This is to make known that Major John Peddie, Capt. Thos. Campbell, and Surgeon Willm. Cowdry, have been employed by the British Government to proceed from Senegal into the interior of Africa, to trace the course of the River Niger; and to obtain such information respecting the Countries through which they pass, as may be useful in the extension and improvement of Commerce which is the object of the British Government in sending those persons to Africa; and that any Person who may happen to meet with those Gentlemen, and shall be the Bearer of a Letter to the Governor of Cape Coast Castle on the Gold Coast, from either of them, shall receive five Ounces of Gold, and be liberally rewarded for any Service or Act of kindness which it may appear by such Letter may have been rendered to either of them.
Witness my hand at Coomasie the Capital of the Kingdom of Ashantee the 30th. day of July 1817
Wm. Hutchinson Resident
T. E. Bowdich Conductor of the Mission from Cape Coast Castle
We were present at the trial of Appia Nanu, who had accompanied his brother Appia Danqua in the last invasion of Fantee, and was ordered by the King, on his death, to take the command of the army, and prosecute the campaign. In the irritation of the moment, he exclaimed, before the royal messengers, that though the King did not prevent him from succeeding to the stool, and the honours of his brother, he kept back all the rock gold which belonged to the inheritance, and desired to wear him out in the pursuit of the revolters, to prevent his claim and enjoyment of the property of his family. From this time he was very inactive, and became suspected of cowardice; however, having succeeded in getting the head of one of the revolters, he returned to Coomassie; where he was coolly received, but not accused until the 8th of July. The witnesses were the messengers the King had sent to him, who had been concealed in a distant part of the frontier ever since, that Appia Nanu, believing the general report of their death, might be the more confounded when they burst upon him at the moment of his denial of the charge. He was deprived of his stool and the whole of his property, but permitted to retire with three wives and ten slaves; the King hearing the next day that he still loitered in the capital, exclaimed, that no proper man would bear so much shame before all the people, rather than leave his home, and ordered only one wife to be left to him, whereupon Appia Nanu hung himself. The King considers, that none but the basest spirits can endure life after severe disgrace.
The Moors celebrated the feast of Ramadan in this month: there was nothing curious in this ceremony. Men and women were dressed in their richest suits, and seated on large skins before their houses, for they occupy one street exclusively. They rose occasionally in small troops, made short circuits in different directions, saluted each other, and then sat down again. In the evening, the superiors exchanged visits at their houses; the one visited always accompanied the other some distance along the street on his way, where they exchanged blessings, and parted. The slaves who carried their small umbrella’s over their heads, seemed thoroughly jaded by this incessant parading.
The King regretted in one of his visits about this time, that they were not more frequent; he said, our conversation entertained him more than any thing else, because it told him of so many things black men never heard of, but when he wished to see us on that account, his great men checked him, and said, it did not become him as a great King to want us, but that he should only send his compliments, see us, and make us wait a long time when he sent for us to the palace.
CHAPTER VII.
Proceedings and Incidents until the completion of the Mission and its return to Cape Coast Castle.
On the 11th of September I received the Governor’s reply to my letter of the 10th of August.
Cape Coast Castle, August 25, 1817.
T. E. Bowdich, Esq.
Sir,
I have received your letter of the 10th instant. The boy and girl shall be disposed of under the protection of the Government here, agreeable to the King’s wishes.
The messenger (Ocranameah) has grossly misrepresented to the King, the reception he met with at Cape Coast; he was treated with the greatest civility during his stay, and on leaving, expressed himself gratified by the attention which had been shewn him.
For the King’s satisfaction, I have subjoined a list of the articles I made him a present of;[13] the three first which I gave him, on taking leave, will, when produced, convince him how much he has been deceived, and prove to him, that his recommendation of the messenger was not unattended to.
The Buntooko war, I consider a mere pretext for getting rid of the Resident; it cannot be the true motive: to oppose however, any disinclination to the measure, either on the part of the King or his principal men, would be entirely useless; the aversion to it has no doubt originated in the latter, with whom, under the present order of things, the Resident would be very unpopular; consequently unsafe. The eager desire which the King has manifested for enquiring into every trivial occurrence, is another cause of its being objectionable. The residence of a British officer would afford him the opportunity, not only of doing this, but of making demands which he might otherwise not have thought of. These and other circumstances, which were entirely unforeseen, have materially altered my opinion in regard to the Residency, which is certainly not so desirable as I before considered it. You will therefore, on your return, bring Mr. Hutchison with you.
I am not aware of any Ashantees having introduced themselves here, but such as were duly authorised by the King; you will however inform him, that none will be attended to unless they bear his cane.
As Mr. Hutchison is to return, it will be a most important point that you bring down two of the King’s sons for education, and I am very solicitous that you should accomplish this object if possible.
The Commenda palaver being terminated, there will be nothing to detain you longer at Ashantee. Your returning by way of Warsaw will be desirable, and I hope the King will not object to your so doing.
I am, Sir,
your most obedient Servant,
JOHN HOPE SMITH.
Coomassie, Sept. 16, 1817.
John Hope Smith, Esq. Governor in Chief, &c. &c. &c.
Sir,
I did not receive your letter of the 25th of August, until the 11th instant, four days after I had advised you of the execution of the treaty. I considered it my duty to acquaint you of every variation in the prospects of the Embassy, although, even when communicating the discouraging circumstances of my letter of the 10th ult. I could not abate my hopes, or allow doubt to sicken my exertions. I valued on the reflection, that I had not been heard before the King in vindication of the Residency; the motives of which I knew to have been grossly misrepresented by our natural enemies the Moors, to whose arts the suspicion of the natives have been suitably auxiliary. My confidence was justified by the favourable impression the King and the Government manifested, when the subject was publicly advocated; since which I have never heard of an objection to it: it has indeed, become a favourite measure with the superior captains, who, as far as may be judged from the respect and deference with which they have treated us from that time, seem not only to have been conciliated, but won by the recent circumstances of the negotiation. The terms of the treaty, by exceeding your expectations, will compensate for the accumulation of difficulties which have been opposed to us. We are taught to believe that no law has ever been enacted in this kingdom with equal solemnity, or an oath, so serious, been before submitted to by the King, or imposed on the captains. Had the treaty disappointed, instead of exceeded our expectations, I must have viewed it as inviolable, and submitted myself to your candour; which I would now, and justify myself by answering the reasonable apprehensions which have recently affected your opinion of the Residency, rather than by the plea that the treaty was executed before I received them.
If I had been convinced that it was dislike, and not suspicion, which actuated the opposition to the Residency, I should not only have considered it imprudent, but derogatory, to have persevered in the view; but, sensible that it was the latter, (from the evidence of the King’s deportment, and the knowledge of the intrigue and calumny excited against us,) I felt the greater anxiety for its accomplishment; since, to have yielded to suspicion, without every labour to eradicate it, would have been to have excluded ourselves from the kingdom hereafter.
If the King had been actuated, individually, by the desire of detecting the frauds of his messengers, I should have viewed the measure as pernicious; but the Government itself having anxiously recommended it, for the sake of their own interest, (Fort pay, and purchases from the treasury being always divided amongst the superior captains) I considered it harmless; and not solely from the power of its advocates, but also from the impotence of the royal messengers in state affairs, being generally attendants on the King, and therefore jealously watched by the other parts of the Government. This desire has only been addressed to me in two instances, both of which I think justified it: first, respecting the fort pay; it having been since proved, and confessed, that, out of 62 oz. paid at Christiansburg Castle in 1816 and 17, the Ashantee Government has been defrauded of 23 oz. by the messenger: and secondly, respecting the goods purchased by Ocranameah, where the fraud could not escape notice. Such peculations have probably, in the first case, given rise to doubts of our honour; and in the latter, have certainly proved a prejudice to the trade. On the occasion of Ocranameah’s baseness, I myself requested the King to allow me to address you for the particulars of his treatment; and if you consider the mischievous influence of the report, the fatality of the impression that the King’s Embassy had been subjected to contempt, whilst we had been treated with generosity and respect, you will admit that the disproof was imperious on me: he has been disgraced, and owes his safety to my intercession. Nothing but the most decisive conduct can arrest villainy here. The reports of Adoo Bradie have been highly flattering. The King will certainly have a better opportunity of making demands from the residence of a British officer; neither can I lessen the probability further than by my opinion, which though only indulgent of the people in general, is certainly favourable of the honour of the King, and the superior captains. The advantages and prospects of our preserving our footing by a Residency, have been too fully suggested by your experience, to require my dwelling on them.
I will proceed to acquaint you of the circumstances subsequent to my receipt of your letter, one of which had nearly been serious. After the settlement of the Commenda palaver, the King requested me to wait 10 days, which were afterwards extended to 15, as you were advised in his letter of the 31st ult. This time expired on Saturday last, but the King said then that we must not go until Monday. Accordingly, on that day, I delivered Mr. Hutchison written instructions (a copy of which I enclose) and sent several messages to the King to remind him of his promise. We were not sent for until six o’clock in the evening, when the King said he could not let me go then, nor before he had time to send me away properly. This I considered to be the mere affectation of state; I pleaded that your orders were binding, and that it was insulting to you, as well as dangerous to me, to prevent my respect of them, now every thing like business was settled. The King said he would only ask me to stop until Wednesday. I replied, that if he would give me his hand, and promise that I should go then, I would wait. No! he could not, but he would promise me for the Monday following. I saw that yielding to this would subject me to an indefinite delay. I told the King that I should be obliged to go, though unwillingly, without his approbation, and that not only my duty but his promise justified me. I had only to ask him if he still wished me to leave Mr. Hutchison? All the reply I could get was, that I might break the Law if I thought proper. I told them the Law would never be broken by an English officer, but still, if they were sorry that they had sworn to the Law, I would send for it and tear it in pieces before them; we did not make laws from fear. No! they liked the Law, and could not break it, but I might if I chose. I repeated my willingness to stay till Wednesday; the promise could only be given for the Monday: the King and the council retired abruptly. I followed them, told them I was obliged to be determined, and begged the King to shew his respect for you, and the friendship he had condescended to profess for myself, by considering your orders; this was construed as indecision; and Monday, or when the King has time, was the reply. I thanked him formally for all his kindnesses, told him I must go, and retired. It was necessary, at least, to make the attempt, although it was then eight o’clock. I left all the luggage in the charge of Mr. Hutchison, except two portmanteaus, the sextant, and the box containing my papers. We had scarcely proceeded fifty yards before the gong-gongs and drums were beat all around us, and we were attacked by a crowd of swords and muskets, headed by our house master Aboïdwee, who in the first rush seized the luggage and the flag. I felt myself compelled to attempt to regain the flag; and the value of my papers, and the impolicy of being intimidated by the outrage, were also considerations. I begged the officers not to draw their swords till the last moment, and taking the muskets, the butt ends of which cleared our way to the luggage, we fastened on it, with the soldiers, artisans, and our servants, who supported us vigorously. The Ashantees did not attempt to fire, but attacked us only with their heavy swords and large stones. We kept our ground nearly a quarter of an hour, though our belts and caps were torn away, and we frequently fell. At this time, Mr. Tedlie (who had regained his sword, which had been torn from his side) was stunned by a blow on the head, and as all were much bruised, and some of the people cut, I contented myself with the recovery of the flag, the sextant, and the papers, and we retired slowly to the house, not expecting they would follow us; but they did so, with a fury which led me to believe they intended our destruction. We posted ourselves in the door-way, and I immediately dispatched the canes by a back way to the King, to tell him we had not yet drawn our swords, but we must do so unless he rescued us immediately. The tumult did not allow expostulation, we had no alternative but to defend ourselves, which the narrow passage favoured. The captain, Aboïdwee, who was quite mad with fury and liquor, made a cut at me as I held him from me, which would have been fatal but for the presence of mind of one of the soldiers, through which it only grazed my face. We were soon rescued by the presence of Adoocee, the chief linguist, and Yokokroko, the King’s chamberlain, with their retinues. Nothing could exceed their servility, they offered to swear the King was not privy to the outrage, ordered Aboïdwee before them, and threatened him with the loss of his head. I told them I knew the King’s controul, and was not to be treated as a fool; he had forcibly detained us as prisoners, and must take the consequences; I should say no more. They continued their professions and entreaties upwards of an hour, and did all they could by their menaces to Aboïdwee, and their deference to the evidence of our people, to convince me of their discountenance of the outrage. I divided the people into watches for the night.
By day light the next morning all our luggage was returned, I refused to receive it. Yokokroko and Adoo Quamina then sent to say they waited below until we had done breakfast; a long palaver succeeded, of the same tenour as that of the preceding night. About 11 o’clock, the linguists, Adoocee, Otee, and Quancum; Yokokroko, and a crowd of captains came from the King with a present of 20 ackies, two flasks of liquor, and a large hog. I asked them if they came to put more shame on my face, by bribing me to settle the great palaver they had made the night before with the King of England. They flattered and menaced by turns to make me take it, and urged, that to refuse the King’s present was to declare war. I persisted in refusing every thing short of an interview with the King. The Cape Coast messengers, impelled by their apprehensions and their avarice, had the temerity to declare at this moment, that you had sent them as a check upon me, and that they knew I was not doing as you wished in talking so to the King, and that you would make a palaver with me for not waiting the King’s pleasure. It was necessary to annihilate the impression of such language immediately. I deprived them of their canes, and threatened to put them in irons. The King not long after sent his eunuch and followers to conduct us to the palace, where he had assembled the superior captains. We went in plain clothes, alleging that we dared not wear our uniforms as prisoners. The King said, I must not say that; he was my good friend, and would do me right; he did not think I would have tried to go without his leave, and never meant his people to fight with us, he would give me the heads of all those who led them on, and beg me himself for the rest, as I begged him for Quamina Bootaqua; he never begged any body before; he did not send the gold, as I thought, he sent it to pay for any thing the people had spoiled, and meant to do us right all the same; it would break his heart if the King of England heard he had used his officers ill, and if I liked him, I must settle the palaver easy.
Of course I would not hear of any heads being cut off, though they all pressed it repeatedly, and doubtless would not have regarded sacrificing a few inferior captains to varnish their allegation; yet, I must declare, it is my firm opinion, and it is supported by the evidence of our private friends, that the King and his principal men merely intended Aboïdwee to stop us, by placing his numbers before us and pleading the King’s orders, not dreaming of any outrage, or that the impetuosity of this man, irritated by the loss of his retainer at Cape Coast,[14] would hurry him to order his soldiers to assault us: he has not an atom of influence; but the King selected him as a near relative of his own, to succeed to Bakkee’s stool, to which 1700 men are attached: the King repeatedly offered me his head. To resume, the King requested us to drink with him, and then to shake hands, begged us to resume our uniforms, and ordered his own people to attend us at our house. I renewed the subject of our departure. The King said this was a bad week, and he did not like us to go in it, he would thank me very much to stay till Monday, and then he could get a proper present ready. Sunday too was the Adaï custom, and then I must put Mr. Hutchison’s hand in Adoocee’s, and Adoocee place it in his, and he would promise to take proper care of him before all the captains. Odumata and Adoocee came forward to give me their hands, as a pledge of their responsibility. I said I could receive no one’s hand but the King’s on such an occasion, but I ordered Quashie Apaintree to do so, and it was sworn to. The King then said Adoocee had told him the Cape Coast messengers had tried to put shame on my face—he was very angry with them—they ought to know God made white man’s head better than black man’s, and they must come before him, and put my foot on their heads. I told him, I could not let any one do so, but I sent for their canes, and entrusted them to them again, with a suitable reprimand. The King then begged me to receive his present, which I did, giving the people the hog and liquor, they had received another on the Friday before, which the King sent me, with 39 yams.
I have observed that the Government’s anxiety for the force of the Treaty, and for the Residency, has heightened in proportion to the indifference I have affected. I consider the affair of yesterday to have perfected the impression of our spirit. I certainly would not think of leaving any but an officer of the most considerate conduct as a Resident, and, I believe, Mr. Hutchison, by tempering his spirit with judgment, may safely realize the objects of the situation; if, however, on my return, you consider I have left him in a precarious situation, I volunteer my services to replace him, and deliberately to retire the Residency.
It occurs to me, the Amissa palaver may possibly be the design of this interval, if it should, you may rely on my remaining resolute on the subject.
I am, &c.
| (Signed) | T. EDWARD BOWDICH. |
Coomassie, Sept. 1817.
To William Hutchison, Esquire, British Resident.
Sir,
I am directed by the Governor in Chief to leave you written instructions for your future government.
The conviction of the honour and justice of our public negotiations, having procured us a footing in opposition to the arts which have been practised upon the suspicion of the natives, your conduct is looked to, with confidence, to support it, by originating an opinion of our moral character, equally auspicious to the benevolent views of the British Government. The simplicity of our religion, tolerating the calumny of the Moors, that we are destitute of any, you will have the satisfaction of perfecting the confutation, by a regular retirement to its duties, and by the practice of that benevolence and forbearance, equally congenial to the policy prescribed to us.
It would be premature, as well as dangerous, to direct any other than the tacit reproof of your own conduct and sentiments, to the cruelties consecrated by the superstitions of the Ashantees; you must be content to avoid the countenance of them by your presence, by adhering to the plea of the repugnance of your religion. This conduct, associated with a humanity always inclining you to induce mercy, whenever the offence, or prudence, may admit of an interference, will propitiate your own wishes, and the expectations of the Government.
The friendship and respect which the King, and the superior captains have manifested, will not only be preserved, but strengthened, by a dignified deportment, and a considerate use of the private intercourse these feelings have established; and you will cultivate the frequent opportunities of instilling into their minds, that education originated the pre-eminence of Europeans; and that peace is most auspicious to the greatness of a Nation, directing all its powers to commerce and the arts, and thereby founding its superior comfort, prosperity, and embellishment. The power and resources of your own country should be quoted to illustrate this truth; and you will impress that it is the experience of it, which has imposed the benevolent anxiety of the British Government, to improve the condition of the people of Africa, through the legitimate medium of commerce. This impression you will extend, deliberately, to the visitors from other kingdoms, particularly to those from the Sarem and Mallowa countries.
In encouraging the trade with the Coast, your measures must disprove any view but that of a fair competition; and your vigilance of the British interests must be distinct from any thing like jealousy, suspicion, or intermeddling: you will act as the advocate of the views of Europe, but not allow any interference to be imposed on you, without the sanction of the Governor in Chief, whose letters will be, exclusively, attended to, and to whom you will candidly communicate any circumstance or reflection, affecting our new connection.
You will repress, rather than encourage the disposition of the King and the Council, to detect imposition through your assistance, by confining your justifications, as much as possible, to public transactions; for although the Government is gratified by it, it may tend to make the Residency unpopular.
I enclose you a copy of the Treaty, and particularly direct your attention to the 4th article, which authorizes you to submit to every thing like a mediation, separable from responsibility, to the discussion of the Governor in Chief, for the sake of peace and humanity; but you will do this, invariably, with diffidence; without betraying any sanguine expectations.
You will be more sensible to insult than injury; and the most politic conduct will be, to declare that the British Government exacts from all its officers, on pain of disgrace, a firm repulse of the former; and that they dare not admit the influence of their private feelings, as in the latter case.
I leave you in possession of the esteem of the King, and the friendship of the superior Captains, and with every thing favourable to the objects of the Residency; but, should any caprice in the Government make you invidious to any thing like a party, or diminish their respect, you will immediately address the Governor in Chief, who will order your presence at Head Quarters. Another important consideration will be your health; also the character of the captain who may be left in charge of the capital, should the King go himself to the Buntooko war. Your personal safety is out of the question at present, but should the least doubt arise in your own mind hereafter, you must consult the Governor’s solicitude, rather than your own spirit.
You see the necessity of keeping in with the Moors; the flattering their intelligence is most conducive to this, and also elicits valuable information.
I shall afford you a perusal of the dispatch of the Committee, and the instructions of the Governor in Chief, to perfect the present.
I have directed Mr. Tedlie to leave you a supply of medicines, and you will take charge of the Resident’s flag.
I am, Sir,
your most obedient Servant,
| (Signed) | T. EDWARD BOWDICH. |
Baba had a great number of Arabic manuscripts; I have preserved a leaf finely illuminated. Apokoo astonished us by offering to lend us some books to read; he shewed us two French volumes on geography, a Dutch bible, a volume of the Spectator, and a Dissuasion from Popery, 1620. It was gratifying to recollect that this chief, now become so much attached to us, was the man mentioned in our early dispatches as snatching Mr. Tedlie’s sword from him, on the declaration of war, to make his oath against us the more inveterate. Telling the King one day that Mr. Hutchison’s and Mr. Tedlie’s countries, Scotland and Ireland, were formerly distinct from mine, he begged directly to hear specimens of the different languages, and was reluctantly persuaded that it was the policy of England to get rid of all national distinctions between her subjects. Apokoo was very fond of scribbling, and with a smile frequently begged to know what he had written. They could not comprehend how any hieroglyphic that was not a picture, could express an object. My name, said the King, is not like me. He was rather uneasy at my sketching; the Moors, he hinted, had insinuated that I could place a spell on the buildings I drew. I told him, without drawings, the people in England could not be convinced that I had visited him; he appeared satisfied, and begged to be drawn handsome.
There are only four direct descendants now living of the noble families which accompanied the emigration of Saï Tootoo, the founder of the Ashantee monarchy; none of them are wealthy, and Assaphi, who is one, is a beggar, wandering in the bush, having been disgraced from the highest favour, for the following fraud. An old linguist of the former King’s (Saï Quamina) having died at a distant croom, the King, according to custom, sent Assaphi with four periguins of gold, and a quantity of expensive cloths and mats to bury him; Assaphi kept the gold, and substituted inferior cloths of his own. The wife urged the great and zealous services of her husband to Saï Quamina, and her indignation at such a mean acknowledgment as the King had sent. Assaphi returned, reported her gratitude, and that every thing had been handsomely done, to the credit of the King. The wife privately dug up the cloths buried with the corpse, and suspecting the fraud, secretly conveyed them to the King, with a full account. The King sent for Assaphi and again enquiring the particulars, with seeming indifference, suddenly required him to swear to the truth, which he advanced to do, when the King said no! you must not swear, and the woman was immediately discovered to him with all the cloths. He then confessed the particulars, was stripped of every thing, and is now the more despised for not killing himself; and the King could not put him to death, as the direct descendant of one of Saï Tootoo’s peers. Part of the King’s reproach to him was curious: “my brother’s linguist did him great good, so when he and my brother, who now live with God, make God recollect all, and tell him the shame you put on him for me, in so burying him, God will kill me.”
A man and a woman were beheaded on the 17th of this month, for an intrigue: the woman was very handsome, and the wife of a captain: on their being suspected, both were ordered to drink doom, which choking them, they were immediately executed. The King’s sister sent for Mr. Tedlie to go and see her, he enquired into her complaint and recommended some medicine, which she very thankfully agreed to take; he prepared some for her, and went to give her the proper directions; upon which, she handed the cup to her husband, who beginning to swallow it very fast, Mr. Tedlie stopped him, and said he had only prepared sufficient for one person; the lady replied, “let him drink this to day, and I can have more to-morrow;” he told her that he had very little medicine, and could not afford to give it to people that were in good health: she did not appear pleased with this reasoning. A man of Assiminia, who had received medicine and advice from Mr. Tedlie on our march up, sent him a third present about this time, of fruit, vegetables, and wild deer, with the account that he was quite well.
Apokoo enquired very anxiously, why the King of England had not sent one of his sons with the presents to the King of Ashantee. He said he had himself conquered five nations, during the present and the preceding reign, and he named twenty one nations which now paid tribute to Ashantee; but he added, there were three countries which would not; two eastward, and one to the north-west; each of those eastward had defeated the Ashantees; the one north-westward, on the King sending for tribute, desired that he would come and take it, and afterwards entirely destroyed an Ashantee army.
Akrofroom, Sept. 26, 1817.
John Hope Smith, Esq. Governor in Chief, &c. &c. &c.
Sir,
The King only availed himself of our detention to introduce us to fresh ceremonies, and to augment the testimonies of his friendship. The Amissa palaver was not attempted, and nothing like design has disclosed itself.
On the Monday there was a general assembly of the caboceers and captains, the King of Dwabin being present, with his linguists, also several Dagwumba caboceers, and the Moorish dignitaries. The King announced the execution of the Treaty by himself and the deputies, and impressed, in a long speech through his linguists, that he would visit the least offence against it with the greatest severity. I was then requested to read it for the last time, and the King’s duplicate was executed in a similar manner.
In the evening, the King gave us our last audience before all his superior captains: a letter was dictated, which I shall present to you on my arrival; and Adoocee, the chief linguist, was formally deputed to receive Mr. Hutchison’s hand from me, and to place it in the King’s, who received it with a solemn avowal of his responsibility for the charge. The linguist then presented from the King,
To the Government, four boys for education.
To the British Museum, six specimens of the goldsmith’s work. (I had interested the King, by my account of this national repository.)
To the Governor in Chief, one boy, one girl, to be brought up in his service.
To Mr. Bowdich, one boy, one girl, and 2 oz. 6 ac. of gold.
| Mr. Tedlie, one boy, and 1 oz. | 4 ac. of gold. |
| Accra linguist, one cloth, | 10 ditto. |
| Cape Coast linguists, two cloths, | 10 ditto. |
| De Graaff’s messenger, | 10 ditto. |
| The officers servants, | 10 ditto. |
| The soldiers, | 10 ditto. |
I afterwards received a Sarem cloth and some trifles as a further dash from Apokoo; one sheep, &c. &c. from Baba the chief of the Moors; and 15 ackies of gold from the King’s linguists, with their acknowledgments of my firmness during the negotiation.
The King having a palaver at present with the Warsaws, objected so strongly to our returning through their territory, that after one or two attempts to over-rule his apprehensions, I found it would be imprudent to persevere in the wish, although the disappointment was great; the King assured me the Warsaw path was two days longer, and that he will not spare any labour on that of Assin directly after the war. I had permission to go some miles on the Warsaw path, to convince myself of its neglected condition.
The King’s favorite son (a child about five years old) whom he had dressed in our uniform for the occasion, was so alarmed at the idea of being given over to us, that the King’s feelings obliged him to promise me that he would send the children after me; he is too jealous of the advantages to allow those of his great men to participate, until his own family are first distinguished by them.
The King supplied me with bearers, and pressed me to take six hammock men in case of sickness; he would not hear of pay for any, and persisted in appointing one of his captains to take care of us. He yielded the point of an escort reluctantly, which I had combated from the consideration of the expense of a present to such a number. The King requested me on taking leave, to wait a short time until his captains had distributed the powder to salute as on our departure, and it being then dark, to proceed no further than a small croom just beyond the marsh, where the people should join us in the morning. The King and his captains were seated by torch light with all their insignia, without the palace, and we quitted the capital, preceded by the King’s banners, discharges of musketry, and every flattering distinction that could be thought of.
The King has provided one of the best houses for Mr. Hutchison, very superior to any we could have raised at so short a notice, and has anticipated every thing to make him comfortable, and respected; nothing could be more considerate or kind, than his speech to him on my taking leave.
A messenger of the King of Dwabin’s accompanies me for a suit of our uniform for the King’s wear, which I could not refuse.
I am, &c. &c.
| (Signed) | T. EDWARD BOWDICH. |
Coomassie, September 22, 1817.
Saï Tootoo Quamina, King of Ashantee, &c. to John Hope Smith, Esquire, Governor in Chief, &c. &c. &c.
Sir,
We are from this time forth good friends, and I shall send all the trade I can to Cape Coast Castle, and I hope that you will by and by have confidence in my word.
I beg you will send my best compliments to the King of England, and accept them yourself, in proof of my satisfaction of the purposes of the Embassy, and its happy termination.
You will call all the Fantee caboceers before you, and impress the importance of the Treaty, and exact their respect of it, as I have from all my great men and caboceers.
I hope you will always act towards me as a friend, and I shall always be ready to protect and support the British interests.
I wish you health and happiness, and all my captains send their best compliments to you.
I am, Sir,
your sincere friend,
The mark of Saï Tootoo Quamina.
Present,
W. Hutchison.
Henry Tedlie.
I will thank you to impress on the King of England that I have sworn not to renew the war with the Fantees, out of respect to him, and I shall consider them as his people. I hope therefore he will, in turn, consider if he cannot renew the Slave Trade, which will be good for me.
I hope the King of England will now let all foreign vessels come to the coast to trade, and you must say that the path is now clear to do as much English trade as your supplies will allow.
The following letter was sent after me, to Doompassie.
Coomassie, 23d September, 1817.
John Hope Smith, Esq. Governor in Chief, &c. &c. &c.
Sir,
The King of Ashantee desires me to request you will write to all the Governors of English forts, on the African coast, to order the caboceers of each town, to send a proper person to Cape Coast, and that you will add one messenger yourself; that they may all proceed to Coomassie to take the King’s fetish in his presence, that none may plead ignorance of the Treaty concluded between his Majesty and the British nation.
The King wishes me to express, that he is fully satisfied with the objects of the Mission, and that the Treaty may be read by me to all the Fantee deputies you may send for that purpose.
I am, &c. &c.
| (Signed) | W. HUTCHISON. |
My last private letters from Cape Coast Castle had imposed the most painful anxiety; the two lives naturally beyond all others the dearest to me, were imminently endangered by the seasoning illness of the country; one yielded to it before I could arrive, yet, under all the impatience of my affliction, I must confess, when I took the King’s hand for the last time, when I reflected on the benevolence, the solicitude, and the generosity I had experienced whilst my life was in his hands, affected by the most untoward and irritating political circumstances, by the aggravated suspicions of his chiefs, and by the poisonous jealousy of the Moors, there was a painful gratification in the retrospect, which blended the wish to linger another hour in listening to acknowledgments of esteem and obligation, more affecting than flattering, and enhanced by the consoling reflection, that they were the natural emotions of one of those monarchs we are pleased to call barbarians. Night was coming on, but as I had so positively declared before the King and his council, on the former occasion, that nothing should deter me from keeping my word in quitting Coomassie on this day, it would not do to delay even until the morning. A strict observance of your word, is every thing in the eye of a Negro. The King said, he would not beg me to stay, as I had declared I dared not; he would only ask me to go no further than Ogogoo, that night, and his people should join me early in the morning. Our exit was a brilliant scene, from the reflection of the glittering ornaments of the King and his captains by the torches; they were seated in a deep and long line, without the palace, accompanied by their retinues; all their bands burst forth together, as we saluted the King in passing, and we were enveloped in the smoke of the musketry. The darkness of the forest was an instantaneous and awful contrast, and the howlings and screeches of the wild beasts, startled us as we groped our way, as if we had never heard them before. The torches provided for our protection against them were extinguished in crossing the marsh, which had swollen to between four and five feet deep, and the descent to it from Coomassie was rocky and abrupt. The linguists and soldiers lost themselves in the forest, and did not arrive at Ogogoo until long after Mr. Tedlie and myself. The inhabitants were asleep, but they rose cheerfully, cleared the best house for us, and made fires. The next morning I received the dash of gold from the King’s linguists, in a Mallowa bag, with a long compliment; the conclusion of which was, that I must always be ready to use the same spirit and address, in talking a palaver for the King of Ashantee, as I had shewn in talking that of my own King. This testimony of their good feeling and esteem, which they could not avow whilst we were political antagonists, was grateful.
Marching through Sarrasoo, where we were liberally refreshed with palm wine, we halted in the evening at Assiminia. We were received with great hospitality by the principal man, who provided us with excellent lodging, to his own inconvenience, and presented us with some fowls. The path was almost a continued bog, for the rainy season had set in violently. The next day we marched through Dadasey to Doompassie, and occupied our former comfortable dwelling. One party spent the night in the woods. Thursday morning, the 6th, we had a short but most fatiguing march over the mountains dividing the frontiers, to Moisee, the first Assin town. The difficulty of procuring provisions until the people returned from the plantations, detained us in Moisee until four o’clock in the evening. As the stage from Doompassie had been short, (although fatiguing) I determined to proceed to Akrofroom, as we should gain a day by it. The Ashantees remonstrated, knowing the swollen state of the several small rivers, and the aggravated difficulties of the path from the heavy rain; but I was so apprehensive of being detained, by their pleading their superstitious observance of good and bad days for travelling, that I was afraid of seeming to yield to them, lest it might encourage the disposition. I recommended them to go back, and started without them, but they were soon at my heels, declaring, they should lose their heads if they quitted us. Mr. Tedlie, myself, a soldier, and the Ashantee next in authority under the captain, outwalked the rest of the party, and found ourselves out of their hearing when it grew dark. We lost some time in trying to make torches to keep off the beasts, and to direct us in the right track, for we were walking through a continued bog, and had long before lost our shoes. A violent tornado ushered in the night, we could not hear each other holla, and were soon separated; luckily I found I had one person left with me (the Ashantee) who, after I had groped him out, tying his cloth tight round his middle, gave me the other end, and thus plunged along, pulling me after him, through bogs and rivers, exactly like an owl tied to a duck in a pond. The thunder, the darkness, and the howlings of the wild beasts were awful, but the loud and continuing crash of a large tree, which fell very near us during the storm, was even more so to my ear. The Ashantee had dragged me along, or rather through, in this manner until I judged it to be midnight, when, quite exhausted, with the remnants of my clothes scarcely hanging together, I let go his cloth, and falling on the ground, was asleep before I could call out to him. I was awoke by this faithful guide, who had felt me out, and seated me on the trunk of a tree, with my head resting on his shoulder; he gave me to understand I must die if I sat there, and we pursued the duck and owl method once more. In an hour we forded the last river, which had swollen considerably above my chin, and spread to a great width. This last labour I considered final, and my drowsiness became so fascinating, that it seemed to beguile me of every painful thought and apprehension, and the yielding to it was an exquisite, though momentary pleasure. I presume I must have slept above an hour, lifted by this humane man from the bank of the river to a drier corner of the forest, more impervious to the torrents of rain; when, being awoke, I was surprised to see him with a companion and a torch; he took me on his back, and in about three quarters of an hour we reached Akrofroom. This man knew I carried about me several ounces of gold, for the subsistence of the people, not trusting to our luggage, which we could not reckon on in such a season and journey. Exhausted and insensible, my life was in his hands, and infested as the forest was with wild beasts, he might after such a night, without suspicion, have reported me as destroyed by them; this had occurred to me, and was an uneasy feeling as long as my torpor left me any. It was about two o’clock in the morning, and the inhabitants of Akrofroom were almost all asleep, for it was too rude a night for Negro revelry; however, I was directly carried to a dry and clean apartment, furnished with a brass pan full of water to wash in, some fruits and palm wine, an excellent bed of mats and cushions, and an abundance of country cloths to wrap around me, for I was all but naked. After I had washed, I rolled myself up in the cloths, one after the other, until I became a gigantic size, and by a profuse perspiration escaped any other ill than a slight fever. A soldier came up about mid-day, and gave me some hopes of seeing Mr. Tedlie again, who arrived soon afterwards, having left his companions in a bog, waiting until he sent them assistance from the town. Our gratification was mutual, for the only trace he had had of me was by no means an encouraging one; my servant meeting an Ashantee in the forest with fragments of my clothes, which he persisted he had not taken from any person, but picked up on his way. Mr. Tedlie (whose feet were cut and bruised much more than mine, and whose wretched plight made him envy the African toga I had assumed) after we had separated, and the storm had drowned our mutual hollaings, the howlings of the wild beasts meeting his ears on all sides, had just determined to roost in a tree for the night, when an Ashantee appeared with a torch, and conducted him out of the track to the remains of a shed, where four or five of the people had before strayed and settled themselves. Another party arrived at Akrofroom about four o’clock, and the last, with the Cape Coast linguist and the corporal, not until sun set; they had lost the track altogether, and spent the whole day, as well as the previous night, in the woods. We made an excellent duck soup, our grace to which was, “what a luxury to poor Mungo Park;” the name recalled sufferings which made us laugh at our own as mere adventures.
On Saturday the 8th we marched to Asharamang. Here we found great difficulties in getting provisions until the Ashantees came up, for Quamina Bwa’s knavery had been ascribed to us; and here, panyaring all we required, he had not given the inhabitants a tokoo of the gold. At length we were well supplied and comfortably lodged. The next day we marched through Kickiwherree to Prasoo, where we occupied a good house, and an Ashantee captain proceeding on an embassy, dashed us a supply of fowls and yams. We crossed the Boosempra early the next morning, and thence began to leave the rains behind us. Persevering in making but one journey of the distances which occupied us two and three days going up, we pressed forward, passing by our former bivouacs in the woods, scarcely distinguishable, until we reached the site of Accomfodey, for only one hut now remained; the wretched inhabitants having deserted it in terror of the Ashantees. The solitary Fantee who occupied it, had the address to assure me, that I should find much better lodging at Ancomassa, where we recollected to have left some comfortable huts going up, and we resolved to try another stage, and were recompensed by finding scarcely a wreck of the place, and some tattered sheds only instead of the sound roof we had quitted. We proceeded early the next morning, passed Foosou, which was entirely deserted, and marched until we found ourselves at sun set on the banks of the Aniabirrim. The people were all behind, and the Ashantees coming up about an hour afterwards, informed us they had settled themselves for the night about two hours walk distant. Unfortunately we had no flint, and after fasting all day, we had the mortification of losing our supper merely for want of a fire; the wood was all so wet that friction had no effect on it, we could find no shelter, and a heavy rain set in as it grew dark; fatigue luckily beguiled us of cold and hunger, and of our apprehensions of a visit from the beasts, who were howling about the banks of their watering place. I wrapped myself up in the Inta cloth Apokoo had given me, and wet as the ground was, I never slept better. Hence the forest visibly declined in height towards the coast. We pressed on by day light, found some excellent guavas to allay our hunger, and reaching Mansue, made a good soup of our fowls, peppers growing luxuriantly all around us. We waited until we heard of the people behind us, and then proceeded; about five in the evening I reached Cottacoomacasa, with the Dwabin messenger only. The place was deserted, and a body of Ashantee traders had occupied the remaining shed. I would not disturb them, but waiting until sun set for Mr. Tedlie, I left him a supply of guavas, and proceeded to Payntree. There was a charm in the name of that place, being but one journey from the sea, superior to the recollection of the former night’s adventure. It was a brilliant night, and the dark gloom and hollow echos of the long vistas of the forest, formed a fine contrast to the extensive areas (sites of large Fantee crooms destroyed by the Ashantees) into which we frequently emerged. The wild music and cheerful revelry of the inhabitants of Payntree stole upon my ear, and raised the tone of my spirits in proportion as the sounds strengthened.
A loud and continued shout warned me that I was announced; torches and music instantly encircled me, and I was conducted to old Payntree’s residence, who had built himself a new house somewhat in the Ashantee fashion. An excellent bed was prepared for me of an accumulation of mats and country cloths, and a famous supper of soups, stews, fruit, and palm wine. Quamina Bootaqua paid his respects, and old Payntree, Amooney King of Annamaboe, and two or three other caboceers, unknown to me, made a long adulatory speech, complimenting my ability, bewailing my hardships, and magnifying their obligations. I was requested to seat myself on old Payntree’s state stool, whilst they stood around me, and he begged me to listen to an air composed by his band on the occasion of the embassy, and its successful termination; “all would now be well, and Fantee revive and flourish.” I sat up till midnight, vainly expecting Mr. Tedlie and the soldiers; they awoke me by their arrival before sun rise; they had passed the night in a sound hut, on the path, which from the want of a torch had escaped my notice.
Hearing, as I expected, that there was a path from Payntree to Cape Coast Castle, avoiding Annamaboe (whence the Mission had departed), I determined to explore it, and Payntree furnished me with a guide. The country was beautifully diversified with hill and dale, but the soil was generally lighter and more gravelly than that between Annamaboe and Payntree. We passed through several groves of guava trees, and all the other tropical fruits abounded. Occasionally there were small plantations of Guinea corn, where a few wretched Fantees still lurked in the ruins of the crooms the Ashantees had destroyed. We passed through eleven which had been considerable, and now presented but a few mud houses scattered over extensive sites. Their names were Assequah, Daöoramong, Amparoo, Taächoo, Coorikirraboo, Perridjoo, Abikarrampa, Aquoitee, Miensa, and Amosima. The only water was near Amparoo; it was a large pond nearly two miles in circumference, and sixty yards broad, impregnated with vegetable matter. After travelling 15 miles, we climbed some very steep and rocky hills, apparently of iron stone, and descended into a flat country, continuing until a small rising about two miles from Cape Coast Castle, (which I judged to be 20 miles from Payntree by this interior path) opened the sea to our view; as delightful to our sight, as land would have been after a prolonged and perilous voyage. The shouts and greetings of the natives were a grateful introduction to the more congenial congratulations of our countrymen.