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Mission from Cape Coast Castle to Ashantee

Chapter 23: CHAPTER XII.
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About This Book

A first-hand account by the leader of a diplomatic mission from the Gold Coast to the Ashantee kingdom, recounting the route, reception, negotiations, incidents during treaty preliminaries and ratification, and the return journey. It combines narrative dispatches with practical observations and local diaries. The work's second half systematically compiles geography, history, political organization, laws, religious beliefs, customs, architecture, crafts, climate, population and trade, as well as language, music, materia medica, vocabularies, maps, and appendices offering natural history notes and recommendations for future interior missions.

“O Saï tĭntĭntoo, ma yūāyĭä pa pa.”
 O Saï great king! I laud thee every where, or exceedingly.

The Bentwa (see Drawing No. 6.) is a stick bent in the form of a bow, and across it, is fastened a very thin piece of split cane, which is held between the lips at one end, and struck with a small stick; whilst at the other it is occasionally stopped, or rather buffed, by a thick one; on this they play only lively airs, and it owes its various sounds to the lips.

The Mosees, Mallowas, Bournous, and natives from the more remote parts of the interior, play on a rude violin: the body is a calabash, the top is covered with deer skin, and two large holes are cut in it for the sound to escape; the strings, or rather string, is composed of cow’s hair, and broad like that of the bow with which they play, which resembles the bow of a violin. Their grimace equals that of an Italian Buffo: they generally accompany themselves with the voice, and increase the humour by a strong nasal sound.

The Oompoochwa is a box, one end of which is left open; two flat bridges are fastened across the top, and five pieces of thin curved stick, scraped very smooth, are attached to them, and (their ends being raised,) are struck with some force by the thumb. I can compare it to nothing but the Staccado nearly deprived of its tone.

The Ashantees have an instrument like a Bagpipe, but the drone is scarcely to be heard.

The rest of the instruments can hardly be called musical, and consist of drums, castanets, gong-gongs, flat sticks, rattles, and even old brass pans.

The Drums (see Drawing No. 7.) are hollow’d trunks of trees, frequently carved with much nicety, mostly open at one end, and of many sizes: those with heads of common skin (that is of any other than Leopard skin) are beaten with sticks in the form of a crotchet rest; the largest are borne on the head of a man, and struck by one or more followers; the smaller are slung round the neck, or stand on the ground; in the latter case they are mostly played with the inside of the fingers, at which the natives are very expert: amongst these drums are some with heads of leopard skin, (looking like vellum,) only sounded by two fingers, which are scraped along, as the middle finger is on the tamborine, but producing a much louder noise. The gong-gongs are made of hollow pieces of iron, and struck with the same metal. The Castanets are also of iron. The Rattles are hollow gourds, the stalks being left as handles, and contain shells or pebbles, and are frequently covered with a net work of beads; the grimaces with which these are played make them much more entertaining to sight than hearing.

I was fortunate enough to find a rare instance of a native able to play the radical notes of each tune; he is the best player in the country, and I was enabled to collect the airs now offered: with some of the oldest date I have also selected a few of the latest compositions. Their graces are so numerous, some extempore, some transmitted from father to son, that the constant repetition only can distinguish the commencement of the air: sometimes between each beginning they introduce a few chords, sometimes they leave out a bar, sometimes they only return to the middle, so entirely is it left to the fancy of the performer. The observation made on the time of the Sanko may be extended to almost every other instrument, but it is always perfect, and the children will move their heads and limbs, whilst on their mother’s backs, in exact unison with the tune which is playing: the contrasts of piano and forte are very well managed.

The singing is almost all recitative, and this is the only part of music in which the women partake; they join in the chorusses, and at the funeral of a female sing the dirge itself; but the frenzy of the moment renders it such a mixture of yells and screeches, that it bids defiance to all notation. The songs of the Canoe men are peculiar to themselves, and very much resemble the chants used in cathedrals, but as they are all made for the moment, I have not been able to retain any of them.

To have attempted any thing like arrangement, beyond what the annexed airs naturally possess, would have altered them, and destroyed the intention of making them known in their original character. I have not even dared to insert a flat or a sharp.

No. 1. is the oldest air in the whole collection, and common both to Ashantees and Warsaws; I could trace it through four generations, but the answer made to my enquiries will give the best idea of its antiquity; “it was made when the country was made.” The key appears to be E minor.

The old and simple air No. 2, is almost spoiled from the quick method of playing it, but when slow it has a melancholy rarely found in African music, and it is one of the very few in which the words are adapted to the tune. I think it is decidedly in the key of C major. The noun aganka, an orphan, is from the verb agan to leave. Oboïbee is a bird that sings only at night, for which I know no other name than the Ashantee. The Warsaw air, No. 3, also in C major, was composed in consequence of a contest between the two principal caboceers of that country, Intiffa and Attobra; one extremely thin and the other very fat; Attobra ran away, and is derided by Intiffa in the following satirical words:

Asoom cōōcŏŏrŏŏcōō ŏninny ăgwanny.

Asoom is a dolphin, which, as a beardless creature, is an epithet of the strongest contempt. The literal translation is,

The big dolphin runs away from the small man.

No. 5, which I should conjecture to begin in E minor, and to end in D minor, was occasioned by an English vessel bringing the report of a battle, in which the French were defeated and their town burned. The words are allegorical.

Abirrikirri croom ogah odum;
French town fire put in;
Ocoontinkii bonoo fum;
Great fighting man, wolf take you away;
Cooroompun coom agwun.
Cooroompun kills all goats.

Abirrikirri applies indiscriminately to all nations beyond the sea, as Dunko does to all nations far in the interior. Cooroompun is a very large insect of the genus mantis (soothsayer) frequently met with here, and the natives believe that it kills the sheep and goats by fascination, standing with its eyes fixed on those of the object, and swinging its head and body from side to side without moving its feet, until the animal falls in fits and dies.[122] Agwun is a noun of multitude, comprehending all the goat kind.

A long tale accompanies No. 6. An Ashantee having been surprised in an intrigue with another man’s wife, becomes the slave of the King, and is obliged to follow the army in a campaign against the celebrated Attah, the Akim caboceer mentioned in the history. The Ashantee army having retired, this man either deserted or could not join his division, and after concealing himself some time in the forest, was taken by a party of Attah’s, whom he addresses in the following words:

Eqqwee odin ahi,
Panther bush here (belongs to)
Minăwoo! Minăwoo!
I die! I die!
Me’din adoo croom,
Bush now my croom,
Minăwoo! Minăwoo!
I die! I die!
Babisseäche Minăwoo! Minăwoo!
For woman’s sake I die! I die!
Attah m’incomie! Attah m’incomie!
Attah don’t kill me! Attah don’t kill me!

The man’s life, it was added, was preserved when he urged that he understood how to make sandals. The key appears to be E minor.

No. 7, in G major, seems to convey the moral, that riches prompt mankind to wickedness, the word “makes” is understood.

No. 9, became a common song in March last in praise of the present Governor in Chief; who, in consequence of the famine occasioned by the preceding invasion from the Ashantees, daily distributed corn to the starving multitude: the words are even more incoherent and figurative than the others, therefore I have not written them, but the meaning to be gathered is, “Poor woman and poor child got no gold to buy kanky; good white man gives you corn.” It will be observed that the air much resembles No. 11, wherefore I suspect it is an alteration, and not a composition; although the key seems to be G major, and it is impossible to attach any key to the latter.

The dirge, No. 12, certainly in the key of C major, has been mentioned before, but here I must add, that in venturing the intervening and concluding bass chord, I merely attempt to describe the castanets, gong-gongs, drums, &c. bursting in after the soft and mellow tones of the flutes; as if the ear was not to retain a vibration of the sweeter melody.

No. 13, in D minor, is played by only two flutes, and is one of the softest airs I have met with.

No. 14, is an Accra fetish hymn, sung by one man and one woman, or more, at Christmas:

Afĭnaïē pweë,
The year’s ends have met,
Gnōr woorra
Somebody’s child
Mŏrbee.
Take blessing.

“Somebody’s child,” means the child of a person of consequence, reminding us of Hidalgos, “the son of somebody,” so applied in Spanish. Its regularity is surprising, and its transition from G major to C major is very harmonious.

No. 15, in G major, is a specimen of the Kerrapee or Kerrapay music, which I have made a point of preserving, as it appeared to me superior even to Ashantee. A young man acknowledges a crime he had attempted to conceal:

Kennĕödvay nooblou adomevai,
Oh pity! the palaver is spoiled,
Noodooloo adomevai,
It is found, it is spoiled;
Ēnnŏblou;
Think for me;
Dootŏh mĕ pŏ mĕ blōh,
Elders, settle it for me,
Adăn vō,
I am at a loss,
Iëe!
Oh!

The following is a translation of a long Ashantee song, with little or no air. The men sit together in a line on one side, with their sankos and other instruments; and the women in a line opposite to them. Individuals rise and advance, singing in turn.[123]

1st Woman. My husband likes me too much,
He is good to me,
But I cannot like him,
So I must listen to my lover.
1st Man. My wife does not please me,
I tire of her now;
So I will please myself with another,
Who is very handsome.
2nd Woman. My lover tempts me with sweet words,
But my husband always does me good,
So I must like him well,
And I must be true to him.
2nd Man. Girl you pass my wife handsome,
But I cannot call you wife;
A wife pleases her husband only,
But when I leave you, you go to others.

The oldest Ashantee and Warsaw Air.

A very old Ashantee Air.

Aganka oshoom noofa Oboibee oshoom noofa Aganka oshoomnoofa
Orphan cries at night · · · cries at night Orphan cries at night
wekirree wekirree oimiyow wekirree wekirree oimiyow wekirree
sad thing sad thing I’m sorry sad thing sad thing I’m sorry sad thing

Warsaw Air.

Ashantee Air.

Fantee Air.

An Ashantee Air.

An Ashantee Air.

  Onoompah yahpah onompah yahpah onoompah yahpah
(Makes) Person do bad · · · · · · · · · ·
sicca sicca onoompah yahpah onoompah yahpah
gold gold (makes) person do bad · · · · · · · ·
onoompah yahpah Akim sicca onoompah yahpah.
· · · · · · Akim gold (makes) person do bad.

Modern Fantee Air.

Modern Fantee Air.

Ashantee Air.

Ashantee Air.

A Fantee Dirge.

An Ashantee Air.

An Accra fetish Hymn.

Afinaiepwaëe gnorwoorra afinaiepwaëe
gnorwoorra gnorwoorra
gnorwoorra afinaiepwaëe gnorwoorra morbee gnorwoorra
gnorwoorra gnorwoorra morbee gnorwoorra

A Kerrapee Song.

Kenneovay nooblou adomevai Kenneovay nooblou adomevai
noodooloo adomevai ennoblou Dootoh me po me bloh adanvo Iëe

Fantee Air.

Fantee Air.

Ashantee Air.

Mallowa Air.

Mosee Air.

[121]“A few melodies in national music have been found incapable of harmony; such as the two first bars of the second part of the Irish tune called The Fair Hair’d Child.” Dr. Crotch.

[122]The power of fascination by the eyes, is believed and dreaded in those parts of Africa as mortal, whether exercised by the fetish priests against men, or by the cooroompun against animals. The idea prevailed in Pliny’s time, but it was ascribed to the voice. “In libro quodam Plinii naturalis historiæ legi esse quasdam in terrâ Africâ familias hominum voce atque linguâ effascinantium. Qui si impensiùs fortè laudaverint pulchras arbores, segetes lætiores, infantes amœniores, egregios equos, pecudes pastu, atque cultu optimas, emoriantur repentè hæc omnia.” A cooroompun will be found amongst the specimens for the British Museum.

[123]I never heard this sung without its recalling Horace’s beautiful little dialogue ode, (9. lib. 3) “Donec gratus eram tibi.”


CHAPTER XI.


Materia Medica and Diseases.

The report of the Materia Medica and Botany of Ashantee, was the only one which I was not required to furnish. It was afforded by Mr. Henry Tedlie, assistant surgeon, whose subsequent death has mingled a regret with the recollection of the Embassy, which the recall of my own sufferings, and the family affliction it entailed on me, could never have exacted. The intelligence reached me in England, to correct the pride of success by associating misfortune with it; for the recollection of Mr. Tedlie’s social virtues, of his enterprise and ability, makes it a severe one to myself, and to the world. Mr. Tedlie suffered severely from intermitting dysentery during the Mission, but I had hoped it would have been eradicated after his return. He had previously attended the expedition to Candy, and expired at Cape Coast Castle in the 27th year of his age. Throughout the Mission he indulged the feelings of the natives, in his professional capacity, with a patience few could have exerted; whether labouring under sickness himself, or disturbed in the moments of a scanty rest; he awed and conciliated the people by the importance of his cures, and thus contributed to the success of the enterprise.

“During the earlier part of our residence at Coomassie, the season was tolerably favourable to the gathering of plants, but we were then allowed to go out but seldom, and never beyond the town. Latterly, when better impressions succeeded, and our walks were unrestrained by limits or attendants, the rains not only checked, but generally disappointed my researches, by presenting the subject flowerless, (or in an unfit state for preservation,) and consequently not admitting their classification, as is too evident in the following list of such plants as are used as medicines by the Ashantees.

1. Cutturasuh. ([124]Chrysanthellum procumbens. Persoon. syn. 2. p. 471, Verbesina mutica Willd.) A small plant, a decoction of which is purgative, before boiling it should be bruised.

2. Adumba, (a species of Ficus.) The bark and fruit are pounded with Mallaguetta pepper and a small plant called awhinteywhinting, boiled in fish soup: two doses in the third month of gestation are said to cause abortion.

3. Koofoobah (Gloriosa superba. Linn.) is bruised with Mallaguetta pepper (lesser cardamom seeds) and applied to the ancle or foot when sprained.

4. Tandoorue (perhaps a Cupania or Trichilia.) The bark is pounded and boiled with Mallaguetta pepper; used for pain in the belly, and acts as a purgative.

5. Bissey. (Sterculia acuminata. Palis. de Beauvois, Flore d’Oware 1. p. 41. tab. 24.) The fruit is constantly chewed by the Ashantees, especially on a journey; it is said to prevent hunger and strengthen the stomach and bowels; has a slight bitter aromatic astringent taste, and causes an increase of the saliva while chewed.

6. Attueh. (Blighia sapida. Hort. Kew. ed. 2. vol. 3, p. 350. Akeesia africana Tussac Flor. des Antilles 66.) A decoction of the bark is said to be anti-venereal. The fruit is eaten.

7. Ricinus Communis Linn. Castor oil nut tree, 30 feet high here, and not a bush as on the coast: not used as medicine by the natives.

8. Apooder. (Two species of Leucas, of which one is hardly different from L. Martinicensis Hort. Kew. ed. 2. vol. 3, p. 409, the other is perhaps new.) A mixture of the bruised leaves with lime juice is applied to inflammations.

9. Hooghong. (A species of Urtica) is bruised, mixed with chalk, and drank by pregnant women to correct acidity in the stomach, heartburn, &c.

10. Accocottocotorawah. (Heliotropium indicum. Linn.) The juice expressed from this plant is snuffed up the nostrils in cases of severe head-ach. They also inhale the smoke of it into the nose.

11. Crowera (Acalypha ciliata. Willd. sp. pl.) is bruised with lesser cardamom seed, and rubbed on the chest and side when pained.

12. Enminim (a species of Vitis.) A climbing plant. The juice expressed from the leaves is dropped into the eyes when affected with opthalmia or pain.

13. Secoco. (Leptanthus?) A small marshy plant. Is pounded with lime juice and rubbed on the body to cure the crawcraws; a severe and obstinate species of itch.

14. Ammo.—The juice is applied to cuts and bruises.

15. Petey (possibly a Piper.) The leaves are pounded and applied as a plaister to inflammatory swellings and boils.

16. Abromotome.—The bruised leaves are used to discuss boils.

17. Yangkompro. (A syngenesious plant related to Cacalia.) The pounded leaves are applied to cuts and contusions.

18. Oeduema. (Musanga cecropioides Br. See Tuckey’s Congo, p. 453.) The hairy sheath or stipule of a large palmated leaved tree; it resembles a skin, is boiled in soup, and used as a powerful emmenagogue.

19. Semeney, (probably a species of Aneilema.) The leaves are pounded and applied as a plaister to favour the discharge of boils and collections of pus.

20. Wowwah (perhaps a Sterculia.) The inner bark of this tree is scraped fine and mixed with Mallaguetta pepper, and drank for colic and other pains in the belly.

21. Anafranakoo.—The bruised leaves are applied to discuss boils and other inflammatory swelling.

22. Kattacaiben (Leea sambucina.) A decoction of the leaves is drank every morning by pregnant women when they experience any uneasiness in the abdomen. The bark of the tree powdered is rubbed on chronic swellings.

23. Aserumbdrue (a species of Piper related to umbellatum.) The leaves are used in soup to allay swellings of the belly.

24. Ocisseeree.—The bark of this tree is used to stop the purging in dysentery and diarrhoea.

25. Gingang. (Paullinia africana Br. See Tuckeys Congo, p. 427.) The bark of this tree is used internally and externally, mixed with Mallaguetta pepper for pain in the side.

26. Cudeyakoo.—A very small plant. The leaves and stalk pounded are applied to eruptions on the head. A mixture of it with lime juice is applied to the yaws.

27. Affeuah (unknown) and Nuinnuerafuh (Hedysari species.) A mixture of the bruised leaves of these plants with Mallaguetta pepper, is rubbed on the body and limbs when swelled or pained: a decoction of them, with an addition of the plant Comfany (Alternantheræ, sp.) is used internally in the same cases.

28. Adummah. (Paullinia africana. The same as No. 25.) A decoction of the bark of this tree, reduced to powder with Mallaguetta pepper, drank once a day, stops the discharge of blood and cures the dysentery.

29. Tointinney (probably a Menispermum.) Is chewed with Mallaguetta pepper as a cure for a cough.

30. Apussey. (A leguminous plant, probably allied to Robinia.)

The bark of this tree pounded with Mallaguetta pepper is applied to the head in cases of head-ach.

31. Thuquamah.—The bark is pounded and drank in Palm wine, with Mallaguetta pepper, for pain in the belly.

32. Conkknoney, a dark purple coloured Toadstool, the size of a hazel nut, rubbed with Mallaguetta pepper and lime juice, it purges briskly. To stop the purging, a mess of boiled Guinea corn meal and lime juice should be eaten.

33. Suetinney.—(Brillantaisia owariensis. Palis. de Beauvois Flor. d’Oware, 2. p. 68 tab. 100, fig. 2.) A decoction of the leaves is drank for pain in the belly.

34. Soominna, (Tetandria Monogynia,) is bruised with lime juice and used to abate cough.

35. Thattha (Scoparia dulcis. Linn.)—The expressed juice of this plant is dropped into the ears when pained.

36. Aquey (Melia Azedarach. Linn.) A decoction of the leaves of this tree is used with Palm wine as a corroborant.

37. Dammaram (Mussænda fulgens. nov. spec.)

The diseases most common in the Ashantee Country are the Lues, Yaws, Itch, Ulcers, Scald-heads, and griping pains in the bowels. Other diseases are occasionally met with, I should suppose in the same proportion that they occur in civilized countries; but I do not know to what cause to assign the prevalence and frequency of one of the most unsightly diseases that can occur in any country: it is an obstinate species of ulcer, or, Noli me tangere, which destroys the nose and upper lip; it attacks women chiefly, although men are not exempt from it; there are more than 100 women in Coomassie who have lost the nose or upper lip from this cause alone: it commences with a small ulcer in the alæ nasi, or upper lip, the size of a split pea, excavated, with the edges ragged and turned inwards, it proceeds by ulcerating under the skin; the bottom of the ulcer is uneven, covered with a foul slough, of a very disagreeable smell, and the discharge is thin, watery, and very irritating: it seldom cicatrices before the alæ nasi and lip are completely destroyed; when it does cease, the skin is puckered and uneven, and has a very disagreeable appearance; the only remedy which the natives use, is an external application of bruised leaves; they seem to let it take its course, without being very anxious about a cure.

Framboesia, the Yaws, is a very frequent disease with the children of the poor and slaves: before the eruption takes place they are severely afflicted with pains in the joints, and along the course of the muscles of the superior and inferior extremities; in young persons, hard, round bony excrescences, the size of a walnut, form on each side of the nose under the eyes. The Natives either are not acquainted with a remedy for this enlargement of the bones, or if they are, they do not put it in practice. I administered alterative doses of calomel and antimonial powder with success, as it stopped the enlargement of the bones and caused them to be absorbed, and relieved the pain in the arms and legs particularly; during the exhibition of the alterative pills, a foul ulcer on the head got well: the natives apply a mixture of the plant Cudey-akoo, with lime juice, to the eruption, but apparently with very little benefit.

Psora, the itch, a very severe species of which, called craw craw, is a frequent disease, and is very contagious; it is most commonly met with in children, few of the Dunko slaves are without it, from their poor diet and extreme dirtiness; they do not seem to experience much uneasiness from it, as they seldom apply any remedy; sometimes they use a rubefaciant, made of a plant called secoco, bruised and mixed with lime juice.

Gonorrhœa is of rare occurrence, two cases came under my care, the patients had never used injections, they drank decoctions of leaves and bark, but could not tell me the plants they used; one of the ingredients, was a small plant call Cutturasuh, of a purgative nature. The disease is allowed to take its course by the natives, as they are unacquainted with any method to stop it.

Tinea Capitis, the scald head, is a common disease with the poorer sort of Ashantees and slaves, arising from their neglect of cleanliness; the applications which they use to cure it have seldom the desired effect. They apply plaisters of pounded leaves and charcoal, but do not wash the head. In one case, where a boy was placed under my care, he got well in eight days, by having his head very well washed with a brush, soap, and warm water; then a strong infusion of tobacco, applied with a sponge, and when the head was dry, a composition of resinous and mercurial ointment was rubbed on it.

Hydrocele occasionally occurs; they attempt to cure it by frictions of the castor oil nut, burnt and bruised with Mallaguetta pepper, but without any benefit. I drew off the water from one hydrocele, but, from our want of stimulants, could not perform any radical cure. Their applications to Inguinal hernia are equally ineffectual. They never attempt the reduction of umbilical hernia, although some are very large, and the disease very frequent.

When a fracture of the leg or arm happens, the part is rubbed with a soft species of grass and palm oil, and the limb bound up with splints. “If God does not take the patient he recovers in four months,” as they say.

I have not seen a single instance of fracture in the Ashantee country. Gun-shot wounds of the extremities, when the bone is fractured, are generally fatal, or, where a large blood vessel is wounded, as they are unacquainted with any method of stopping the hæmorrage; in fact they pay little attention to their wounded men; if they are not able to travel, they are abandoned. One of the King’s criers had his thigh dislocated at the hip joint with an anchylosis of the knee; the limb was considerably longer than the other, and the accident must have occurred a long time ago, as he walks very well.

During the time we remained in Coomassie, and from our first entrance into the Ashantee country, I was every day applied to for advice and medicines by those who were afflicted with diseases, of which the number was great, and in the capital more especially, from its very unhealthy situation, being entirely surrounded by an extensive tract of swampy ground, and the natives consequently very subject to dysentery and fever. On first entering the country I was applied to by numbers of patients, many of them miserable objects, from the effects of the venereal disease: to as many of those as applied, during our halt in a town, I gave boxes of pills and strict directions for their use, and told them if they came to Coomassie during my residence there, I would do every thing in my power to cure them. Many availed themselves of my offer, and attended me on my arrival. To those who had ulcers or wounds, I applied the proper dressings, and left with them lint, adhesive plaister, and ointment. Most of them as a mark of their gratitude, sent presents of fowls, fruit, palm oil, wine, &c. to me after I had arrived in the capital. One man in Assiminia, who was nearly in the last stage of existence from a complication of disorders, originating from lues venerea, after I had seen him, sent every week to Coomassie for medicines, and completely recovered. Another in Sarrasoo who had the worst looking ulcers of the inferior extremities, that I have ever seen, did the same, and with the same success. A great many caboceers attended me every morning with their slaves and children affected with dropsy, crawcraws, yaws, fever, bowel complaints, &c. and expressed the most unbounded thanks for the medicine and advice they received.

At the King’s particular request, I attended his own brother, the heir apparent, who had oedematous feet: by the use of friction, a roller, and an alterative course of calomel, and diuretics, he soon recovered.

The King’s uncle, heir to the crown after the brother, was severely tormented with stricture of the urethra; he could only pass urine, drop by drop; three weeks passing the catheter, enabled him to make it in a full stream; when he immediately requested some powerfully stimulating medicine to correct impotency, which it was not in my power to grant.

The captain whose office it is to drown any of the King’s family who have offended, had an ulcer two inches long in the palate bone; when he drank, part of the fluid passed out of his nose, and his speech was very unintelligible; the sides of the opening were scarified, and the granulations touched every third or fourth day with lunar caustic until they united; he got well in one month.

The only unfortunate case I attended, was our guide Quamina Bwa; shortly after we arrived in Coomassie he was attacked with remittent fever; by the use of febrifuge medicines, the cold bath, bark, &c. he recovered, and was able to attend his usual duty of waiting on us, when we visited the king; he went into the country, and I did not see him for six weeks; at the end of that time, he sent for me, and I found him labouring under a severe bilious dysentery, and liver complaint. I was unable to prevent the formation of matter in his liver; it formed a large swelling with distinct fluctuation, and as he hesitated to have it discharged by puncturing with a trochar, it burst internally, and he died. I had one case of cancer of the upper lip, although the disease is said rarely to occur in that part. This case had all the marks of a true cancer; I dressed it every day during the whole time I remained in Coomassie, but the effect flattered and disappointed me by turns.

The most importunate man for medicine, especially of an invigorating kind, in the whole Ashantee country, was old Apokoo, the treasurer and chief favourite. He was afflicted with inguinal hernia: I wrote to Cape Coast for a truss, which I applied, and it gave him immediate relief and satisfaction. He would take the most nauseous drug with pleasure. I generally gave him bark and peppermint water, which he regularly either sent or came for every day, during the two last months of our residence, and earnestly requested me to leave plenty of medicine with Mr. Hutchison, the British resident there. Most of the chief men were very earnest in their solicitations for me to give them stimulating medicines. I always assured them that it was impossible, that the English never used any, and that nothing astonished me more than that they should ask for such things. Their answers were, “they knew that the English had good heads and knew every thing, and must know that too, but I did not wish to give them any.”

A List of the Diseases which I have seen in the Ashantee country.

Febris remittens 2 cases
Hepatitis 1
Dysenteria mucosa 6
Colica 1
Anasarca 3
Ascites 3
Scrophula many cases
Syphilis many
Gonorrhœa 2
Stricture 3
Cataract 2
Staphyloma 5
Ectropium 1
Bronchocele many
Cephalagia many
Odontalgia 10
Ulcers 8
Framboesia many
Psora many
Hernia inguinal 1
Umbilical (hernia) many
Dracunculus 7
Tinea capitis many
Hydrocele many
Cancer 1
Elephantiasis 1
Lepra 7

[124]I am indebted to Mr. Brown’s knowledge for the names and references in the parentheses.


CHAPTER XII.


Mr. Hutchison’s Diary.

September 26. After we left the palace this morning, Apokoo invited me home to take some refreshment. He entered into a long conversation concerning the slave trade: he heard, he said, that an English vessel had arrived at Cape Coast, and had brought out a letter from the King of England to the Governor-in-Chief, ordering a renewal of the slave trade, and asked me, if I had received any letter. I said I had not, but if such a thing had taken place, I thought I should have early accounts. He enquired what were the objections we had to “buy men?” I told him what I conceived to be proper; he laughed at our ideas, and enquired if the king of Dahomey had not sent a “book four moons ago to Cape Coast, inviting the English to trade again, in his kingdom.” I replied there was a message sent, but I could not say exactly in what words, as I was at Dix Cove at the time. “England,” he said, “was too fond of fighting, her soldiers were the same as dropping a stone in a pond, they go farther and farther:” at the same time he described an enlarging circle with his hand, and shook his finger and head significantly at me. He was anxious for me to write a “proper book” on the slave trade, many slaves, he told me, had revolted, and joining the Buntokoo standard were to fight against them; there were too many slaves in the country, (an opinion I tacitly acquiesced in), and they wanted to get rid of some of them. There might be a deal of trouble from them; he alone had one slave, who had 1000 followers at arms, and he might trouble them as Cudjo Cooma did, who was a slave of his when he revolted, and whose adherents alone were 10,000, independent of runaways, &c.

In the afternoon the King sent me a ceremonious message, with his compliments, saying he would be glad if I attended him in his customs, &c. when he should sit in public. I replied that I would be happy to do so, as it was the King’s wish, except when human sacrifices were offered, but then it would be contrary to my inclinations, my religion, and my instructions.

Shortly after I was told the King was in the market-place drinking palm wine. I went for the first time and took my seat on his left. The King made me a present of a pot of wine, as did several of his chiefs. When he drank, the whole of the music played, while the executioners, holding their swords with their right hands, covered their noses with their left, whilst they sung his victories and titles. About half a dozen small boys stood behind his chair, and finished the whole with a fetish hymn. The King enquired how many servants I had, and several questions of the same kind. After sitting about half an hour the assembly broke up, the King rising first, which is the signal to retire.

Since the mission departed I have not been annoyed by any boys calling after me. After seeing Messrs. Bowdich and Tedlie through the town, on their going away, as I returned home the crowds thanked me as I passed, for staying. I suppose they hardly imagined, when it came to the last, that I would do so: indeed when I returned to my lodgings I found them solitary enough; and, in the night time, three men found their way into the house; one of my servants awakening, shouted out; I struck at one of them with my sword, but missed him: in the morning it was discovered that he had succeeded in stealing nearly half a sheep, a quantity of kankey belonging to the boys, and a table knife. I am not sanguine enough to imagine I shall be long allowed to take my walks unmolested; when the novelty of my remaining alone passes away, they will return to their old insolencies.

Monday 29. Paid Apokoo a visit, and dashed him a razor. Several people were there talking palavers, and wishing him to interest the King for them; among others, an old captain complained heavily of Quamina Bwa, our guide, but since dead, who he said had stolen a slave from him and sold him during the Fantee war; he had unavailingly applied to the family, he therefore wished it to be brought before the King.

Apokoo complained of head-ach, and one of his women brought a decoction of herbs, which she poured into a hollow piece of wood with two tubes, these were inserted in the nostrils, and the liquor poured in, while the head was held back, and afterwards spit out by the mouth; I have seen the same poured into the ear for a like complaint. He wished me to try a little of it; I of course declined it. He called one of his daughter’s, and wished me to consaw, or espouse her; I told him she was too young; he said that was nothing, as he would keep her for me: he added, the Ashantee custom was, if a great man’s wife with child took another man’s fancy, he consawed the child in the womb, and if born a girl, when she grew up she became his wife; if a boy, it was his to serve and attend on him, and he took care of it. Four ounces of gold it generally cost to consaw a girl. I said he was a rich man; “true,” he replied, “but it sometimes costs eight or ten ounces, sometimes only two.” Observing a bow and arrows standing in the room, I began to amuse myself with shooting them; he told me these were only for play, but when they went to fight, they tipped them with iron, and put a deadly poison on it, which caused almost instant death; the poison is made from vegetables boiled in a large pot, and the arrows steeped in it. He shewed me the marks of two arrow wounds which he received in battle. He then began to consult his fetish, by a quantity of strings, with various ornaments on one end to denote their good or evil qualities; these were mixed promiscuously together, and taking them in his right hand, he put them behind his back, and drew out one with his left; this was repeated about 20 times. A wicker basket was then brought on a small stool covered with a silk cloth, in it were two lumps like pincushions, made of eggs, palm oil, &c.: he then turned up the bottom of his stool, and making three holes in it with something like a cobler’s awl, he drove in three pegs with a stone, muttering to himself all the time, and waving each string round his right ear; an egg was then brought in broken at one end, and placed alternately on the lumps in the basket, and crushed on the stool where the pegs were put in: this he did every morning before he went out, to keep him out of bad palavers through the day.

Tuesday 30. This morning Apokoo invited me to take a share of his umbrella, and attend the King, who went to finish his ablutions. We walked along through an immense crowd; the streets were lined with the chiefs and their respective suites. We went down to the place where the King washes; a low platform was erected where the stools were laid on their sides. The linguists and officers of the household stood on one side holding gold rods and canes, the fetishmen formed a crescent to the north side. The King performed the ceremony of laving the water over himself, sprinkling the various articles the same as on Saturday, and the procession concluded as before.

On walking back Apokoo wished to try on one of my gloves, and as usual put it on the wrong hand; his gold castanets pinched him when the glove was on, which made him shout out rather lustily, and stop short, I called out “you stop the King;” “never mind,” said he, and his attendants pulled to get the glove off. The King sent to know what occasioned the stoppage, Apokoo held up his hand compressed, exclaiming, “Gamphnee,” (it hurts me,) and stopped till it was got off.

In the afternoon I called on Odumata, who said he was angry that I had not called before. I told him I came to thank him for allowing a slave boy he has, to do any thing for me; he said I might have him so as I fed him, I replied I would do so. He entered into conversation concerning the power of England over other nations, and the danger of going to sea; he had lived three years at Apollonia when a young man, and had seen many Portuguese, but did not like them, “as they were all wenches!” He seemed pleased that I did not like them either. He wished me to purchase a horse from him for eight ounces, I said I would give him four.“ “I must not want one, or I would not offer him so,” was his reply. I said that I had no place to ride it in, the country being all bush, and the King did not like me to go very far; he replied, they were soon going to fight, and, as I should go with them, it would be better for me to have a horse to ride than to walk. I answered, I should lay hold of some wild boar and gallop it; this observation struck him with astonishment, and stroking down his beard, he asked my servant if he thought I could do so, who replied, if I took it in my head I certainly would. Odumata said the people would think the devil was come among them. This he told me is the last day of the year, according to their calculation, but from what reason I do not know. In the Sarem countries, he told me, they work iron from the stone, and silver, gold, &c. into trinkets, better than in Ashantee. I enquired why they did not make iron here, as they have plenty of ore; his reply was truly African; “why should they do so, when they had plenty of gold to buy it, and could get it so near.” I told him of England’s resources from her own manufactories; he said it was not good for white men to know so much; if black men knew those things they would all run to England. When I got home I sent him a present of a razor, he sent two messengers to thank me, such is their fashion; and for even the smallest article they return thanks the next day. Odumata enquired why I did not get drunk sometimes, and come to see him then, I told him, were I to get drunk in Ashantee, I ought to have my sword broke over my head, that I had indeed got tipsey the evening before I came away, with my friends, and might perhaps do so when I returned, but not till then. He gave me some palm wine, and looked amazed at my swallowing only half a tumbler full, “he would drink three pots before he went to bed!” (about 15 gallons.)

Wednesday, October 1. The King dictated a letter to the Governor at Cape Coast, stating, that the King of Cape Coast had broken the law by insulting an Ashantee man, who swore, by the King of Ashantee’s head, that if the Cape Coast King did not kill him, he must pay 110 periguins of gold to the King. This practice, though it savours of madness, is yet often resorted to for revenge, as it is almost sure to end in the ruin of the other party. The Cape Coast King had threatened, that the Governor would put the Ashantee man in the slave hole till he died, which appeard to irritate the King very much.

The King then enquired if I had any yams at home; I told him I had a few of his last present; he told me he would send more to the house for me, which he did, and gave me 5½ ackies gold; then pressed me to take some gin and water; on his being told that it must be very little, for I was afraid of an attack of spleen and liver, and eat little and walked much, he said that was proper.

Thursday 2. Through this and the afternoon of yesterday I felt very feverish, not being able to get any sleep for the rats at night. I kept my room all day; the King sent a pot of palm wine in the evening. Adoo Quamina called.

Friday 3. Whilst writing letters, Apokoo sent his compliments and would be happy to see me; I went, and he said he was sorry he had not seen me for some days. I told him I was sick the two former days, and to-day was writing to my family how I liked Ashantee; he hoped I would give the King a good name in England. I should tell truth. He enquired if I would like to see his croom (village.) I replied yes! He was going there this evening, and if no palaver came, he would send his people for me in the morning, to carry me. He asked if I was not for one of his daughters, that he might be called my father. He then enquired why I did not wear my hair tied, and let my beard grow; he recollected Colonel Torrane and Mr. White having tails at the siege of Annamaboe, and they looked very handsome. He requested me to show him the skin of my arm, he gazed on it with seeming pleasure, begged I would allow him to touch it; on receiving permission, he rubbed his hand over it, exclaiming “Papa Taffia,” (very handsome) and repeated his invitation to go to the croom. I took my leave.

As I was going home I met a man white-washed, carrying a vessel covered over with a white cloth: this I have been often told is Tando fetish, but can learn nothing more. Music and a great crowd went with it to Adoo Quamina’s house, at the front of which they put it down, and sacrificed a child of Cudjoo Cooma’s, the Akim revolter, over it, as an annual sacrifice of the King’s.

Saturday 4. Apokoo sent his people for me in the morning, who took me to his croom, about three miles S.W. of Coomassie. The road was in good order, and newly cut on account of my going; his slaves all turned out to see me, many of them never having seen a white man before. Apokoo came to the entrance of the croom, which is small, to meet me, and took me into the place where he lives himself; it is like all country houses here, a square lined with palm leaves and thatched with grass; his own room, raised on the floor, painted with red inchuma or ochre, and at one end of it, his couch raised on wood with plaited palm leaves, and covered with large cotton cushions. Near his head hung three strings of fetish, made of gold, red earth, horn, and bone, in the shape of thigh bones, horns, jaw bones, &c. &c. One side of the square was fitted up with a forge and bellows to work gold; another served as a cooking place, and the fourth for his sons to sleep in. About 11 o’clock he went to one of the side places to eat, that he might not trouble me in his room, as he said. Before he began, small pieces of yam were laid on his fetish; a small table was then set before him, and clean water poured into a brass pan, with which he washed his right hand, and then eat with it:—they are careful not to touch victuals with their left hand. A large pot of yams and another of fish being boiled, he satisfied himself first; the remainder was then divided into as many lots as there were persons to partake; when the door was opened, and about twenty sons and daughters, with their calabashes, received each their mess. He had given my servant two fowls, some fish and yams, and told him to make any thing I could eat; I told him to make a soup of the fowls. When I was eating, Apokoo said he thought I was ashamed, and requested I would let him put down the screen; I told him I dared not eat much through the day, being afraid of sickness. He enquired if I wished to go to sleep, for his couch was at my service. I declined the offer, and he went to sleep himself. Shortly after, four of his wives came from town with a mess for him; he was awaked to know if they were to have admittance, as usual: he ordered them to set down the meat and go away; they pretended to do so, but sat down under one of the sheds, and began to annoy the slaves, but their stifled laughter soon awoke Apokoo, who stretched out his neck, and seeing them, told them in a passion, it was because I was there that they wished to stop, and that they had better be off; they took the hint and made their retreat. He got up to shew me his gold ornaments, which weighed 146 bendas (£1168.) and made his people kindle the forge fire to melt some rock gold to make a fish; but the mould not being perfect, it was spoiled. He enquired if ever I had been in a yam plantation; on my replying in the negative, we went to see one; he asked if I would allow him to ride in my hammock, I gave him leave; it was better than his basket, he said, except that he did not like his legs hanging down. He wished me to dig up a yam; the people brought me a long pointed stick, which is forced into the earth to loosen the yam, afterwards the fibres are cut with a knife. After I had dug up ten, he hoped I would accept of them as a present; yams are set like potatoes in Europe, they are put in the ground about December, so that they are nine months growing to maturity. He said he should not go to Coomassie that night, as he had to decorate his drums with tigers skins, but that he would be in on Tuesday. If I wished to come out and see him before that time he would send people for me, and be glad. I said I should come out some other time, but not so soon. I set off for Coomassie about six o’clock, having spent a very agreeable day.

About seven o’clock the King sent for me; on my going, he would trouble me, he said, to read a book he had that day found in a man’s possession. It proved to be a Danish note to the King for three ounces per month, dated August 1, 1811; it seemed as if a seal had been affixed to it, but the impression had disappeared, and it was very much worn. The King said he never knew of it; that an Ashantee captain had received and kept it, but he would enquire about it. His majesty wished me to drink something, I declined it; he hoped I was not sick, I said no, but drinking made my head ach; he hoped I would sleep sound, paid me many compliments that I cannot repeat; enquired of my servant if I was a good master, with other questions of the like nature.

Saturday 11. The King sent for me, and on going to the palace I found them in full council talking palavers. Adoosee was ordering a messenger to go to Quamina Bootaqua, to make him proceed to Cape Coast, and inform the Governor that Payntree had sworn by the King and had broke his oath, Bootaqua having sent word to the King of it; but they did not mention any thing to me. After this, Adoosee informed me, that messengers have gone from Amanfoo, sent by Sam Brue, to complain that the Cape Coast people had come armed against him to kill him. After hearing a long statement of grievances, they told me I must write to the Governor about it; I said I would, at the same time I assured the King that Sam Brue was a slave trader, and not to be tolerated at Cape Coast, his conduct was so infamous; they then called on his messenger to know what reason Sam had to leave Cape Coast; he entered at great length into the grievances experienced by Brue from the Governor in Chief and officers, because he owed eight ounces of gold; I was called in to reply, which I said I could not condescend to do, until I heard from the Governor in Chief, as they had sent messengers to complain to him. Adoosee charged four messengers with what they were to tell the Governor, making them take fetish and other formalities usual only on great occasions, thereby giving the affair an importance it did not merit. The King, on the breaking up of the council, said he would send for me shortly after, to write an account of the affair to the Governor; when I returned home, I did communicate the whole to the Governor, as the King’s letters are so hurried.

I heard nothing from the King all day, but at night a Fantee man called on me, who had been taken by the Ashantees in last year’s war, and whom I had been trying to liberate by speaking in his behalf to the King, and concerning four ounces of gold that had been taken. The captain concerned in it, to get quit of the palaver, had urged one of his wives to swear the man had lain with her; she accordingly made a formal complaint; the man was put in irons in the bush and only released yesterday morning as they thought to catch the King when he had some palavers pending, which would make him angry; they therefore brought it before the King yesterday morning, thinking he would order the man’s head to be cut off; but he told the King that this palaver was brought against him because I had spoken for him; the woman was called, who insisted the man had lain with her, the man denied it, and on being offered fetish he cheerfully took it, and swore by the King to the contrary. The woman would not do so, and the King ordered the irons to be taken from the man, and put on the woman, telling her, she had not looked at the man properly, as it must be some other person.

Tuesday 14. This morning a man was beheaded at the door of the house where I live, by Aboidwee, the house master: it appears, the man in question was brother to a caboceer, and presumptive heir to his property; tired of waiting so long he made fetish incantations, and other ceremonies peculiar to them, to destroy his brother; this coming to the brother’s ears, and also, that he had enjoyed one of his wives five times, he complained to the King and requested he would put the offender to death to save his own life; the King complied, and ordered Aboidwee to put the sentence in execution.

Wednesday 15. The Adaï custom. I went as usual with flags, and first received the usual offering of rum, and ten ackies of gold instead of a sheep. I called on Baba, the chief of the Moors, in the afternoon, who said he would teach me Arabic if I would teach him English; I said I would; but I am afraid he is too old for progress. I called on Odumata in my way back, who annoyed me as usual to drink palm wine, although it gives me a head ache. Akotoo, the King’s brother, was there, who said he had only seen me four times since the mission went away, and wished me to call on him. The conversation turned on the King’s going to war, and his anxiety for me to go and see how they killed their enemies, and he would give me gold to feed me. I was told by a Fantee man, that Sam Brue had procured 200 guns and a quantity of powder for the King, for slaves he had sold to the Spaniards now on the coast.

Friday 17. Deputies from the Warsaw states arrived a few days ago, to settle the differences between them and the Ashantees. It is thought, a fine to the King and future tribute may compromise the matter. Odumata informed me, that the slave ship has 600 slaves on board; and that, through Sam Brue’s exertions; he confirmed the report of the guns and powder.

Sunday 19. The heaviest rain, thunder, and lightning I ever saw, and has continued for several days and nights. About 7 o’clock A.M. the King’s drums announced his going to the market-place, where all his chiefs went and were drenched with wet till 2 o’clock P.M. when the King sent for rum and palm wine and dismissed them drunk and dirty. On Monday the scene was continued till the slaves had got the house covered in.

Tuesday 21. Agay the linguist returned from Assin, where he had been four months; and brought with him a number of Fantees and their families, as slaves. During the eruption of the Fantees in 1816, many of them ran to the Assin country to try and elude the vigilance of the King, but he heard of it, and sent Agay to demand them, who, after a long negociation, succeeded. A council was held at Abrassoo on the Barramang road, and the slaves were sent to Barramang to build a new croom for the King.

Sunday, November 2. The King has been busy for the last twelve days making fetish, &c. for the success of the war; the Moors going every morning to the palace for prayer and sacrifice: to day being Adaï custom, I went as usual, and received ten ackies of gold and a flask of rum, the foremost in the assembly, which was numerous.

Friday 7. A serious palaver has arisen between the King and Adoosee the chief linguist, he having taken a bribe from some person to misrepresent a palaver to the King; this coming to the King’s ear, he sent in a fury to Adoosee, who, on being charged with it, thought his life would be the forfeit, and sent an express to Apokoo to come and intercede for him; Apokoo being at his croom, it has been several times talked before the King, but no settlement, has taken place.

Several people have been making application to me to demand them of the King, as belonging to the forts, having been detained as slaves during the Fantee war, and when Winnebah fort was destroyed. They are commonly very old, and of the female sex.

Saturday 8. Adoosee has got his palaver settled by paying twenty ounces of gold, and six or eight sheep to the King; Adoosee’s friends alleged that he ought not to pay any thing, because when any palaver comes he settles it at once; but if he is not there, they have to go to council, which in fact is true; but notwithstanding his abilities, and that he takes his seat as usual, the King looks at him with a gloomy eye. The King has been busy making human sacrifices for the success of the war, at Bantama, Assafoo, and Aduma, in the evenings; and the Moors make their offerings of sheep in the palace in the mornings according to the moslem ritual. Though the zealous Christian may lament that the Gospel has not taken place of the fetish, yet the friends of humanity will rejoice that the King favours the Moors, as many lives have been saved that would otherwise have been destroyed at the present crisis. To day a bullock was offered up in the chief market-place, previous to the entrance of the chiefs, caboceers, &c. into the town, to meet in council, and determine on the method of conducting the war: in the afternoon, Boitinnë Quama, King of Dwabin, sent his compliments to me to announce his arrival. Shortly after, the various bands of music declared the arrival of the tributaries, &c.; the King of Ashantee took his seat in the market-place, and received their compliments as they passed before him. About nine o’clock at night Boitinnë, King of Dwabin paid me a private visit, and brought me a present of two curious Gennet cats.

Sunday 9. At day break the firing of guns, music, &c. announced a custom for the husband of the King’s sister (the second woman in the kingdom), he having died in the bush on Friday, about 7 o’clock; the King went to the market-place to make custom, and sacrificed two men; several others were killed by various caboceers. In the evening Apokoo and the other captains who are to exhibit their gold, paraded the streets, firing musketry, &c.; the crowd was great. At 8 o’clock, his majesty of Dwabin came with the messengers he sent to Cape Coast to have a suit of clothes, he said two trunks were at his house and he brought a sword to shew me, which the Governor had sent.

Friday 14. Before I got up, I was annoyed with a crowd of captains who began to annoy me for liquor. I ordered them out and desired a boy to keep the door fast. I sent a dash of wine, rum, sugar, soap, butter, and perfumery to the king, who was highly pleased. To all the principal captains, a dash of rum, wine, and sugar, till I had nearly expended my stock: the whole day was a continual annoyance from visitors, troubling me for drink, but as I was resolved to give to those only who were worthy, many of them were disappointed. This week past Apokoo and several of the captains have been making an exhibition of their riches; this is generally done once in life, by those who are in favour with the King, and think themselves free from palavers. It is done by making their gold into various articles of dress for show. Apokoo, who sent for me before his uproar began, shewed me his varieties, weighing upwards of 800 bendas of the finest gold; among the articles, was a girdle two inches broad. Gold chains for the neck, arms, legs, &c. ornaments for the ancles of all descriptions, consisting of manacles, with keys, bells, chairs, and padlocks. For his numerous family of wives, children, and captains, were armlets and various ornaments. A superb war cap of eagle’s feathers, fetishes, Moorish charms, &c. Moorish caps, silk dresses, purses, bags, &c. made of monkey skin. Fans, with ivory handles, made of tiger skin, and decorated with silk. New umbrellas made in fantastical shapes, gold swords and figures of animals, birds, beasts, and fishes of the same metal; his drums, and various instruments of music, were covered with tiger skin, with red belts for hanging them. Ivory arrows and bows, covered with silk and skins, and many other weapons of war or fancy, such as the mind in a like situation would devise. Apokoo was anxious that I should come and see him when out, but from the noise, I judged that they were too turbulent for me to venture without a chance of being insulted.

Saturday 15. Again annoyed by the people wishing for drink. Apokoo called with his retinue to thank me; for the Governor had given his people a flask of Jamaica rum. He had got three days to play, as he called it, and was sorry that he had not seen me. I told him I had very seldom been out, except when there was no noise, as the people were so unruly in the evening.

Monday 17. In the afternoon Apokoo sent a message, saying he was come to the door of the house to play and shew me his gold, hoping I would come out. I went and found a Moorish carpet spread, at one end of which I was seated under an umbrella, while Apokoo and his wives, children, and captains danced by turns before me. Some of his young wives were dressed with great taste, a rich silk cloth with a bag made of fine fur, slung over the shoulder, studded with gold ornaments: on the left shoulder they held a pistol, and in the right hand a silver bow and arrow. During the dance, if Apokoo was pleased with them he took the bow and hung it on some of the ornaments, when she retired from the dance; this was a strong mark of approbation, if I may judge from the applause that followed: to some he gave a little gold. Several times he took from their necks various ornaments which he placed on my knees and over my left shoulder; this was the greatest mark of honour he could shew me; and his band played a tune in praise of England, and of our abilities in settling differences. Many of the captains sent him presents of gold and rum. I gave him a large flask of wine, which he said pleased him more than all the others, as it would shew the people I thought him a good man.

Thursday 20. The Moorish caboceer of Alphia called to day, requesting I would allow him to bring his brother and nephew who had arrived, as they wished to see me: on receiving my permission he sent for them, and as they immediately made their appearance, they must have been waiting at the door. I shewed them a compass, sand-glass, quadrant, some phosphorus, and several other things; at the sight of each they bent their heads to the ground, exclaiming “Allahoo Akabir!” God is great. I gave the caboceer a wax candle, piece of a perfumed soap (which he was going to eat!) a flask of Jamaica rum, and some sugar; things he had never seen before: he begged to be allowed to touch my hand, and continued calling out Ah! bielane Wasieh! Ah Nasara! Ah white visier! Ah Christian. He said he had a sister whom he would make me a present of, if I would have her. The caboceer of Alphia is brother to the caboceer of Premehinie, east of Ashantee, in the Sarem region, and subject to Saï Tootoo; it is 14 days journey to Alphia, one day to Brookoom, where the head fetish of that country dwells, and one day more to Crumassia and Sodie, a range of high hills.