumbull, the former Adjutant General of the northern department, who, so far from having been hanged at the time mentioned, is yet living, (Feb. 1839,) having served his country faithfully and successfully in a high civil capacity since the war of the Revolution, but, more to its glory still, by his contributions to the arts. It is true, that at the tame referred to by the writer of these memoranda, Colonel Trumbull was in London. He had repaired thither to study the divine art which he has so long and successfully cultivated, under the instruction of his countryman, West, and with the tacit permission of the British ministers. Owing, however, to the intrigues of some of the American loyalists in London, who hated him bitterly, he was arrested in London during the Autumn of 1780, on a charge of treason, and committed to the common prison. He had a narrow escape, especially as great exasperation was kindled by the execution of Andre, and it was hoped that an offset might be made in the person of the son of a rebel Governor. West interceded with the King, and Trumbull was liberated. Colonel Trumbull's Memoirs, which are in course of preparation, will contain an interesting account of this affair, which was most disgraceful to those who compassed his arrest—Author.
"May 25. I just received advice from T. H. but before his arrival, I despatched a courier on the point of a sharp weapon, to which I refer you; and lest that should miscarry, I send you my journal, from which, and the extract sent forward, you may, if it arrives, form something interesting. For God's sake, send a flag for me. My life is miserable. I have fair promises, but delays are dangerous."
With the above was taken another paper in the same hand-writing, of which the following is a copy:
"Y. H. is disobedient, and neither regards or pays any respect to his parents; if he did, he would contribute to their disquiet, by coming down contrary to their approbation and repeated requests.
"The necessaries you require are gone forward last Tuesday by a person which the bearer will inform you of. I wish he was in your company, and you all safely returned, &c.
"My life is miserable. A flag—a flag, and that immediately, is the sincere wish of
"H. Senior."