Mission from Cape Coast Castle to Ashantee

I told him I would buy his horse if he would put a reasonable price on it, and would give him a note to get powder, rum, &c. at the Cape: he said the Ashantees brought rum to Sarem, but they boiled pepper in water and sold it to them; he never tasted such good adrue (medicine) as mine.

I have been learning Arabic this last month, principally from the Shereef Abraham, who comes from Boussa, where Mungo Park was drowned, and he, as he says, was an eye witness to it; his great sanctity made the King of Ashantee send for him to pray and make sacrifice for the success of the war. The other Moors here look on him with an evil eye, because he will not wear fetishes as they do, and be present at human sacrifice. This place now presents the singular spectacle of a Christian and Mahometan agreeing in two particulars, rejecting fetishes, and absenting themselves from human sacrifices and other abominations: the rest of the people, of whatever country they may be, when the King’s horns announce any thing of the kind, strive who will get there first to enjoy the agonies of the victims. The Shereef told me to-day, that the reason he came so seldom to see me, was, that the King had heard he was teaching me the Koran, but he wished him not to do so, he did not wish me to know how “to call on God;” but, said Abraham, I shall teach you as much as I can, that when you go to your own country you may give the Moors a good name, for I told the King you knew Arabic before you saw me, and we sometimes spake together in that language. He had a beautiful copy of the Koran which he intended to leave me, but the King had told him he must have it, that when any trouble came he might hold it up to God, and beg his mercy and pardon: but he would try and get a small one for me.

Saturday 22. This morning a slave belonging to the house master swore by the King’s head that he must kill him to-day. A great uproar ensued, while they put him in irons, and they got out the family stools and sacrificed fowls and sheep, pouring the blood on them to propitiate the wrath of the King from the family. The King was then told of it, who said as that was his fetish day he could not kill a man that day, but to-morrow he would behead him.

It appears he had connection with one of his brother’s wives, who, hearing of it, cautioned him from doing so again, or else he would tell the King and make him kill him: he was again found with the woman, and his brother went to the King to complain. Hearing this, and fearing the torture, he swore by the King that he must shoot him with eight muskets. The King on being told this, said he would put such small shot into the muskets as only to wound him, and then he should torture him; hereby fulfilling his own law, which he considers sacred.

Sunday 23. About 12 o’clock sent for by the King, whom I found scolding his sister for disobedience in one of her slaves. After sitting some time talking on indifferent subjects, the King said he should go to council, about what he was going to say to me. Shortly after he sent one of his sons to say his father was going to eat and wash, if I would be kind enough to return home. I heard that messengers from Elmina had arrived the evening before, and expected to hear of some complaint of breaking the law, as they style it: although I could not reconcile it with an observation I had made; a pair of razors I had presented to the King were invariably sent to me to sharpen, as the King wished to shave with them, when any favourable affair was to be talked, and that morning they came as usual.

I was again sent for, and the King announced in a formal manner his intention of going in person to make war on Adinkara, the King of Buntookoo, and wished me to announce it to the Governor. I therefore wrote a letter of the King’s dictating, stating this to the Governor, and requesting him to give on trust 300 oz. kegs, powder, and 300 muskets, and sending to the Governor in Chief six periguins of gold, and to the Governor of Annamaboe four periguins, to purchase a cloth for him, the handsomest they could find, and inviting them to send him a dash and make the town’s people do the same, for the prosperity of the war. His Majesty was very lavish in his compliments of the generosity of the English, and their great riches; he then enquired if I was willing to go to fight, I replied certainly, if I could obtain the Governor’s permission, I should like it very much: he thanked me very warmly. I heard, on my return to the house, that the Dutch General had sent as a present to the King 60 oz. kegs powder, and the Elmina people 40, which caused this stir.

Monday 24. Sent for again to write the Governor word that the King sent down 30 men to be clothed as soldiers, if the Governor could spare clothes, one of them to be as captain and one a serjeant, with a flag. His Majesty also wished to have arrow root, Port wine, sugar, candles, and a few other things for the campaign. I was then told to write a letter to the Danish Governor in Chief to the same effect, and to ask him for payment of what was due on his note. I foresaw this would make an uproar; and on the note being handed to me to know what was due on it, when I told the King that nothing was on it, he got into the greatest rage I have yet seen him in, with the captain who receives the pay. This man had been sent down to Accra about three months ago, to receive what pay was due, Mr. Bowdich writing to the Danish Governor in Chief to know, for the King’s satisfaction, what was sent. On his return, the latter stated that the King’s note was paid up to the ensuing Christmas. There being a great deficiency between what was stated in the letter, and what the captain produced, he charged Mr. Bowdich with mis-stating what was in the letter; Quashie Apaintree, the linguist, was sworn on the King’s fetish to interpret proper; the Ashantee still insisted, and to clear himself, said the book was not paid to Christmas. The King and linguists remembered this, and when they heard that the note was actually paid to the end of the year, every one tried who would be loudest in their accusations against him. Apokoo, who is his chief, was loudest against him, he said he had used him disrespectfully, and never gave him any of the dashes he received; besides he had given the lie to an English officer, and at the same time he cheated the King; he therefore left him to the mercy of his Majesty. The King said he must return him all the gold back he had lent him; and as for the fort at Accra, he might take the pay when he pleased. A hat, certainly a bad one, was brought in, and the King asked me if I thought it worth the price charged for it. I replied I was not a judge, as such hats were not sent out for us; but if I were, I must positively decline interfering in the King’s affairs with his servants. By degrees the King worked himself to such a height of passion, that throwing his cloth around him, and hastily rising, he ordered the captain’s arrest. The King’s sons seized on him, and he stood appalled, as the silver cane fell from his hand. I once thought the King would have committed some extravagance, none of the chiefs daring to rise; Agay at length arose, and in his energetic manner requested that his majesty would recollect I was present. The King ordered his sons to go with the captain to his house, and bring him all the gold they found; he then withdrew, but I heard him storming in his apartments. Shortly after, Odumata’s brother came to say, that the chiefs might thank me, as were it not for my sake, every one of them would have been turned out of the palace by the slaves. Agay, who was the only one who followed the King, came to apologise for the abrupt departure of his Majesty: he hoped I would not be offended, and requested I would go home and dine, as it was late, and the King would send for me soon.

Tuesday 25. The King sent for me to write another letter to the Governor, saying he had sent down three pieces of rock gold as a pawn for powder; they were the largest I have yet seen, one of them weighing about 20 ounces. I gave his Majesty a packet of letters to be forwarded to Cape Coast: he rallied me on the size of it, and said he supposed I wrote the Governor and Mr. Bowdich every palaver in town.

To-day the stool of Alphia was declared in abeyance; the son of the caboceer Premehinia having brought a complaint against the caboceer of Alphia, who is brother to the former; his sable highness came on a beautiful Arabian, of a very small size; at the sound of drums and horns he danced and went through various evolutions.

Friday 28. To-day the caboceer of Alphia was deposed, and his brother the caboceer of Premehinia had the stool attached to his other possessions. In the afternoon whilst I was out, the Moorish prince, with a large retinue, called to pay me a visit, I found one of his attendants sitting at the door with a gold sword, who, on receiving permission, went and told him I was come home; shortly after he came, and expressed great wonder at all he saw. He said I had too many silver spoons, and modestly requested I would give him one or two; his attendant who fanned him thought so too, as he attempted to steal one, but one of the servants happening to pass, he threw it under the table. I wished him to sell me his horse, but he said he was too great a man to walk home, and the ground hurt his feet.

Sunday 30. The King paid me a long visit, he heard, he said, that my horse had died, and had come to see me least I should think he forgot me, but he had so much fetish to make, and so many palavers to settle, that he had little time. The conversation then turned on the travels of Englishmen, and the white men drowned in the Quolla (Niger.) I explained to his Majesty the objects of the expeditions sent from England to the interior of Africa, and expressed how anxious I was to get Mr. Park’s books and papers for the King of England; his Majesty promised to aid me in doing so, and before he went away, desired me to point out to him what I conceived the proper method.

The King then began to talk about my living with him, and if I liked to do so; he said I was like a king, and wished his people to treat me with respect, and every one run to see me when I went out, as they run to see him. I said that some of his people wished to accuse me of treason for putting buckles in my shoes at the Adaï custom. The King said that none dared do so, but those whom he ordered, any other would have their heads cut off: but I was different, and he knew Englishmen did what was proper. His majesty took his leave with many expressions of personal attention, which, whether they were sincere or not, were at least to be received with politeness.

Monday, December 1. One of the King’s nephews came to see me, but was terribly afraid to pass the man in irons who swore on the King, least he should swear that when the King killed him, he must also kill his nephew, which would cost a deal of gold; for such is the sacredness of the law, that in that case the King must do it. I had a key of a door where I could privately let him out, without passing through the courts of the house, by which he gladly made his escape. This man has been no small annoyance, as no person of rank will venture to call on me, least they should be brought into trouble by his swearing on their heads.

Tuesday 2. The King to-day made a present of 10 periguins of gold to the Moors in town for their services, and they were to divide it themselves. This created no small altercation among them; those belonging to the town wished to keep it all, and not give the Shereef Abraham any, who came from the banks of the Niger; as the King had that morning told him he wished him to accompany him to the war, he told them it was of no consequence, as he should not accompany the King unless he was looked on with the same degree of rank as Baba, as, indeed, he was superior from his knowledge, and belonging to Mahomet’s family. On this they gave him three periguins, the same that Baba had: all were then pleased with their portion except one, called Aboo, who only had 10 ackies; he consoled himself by making the usual exclamation, “God is great! he never dies, he never sleeps,” and said he left the palaver in his hands.

Thursday 4. Apokoo paid me a visit to thank me for some medicine I had given him, being sick after his great custom; he enquired if I heard that Fantee messengers were come to this place, I said no, but I expected them soon to take the King’s fetish, as he wished them to do so, previous to his going to war; he then told me that the King heard there were some on the path, and could not think what their message was; I told him they must either be those the Governor was sending up, or Fantees with the King’s tribute; on his going away, he requested I would let him out by the door I had the key of, as he also was afraid of the man in irons swearing on his life, and was glad he could avoid passing him.

Friday 5. This was the coldest morning I have felt since I came to Africa, being scarcely able to take breakfast, I was so chilly; the thermometer stood at 65°.

I was desired to write a letter to General Daendels, telling him the King had lost his notes for the Dutch forts, and requesting him to give new ones to Akimpon. The King’s father had conquered the Akim chief, who held a note for Dutch Accra; he also conquered the King of Adinkara, who had the Elmina note, both of which were given up to him; he would not take them both in one note as the General wished, but he must have one payable at Elmina and one at Accra. When the King weighed out the gold for his messengers expences, he weighed 10 ackies for me, which I hoped his Majesty would take back, as I did not wish for them, and requested he would not think I wished payment for writing a letter for him. My scruples were laughed at by them all, and the King said “that white men were very singular, as they gave gold or a good dash to any one who did any thing for them, yet they would not take any: he wished to do something like white men, and when any one did any thing for him he gave them something, and he wished me to take this to shew his good will.” Odumata, who is the greediest man in Coomassie for gold, whispered, if I did not like it, I might send it to him when I got home. I did not exactly understand him, or I would have offered it to him then with pleasure, to expose his avarice.

The captain who was arrested last week for peculation on Danish Accra, appeared in his place to day; he had promised Amanquateä and Quatchie Quophie, the two chief captains, a large present if they would settle the affair for him, which they did, and he received the letters to proceed to the fort as usual.

Apokoo having told the King of the inconvenience arising to any chief coming to me, from the culprit in irons being in the way, he was removed to a private part of Apokoo’s house, where he could annoy no one, till the Adaï custom, when he is to be beheaded, as the affair cannot be settled without.

Sunday 7. Several of the Moorish caboceers came to take leave, as they were going to-morrow to their own country previous to the war, and were to meet the King on the road when he went, and consequently would not see me again for some time; on my enquiring how long the King was to be absent, they replied, God had told them seven months would finish the war; they enquired if I should like to see them at Cape Coast, as they should come and see me, to which I said I should. After drinking coffee, &c. they took a hurried leave, as one of the King’s people came to tell me one of his Majesty’s daughters was dead, and shortly after, constant discharges of musketry announced the custom. The King in the afternoon came to the market place close to the house, to make custom with his chiefs. I understood that human sacrifices were to be offered, and walked out to avoid the uproar.

On my way I paid a visit to Baba, who was performing ablution; he said he was going to prayer, but would soon have done, I told him I would sit down till he had finished. Cow hides were spread in rows for the worshippers, in the front was a large hide for Baba. All having taken off their sandals and prostrated themselves with their faces to the east (to Mecca,) the service began by one of them chaunting the usual call to prayer; the chorus of Allahoo Akaber! (God is great) was well performed by the others.

There was something solemn and affecting in it, contrasted with the heavy discharges of musketry and shouts of the populace in the distance, which proclaimed the bloody sacrifice was begun, while the vultures and crows wheeled in mazy circles expecting their usual share of the banquet, and the sun shot his last gleams through the heavy fogs that encircled the town.

As I went home I passed the headless trunks of two female slaves, laying neglected and exposed in the market place, that had been sacrificed, one by the King and one by the deceased’s family. The vultures were revelling undisturbed amidst the blood.

I happened to-day to throw down a tumbler of wine and water with my foot, having placed it on the ground, while the Moorish Shereef was with me; he bent his head to Mecca, pronouncing “God is great!” and told me it was my good angel who had done so, for who might tell but there was poison in the cup to destroy me? he said man had always two angels attending him, one on his right hand as his good angel, and one on his left as his evil one; whatever good he did was prompted by the former, and whatever ill by the latter one. I have never found them without a reason for every thing, or a name, except to the mother of Moses, whom they say nobody knows on earth; the Shereef gravely enquired if I knew the name of Aboobaker’s father, I assured him I did not; he told me many of the Moors could not tell, but as he was of Mahomet’s family he knew more things, and told me it was Kahābata.

I heard from the Sarem Moors that they fight with bows and arrows steeped in deadly poison, the least scratch of which is instant death. They gather scorpions tails, snakes heads, and the poisonous parts of any reptile that affects man; this, with several vegetable substances which they would not name, are put in a pot, and set over the fire at sun rise; they boil it all day and must not eat or drink, but stir it about repeating incantations, and shaking a pair of iron castanets, without which, the charm would be incomplete. I saw an old hag at this work on the Bantama road, who would not answer my question as to what she was doing, but made many wry faces, and squint looks, for me to be gone and not spoil her work, and while I stood, she stirred, and muttered, and clattered the castanets with greater fury.

My attention being anxiously turned towards information concerning the Niger and its course, all enquiries end in making the Nile its continuation. An old Moor from Jennë told me, unasked, that while he was at Askanderee (Alexandria) twenty-six years ago he saw a fight at the mouth of the Nile between ships, and one of them was blown up in the air with a terrible explosion. This must have been the battle fought by Lord Nelson, although there is a mistake in the date of seven years; he surely could not invent such a story. He states also, that returning to Masser (Grand Cairo) the European armies advanced to that place; the first army took every thing they wanted and would not pay: but when the second European and Turkish army got possession of it, they paid for whatever they wanted. All the Moors were ordered to retire to one quarter of the city, and not allowed to mix with the soldiers; this agrees with Sir Robert Wilson’s account of the Egyptian campaign. I shewed him a seal I have, of Pompey’s pillar, which he said he knew; he had travelled from Jennë to Masser on a joma (camel) and drew me a map of the Quolla and Nile from its source to its emptying itself into the sea at Alexandria. There is one thing that disagrees with Mr. Park’s account, they call the Niger Quolla at Jennë, Sansanding, &c. and describe the Jolliba as falling into the Quolla to the east of Timbuctoo. When I told them of the conjectures that the great river of Africa emptied itself into a large lake, they laughed at such an idea, and reasoned so as to put wiser heads to the blush. “God,” say they, “made all rivers to run to the sea, you say that small rivers go there: the Quolla is the largest river in the world, and why should it not go there also? Was it to lose itself in the lake, where could the waters go to?” They describe the Quolla as about five miles in breadth, and having a very rocky channel, the banks on both sides very high and rugged; in many places, canoes often take a day to pass a short distance, from the dangerous whirlpools, and sudden squalls: at other places, the stream runs with great rapidity.

They think the Mediterranean sea to be circular, without mixing with the ocean; seven rivers from Africa turn their course to it, but only two reach the shores, of which the Nile is one. The rush of the waters of the Nile, when they meet the sea is so great, that the waves are driven into the air with great force, and retire like waves against a rock. They call the Mediterranean sea Bahare Mall. The Red sea, say they, assumes various colours at different periods, from seven streams pouring their course into it, red, blue, yellow, &c. Hence they call it Majumaal Bahare, or the confluence of streams. They are very fond of mystical numbers, and often quote seven. The lake Caudie they call Bahare Nohoo, or the water of Noah, from the tradition that the deluge broke out from thence. They describe it as encompassed with rocks, within which is a bed of sand, and then the water. This we may allow to be a little fanciful, as I have seen a map of the earth drawn by Baba, where the world is supposed to be round, and encompassed with a rocky girdle, the sea is supposed to flow between this and the earth, which is placed in the centre. They are not singular in this idea; as all rude nations form the same notions of the globe: but though we reject, with reason, their foolish notions of many things, it would be no great sign of wisdom to refuse every information from them.

Man is a reasoning animal, and enquires into the nature of things in a rude, as well as in a civilised state; and if he cannot give a just, will at least give a plausible reason for many things.

The Moors say “That the noise people hear, when they stop their ears with their hands, is the rolling of the waters of libation in paradise, where Mahomet purifies all those he saves from hell, before they enter into the state of the blessed. It is for this reason they perform ablution before they pray; the fire burning other parts of their bodies, while their face, hands, feet, &c. remained untouched, hence Mahomet when he looks for them, knows them from Jews, Christians, &c. They have also a sentence written on their foreheads, “Hooalie Jahanamoo naataka raboo baskafaatee Mahomada roosoola lahee sallee allahoo alahe wasalame.”

Inoculation for the small pox is practised in the Moorish countries; they take the matter, and puncture the patient in seven places, both on the arms and legs. The sickness continues but a few days, and rarely any person dies of it. It is also done in Ashantee. Seven is their mystical number.

Monday, December 8. To day the King killed a man on account of his daughter who died yesterday, and to be out of the way, I called on Odumata, whom I found well charged with palm wine: his usual discourse of the greatness of the King and the manner of the Ashantees fighting took up his time: he said that when white men wished to fight, they sent a book to the other party, telling them they would meet them on such a day, but the Ashantees took their enemies by surprise, which shortened their wars. I told him he had repeated the same story about fifty times in two months, and wished to know if the English did so at Annamaboe, where fifteen white men killed thousands of Ashantees; this put him on the fidget, as I knew it would, and he said that it was on him the English fired first, and he fought them without the King’s leave, who was angry when he heard that they had returned the fire of the fort; I told him it was a fine excuse to cover their defeat. He enquired if I thought they could not have taken the fort? I told him if they could have done it they would. He said, if the King says we must do any thing, we must do it. I asked him, if the King told them to pull down the moon, if they could do it? He then got up from his chair and began to manoeuvre how he and Apokoo were to have made a breach in Annamaboe fort, to the no small enjoyment of several of his wives, captains, and slaves, who were present; they were to have burned the gates, and with axes to have cut through the walls. He said they had Dutch and Danish flags, which they had taken from forts; why, I enquired, did they not show the English trophies? They had none, he said: and the King had told them, that were he to kill white men from England, he might as well kill all the cocks in the kingdom; the one told the hour, and when to rise in the morning; the other brought them good things from England, and learned them sense; besides, if any of their slaves did ill, they told them they would sell them to the whites, which made them better. I told him black men had the eyes of a thief, the paws of a tiger, and the belly of a hog, for they were never satisfied; he said I was right, for they were now going to war, and would take whatever they could find; he thought 30,000 Ashantees would be killed, but that was nothing. He then locked up his wives because I put evil in their heads, by saying that Englishmen allowed every one a husband. I then took my leave.

Monday 15. Baba, the chief of the Moors, having told me that a Moor was going to Jennë, I took the opportunity of writing a letter to two Europeans who reside there, and, I suppose, belonged to Mungo Park’s expedition, seven soldiers being unaccounted for, who were in good health when they were separated from Mr. Park. There are also two white men at Timbuctoo, who have been there several years. The Moors are confident that the letter will reach them, which is much to be desired, as some information may be obtained of that celebrated traveller. Baba came, and the old Moor with him, to whom I delivered the letter; he received it from Baba with much ceremony, and to induce him to forward an answer, I promised him a suitable reward[125]. The whole of the Moors came in a body with drums, muskets, horns, and all the attendant pomp of chiefs; they had just taken leave of the King, and came to do the same to me. Having remained about half an hour, and drank some wine, they set out for their journey with noisy clamour.

Sunday 21. Apokoo called and told me he was going to morrow, with the King, to the camp, on the Barramang path, to make fetish, and would return on Wednesday: he seemed to expect that I would say I would go also; but as the King had not sent to me, I did not express any wish. A boy brought some milk covered up, and he lifted the lid to look what it was, some of it touched his fingers, and he sent for water, herbs, and different things to purify his fingers; he said he would give me a present if I would give over drinking milk: I told him if he sent me an ounce of gold daily, I would not do it; he cursed the milk, and the boy for bringing it. Thus many of them are so particular, they will not stay where eggs are, another shuns a fowl, one hates beef, and many mutter a charm if they meet a pig. The Moorish Shereef discovered a piece of pork one day in the boy’s room, and made such a noise, that I thought one had struck him, nor would he cease till I ordered it away.

Monday 22. The King, and almost all the captains, set out early this morning, with great bustle for the camp, many sent their compliments previous to going.

Wednesday 24. The King and all the people returned in the evening, and went to the upper market place; where the King seeing me at the door, ordered them to pass down the street to the palace, the chiefs all saluting as they passed. The King, who was the only one that did not walk, made his people halt, and held out his hand to me, which I took, and bade him welcome to his capital; he enquired if I was well, and after he passed, he looked round with a smile and shook his finger at me: I suppose because I did not follow him to the camp. His Majesty afterwards sent his compliments, as did several of the chiefs.

Thursday 25. This being Christmas day, I displayed the flag, and paid every attention to it that I possibly could; many of the chiefs hearing of it, sent their compliments, expecting a present, but of course were disappointed.

Friday 24. Baba called, and began an oration about Sam Brue, hinting that he should like if I could get Brue, the slave trader, back to Cape Coast. He was my good friend, I was his friend, the Governor was my friend, Brue was his friend, and a long genealogy fit to puzzle a Scottish or Welch family herald. I told him no person must interfere in such affairs. He had that morning received from Brue, powder, guns, and cloth for slaves he had sent down; he brought me a piece of the cloth to shew me, it was very coarse with large red figures on it. I told him when he washed it, he would need to take his staff and put on his sandals to hunt after the colours; he told me he had found that out; for he had washed a piece, and he could not tell what colour it was. He then began a dissertation on the good the slave trade did them, and what changes he had seen since he came here; he thought God intended to change the power of white men, and give it to the blacks and Moors. I told him he was going to make Mahomet a liar, as the Alkoran told them that the whites were to have sovereign dominion to the end, because of Noah’s sons’ behaviour to him when drunk; and if God was inclined to hide his face from white men, because of any ill they did, I did not think he would transfer it to Africans for any good they had done; he said I was right, and when they thought wrong the Christians could put them right. Seeing a Prayer Book on the table, he enquired if that was “Lingeel,” the name they give the New Testament; I replied it was the form of worshipping God in English Churches; he wished me to read a little of it to him, as he had heard that white men prayed to God so—and muttered in a form, it must be allowed, too often resorted to by lazy clergymen. They conceive to worship God in any other way than chaunting or singing is absurd. I have had more than once to sing (if I may presume to call it so) from the psalms of David, and chaunt the responses of the service, to convince them that there is something more than mere muttering in prayer, were it properly performed, besides describing the organ used in churches to assist the harmony. They have often asked me about the high priest at Rome, and whether or not we had any thing shaped out that we called god. I told them the English abhorred all representations of the Eternal, and that nothing was adequate to represent him. They are very tenacious on this point, and as scrupulous as any Protestant may wish, conceiving it an inexcusable crime to have any thing of the kind. They have many times enquired if we offer any sacrifice to God. I told them that our Scriptures do not allow the shedding of blood of any kind; the last great expiation of the Christians being performed by Jesus when he died on the cross, in commemoration of which, the offering of bread and wine formed the sacrifice. Neither did we pour out libations[126] before drinking, because any thing poured forth before drinking, or victuals set apart before eating, is an offering to devils.

The Shereef Abraham coming in with one or two more, I enquired about Solomon’s Al Genii, and whether or not they knew any thing of free masonry. I had questioned them several times before, and knew none of them were free masons; they now told me that there was such a sect in Arabia, and conceived them to be magicians, as they controlled the spirits of air. They were much astonished to hear that I was one, and eagerly enquired if I knew about Solomon’s seal, the building of the temple, and other matters, which universal belief endows free masons with,—matters, I told them, I might not speak of. They told me they knew we kept some of our genii on a floating island in the sea; if any ships came near it, the genii were instructed to laugh at them, and the island disappeared; with other such stories. One of the boys told them I had a stuff (phosphorus) which they supposed gave me such power; they wished to see it, and laughed at first at the idea of any thing in water producing fire, or that I could confine that element and dare to keep it in a trunk; I put it to the proof, by burning a piece of cloth, paper, and mat, and told them if they were not satisfied they might have some on their skins, but they did not choose it, and called out in wonder, “Houa Kahina iakul naroo malekaneran,” “he is a magician and eats fire, he is the King of fire;” be it remembered that this last appellation is peculiar to the devil. The Shereef after thinking some time, enquired if that stuff was not made from the bones of genii? I told him bones were in the composition. He wished to know if we killed genii and took their bones, I told him blood was never shed in England but for great crimes; true, he said, but none could see us do so. I told him there was an eye that never sleeps, at which he bent his head, pronouncing “God is great.” The Moors then held a conversation in Arabic, by which they settled that I must be in the secrets of Solomon, and the Shereef Abraham related one of the Arabian tales, by which Balkes or Bilkis, Queen of Sheba, is made out to be the child carried away by the dog in one of the stories of that work. Balkis, according to them, adored the sun, and Solomon made her turn and worship God; he commanded the genii to transport her palace from her own country to Jerusalem, and the three palaces he built for her in Arabia Felix had gold mixed with the mortar with which they were formed. They wished to know if I could move a house? I told them, such was the mystery attached to our concerns, that it was difficult to answer them; any thing not concerned with masonry, I might answer; this, they said, was what the people in their country said. Abraham said he was sure the Arabian magicians made use of bones from genii to make fire and control them. It would be a curious circumstance to know that phosphorus, and inoculation, existed in Arabia in the days of its splendour, and continue now; as they are considered as two of the most eminent among modern European discoveries. After they were gone, I called on Odumata, whom I found all talk as usual. He said he knew I wished to take some of the King’s sons to Cape Coast for education, but the captains had represented to his Majesty, that they did not wish it. If the King wanted gold, and they had it, they would give it him; and were always ready when he called them, to receive his foot on their necks, and swear to do whatever he wished them, or never to return. The reason he gave, was, that they were afraid of being discovered when they cheated the King, which they made no secret of avowing, and having their heads cut off. I told him he did not like a white man to live here then; yes, he said, they all liked that; but he was sufficient to settle all palavers between the King and the English, without any of the King’s people knowing English. He began to boast of the many wives and children he had, more than Englishmen. I told him there was a possibility of an Englishman knowing his father; but no black man could tell his; they were all slaves, and rendered incapable of inheriting their father’s property; none of his children need to thank him, he neither could give them any thing while alive, nor leave them any thing when dead, and many of them kept wives, while their slaves enjoyed them. He said I spoke very true, but that I could not show keys with him; he produced two large bunches, and I offered him an ounce of gold if he would shew me a lock for each key; he evaded this: I took them in my hand, and found many of them broken, and various articles of lead and iron to make the bunches large; his people, and some chiefs that were with him, enjoyed his perplexity, if I might judge from their chuckling.

Several of the King’s brother’s slaves appeared in pursuit of two of their fellows, flogging them with whips; one of the culprits bounding over every obstacle, threw himself at Odumata’s feet, which saved him from their flogging; the man who had charge of him appeared, and in a long and animated harangue, with many gestures, stated the trouble he had had from the runaway, and concluded by swearing, the man must be given up to him in the morning to go and work. It is customary for slaves, when they fall under their master’s displeasure, to take shelter in some other chief’s house, who tries to get them excused.

Saturday 27. The King sent for me, to give me letters which had arrived; and on my opening them, two small packages of gold tumbled out. The King asked, if they were for me or him. I enquired if he expected gold from any one at Cape Coast, he said, no. I told him, it was unlikely gold would be sent to any one but me. The King, turning to his captains, said the Governor was a good man, sending me gold whenever I asked for it, and I eat a great deal of gold. I told him, I never wished a present of gold from any one; what I got was my pay, as Englishmen did not give gold to one another. He intended returning his messengers on Tuesday, as he said, two of them having come up in English uniforms, as the Governor was to fit out thirty at the King’s request. His Majesty wished me to taste a bottle of tincture of rhubarb the Governor had sent him; I did so, lest he should think there was something bad in it. I had then to taste some tincture of cinnamon he had received some time ago; I swallowed them with great distaste, as I had felt very unwell the preceding day, and that morning, and had taken medicine just before the King sent, and not eaten any breakfast.

In the afternoon Apokoo called; he had heard Adoo Bradie had been on board a ship, and that 400 flags were hoisted to receive him;[127] that was the reason, he said, they did nor wish any of the King’s people to learn to read and write, they became white men, and saw so many fine things, they never thought of returning to Ashantee. I told him if it was disagreeable, it would be given over. Every one was pleased, he said, to think any Ashantee great man was well used at Cape Coast; but it turned their heads, not being accustomed to it. The King would give Adoo Bradie fetish when he came back, and if he told the King lies, the fetish would catch him, and where would be the good? The English would have all their trouble for nothing.

His Majesty, some years ago, took one of Apokoo’s daughters to wife; she is now one of the finest women in Coomassie, and must have been a great beauty. It was discovered by the chief eunuch that she had intrigued with one of the attendants. It was told the King that one of his wives had proved false; “let her die instantly,” said he in a rage; the slave whispered him “it is Apokoo’s child.” He rose in silence, and went to the harem, and the culprit being sent for, the King turned his head away, while he folded his cloth around him, and lifting the curtain to let her pass, he exclaimed “go, you are free! your father was my father,[128] he is my friend, and for his sake, I forget you; when you find any man good enough for you, let me know and I will give him gold.” Her father has not allowed her to marry again.

When any public execution, or sacrifice, is to take place, the ivory horns of the King proclaim at the palace door, “wow! wow! wow!” “death! death, death, death!” and, as they cut off their heads, the bands play a peculiar strain, till the operation is finished.

The greatest human sacrifice that has been made in Coomassie during my residence, took place on the eve of the Adaï custom early in January. I had a mysterious intimation of it two days before, from a quarter not to be named. My servants being ordered out of the way, I was thus addressed, “Christian, take care and watch over your family; the angel of death has drawn his sword, and will strike on the neck of many Ashantees; when the drum is struck, on Adaï eve, it will be the death signal of many. Shun the King if you can, but fear not.” When the time came to strike the drum, I was sitting thinking on the horrors of the approaching night, and was rather startled at a summons to attend the King. This is the manner he always takes to cut off any captain or person of rank; they are sent for to talk a palaver, and the moment they enter, the slaves lay hold of them, and pinion them, and throw them down; if they are thought desperate characters, a knife is thrust through their mouth to keep them from swearing the death of any other, when they are charged with their crime, real or supposed, and put to death or torture.

Whilst I was with the King, the officers, whose duty it is to attend at sacrifices, and are in the confidence of the King, came in with their knives, &c. and a message was sent to one chief to say, that the King was going to his mother’s house to talk a palaver, and shortly after his Majesty rose, and proceeded thither, ordering the attendants to conduct me out by another door.

This sacrifice was in consequence of the King imagining, that if he washed the bones of his mother and sisters, who died while he was on the throne, it would propitiate the fetish, and make the war successful. Their bones, were therefore taken from their coffins, and bathed in rum and water with great ceremony; after being wiped with silks, they were rolled in gold dust, and wrapped in strings of rock gold, aggry beads, and other things of the most costly nature. Those who had done any thing to displease the King, were then sent for in succession, and immolated as they entered, “that their blood might water the graves.” The whole of the night, the King’s executioners traversed the streets, and dragged every one they found to the palace, where they were put in irons: but (which is often the case) some one had disclosed the secret, and almost every one had fled, and the King was disappointed of most of his distinguished victims. Next morning being Adaï custom, which generally brought an immense crowd to the city, every place was silent and forlorn; nothing could be found in the market, and his Majesty proceeded to the morning sacrifice of sheep, &c. attended only by his confidents, and the members of his own family. When I appeared at the usual time, he seemed pleased at my confidence, and remarked that I observed how few captains were present. He appeared agitated and fatigued, and sat a very short time.

As soon as it was dark, the human sacrifices were renewed, and, during the night, the bones of the royal deceased were removed to the sacred tomb at Bantama, to be deposited along with the remains of those who had sat on the throne. The procession was splendid, but not numerous, the chiefs and attendants being dressed in the war costume, with a musket, and preceded by torches; the sacred stools, and all the ornaments used on great occasions, were carried with them; the victims, with their hands tied behind them, and in chains, preceded the bones, whilst at intervals, the songs of death and victory proved their wish to begin the war. The procession returned about three P.M. on Monday, when the King took his seat in the market place with his small band, and “death! death! death!” was echoed by his horns. He sat with a silver goblet of palm wine in his hand, and when they cut off any head, imitated a dancing motion in his chair; a little before dark, he finished his terrors for that day, by retiring to the palace, and soon after, the chiefs came from their concealment, and paraded the streets, rejoicing that they had escaped death, although a few days might put them in the same fear. I had been attacked by a violent fit of ague in the morning, from having stood so long in the sun the day before while with the King, it being unusually hot. I dared not send out my people to procure any thing, least they should be murdered, and in fact there was nothing in the market to be had: there was not even a drop of water in the house. The sacrifice was continued till the next Adaï custom, seventeen days.

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CHAPTER XIII.

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Sketch of Gaboon, and its Interior.

The River Gabon, or Gaboon, as the English pronounce it, is placed by some, N. 30’, E. 8° 42’, by others, on the equator and E. 9° 23’: the former longitude is certainly the more correct; judging from three reckonings of the vessel in which I visited it; unfortunately, I had not the requisites for an observation. The former latitude also, is, doubtless, the correct one of Cape Clara; for an observation, taken as we were beating in by Round Corner, gave 23’ N.; and another, taken about 35 miles up the river, 15’ N. From Cape Clara (which is not ‘very high land,’) to Sandy point, being an oblique line, may be about 25 miles, but the direct width of the mouth of the river, cannot be more than 18. From 22 to 25 miles up the river, lay Parrot and Konig islands, called by the natives Embenee and Dambee; the former (on which ships have been hauled to careen) 1¾ miles in circumference and uninhabited, the latter considerably larger, and having a village on the hill. The natives mentioned the ruins of a Portuguese fort there. Konig island is not more than a mile from Rodney’s or Oweëndo point, where there is a large bight; which, with the one opposite, within Eghirrighee point, makes the width of the river nearly thirty miles in this part. From these points it seems to form an inner basin, the greatest width of which, just above Goombena creek, is about twelve miles, judging from shots; for the work of the ship being heavy whilst in the river, and the crew suffering from the climate, (the first mate and carpenter dying,) no assistance could be spared for a survey. There are several large creeks in the river, Goöngway is the most so, and Goombena the second.

These names, being, of themselves, as uninteresting as the list of bearings would be, I shall reserve both the one and the other, with the outline of the river adjusted to them, for the Portfolio of the African Association; and also two or three sketches of the different parts of the river, not worth publishing, but, possibly, useful for the introduction of more accurate observers.[129]

About forty-five miles from the mouth, the river forms two arms. The one runs north eastwards, by a point called Ohlombompole by the natives of Gaboon, and Gongoloba by the Shekans or interior people; the entrance is about four miles wide. The other, runs apparently S.S.E. by a point called Quawkaw, and Quanlie by the two nations, and is about two miles broad. It was an inconsiderate observation of Mr. Maxwell’s, “If the Niger has a sensible outlet, I have no doubt of its proving the Congo, knowing all the rivers between Cape Palmas and Cape Lopez to be inadequate to the purpose.” The Volta may be thought so, but the Lagos certainly cannot, nor the Danger, or Gaboon; and, surely, the rivers del Rey, and Formoso are not; which are thus noticed, within a few pages of Mr. Maxwell’s observation, by the judicious Editor of Mr. Park’s last mission, “The Rio del Rey and the Formoso, are stated to be of considerable size, being each of them seven or eight miles broad at the mouth; and the supposed Delta, estimated by the line of coast, is much larger than that of the Ganges: consequently, the two streams, if united, must form a river of prodigious magnitude.”

There being little prospect of the ship completing her cargo (red wood and ebony) within two months, I determined to divert such a tædium under an insalubrious climate, by investigating and compiling the interior geography, as far as I could from the reports of the slaves, and traders. The most enterprising of the latter, and the greatest travellers in the interior, living on board the vessel during her loading, I conversed with them constantly, as they spoke good English; and I went on shore twice, passing a night the latter time, to Naängo or George’s Town, two miles up the romantic creek of Abaäga, about forty-five miles from the mouth of the river. I found the Governor (so his title was interpreted) a very hospitable and intelligent native, and speaking good English. He had travelled much in the interior, when young, was still very inquisitive for particulars, and produced me a troop of slaves for questioning, which furnished a native of almost every country I could hear of. I saw two young negroes, the sons of native rulers, who spoke and wrote French fluently. The one had been sent to that country for education, and the other in his voyage to England for the same purpose, was taken and carried to France, and generously educated and maintained by the owner of the privateer.[130] Each remained in France upwards of eight years before they were sent back to Gaboon, and professed to be very anxious to return to it, depicting the native habits not only as uncongenial, but disgusting to them. The Congo hypothesis, the primary stimulus to my enquiries, making geographical particulars the most desirable, I will defer those on other subjects, and submit the compilation of seven weeks investigation and inquiry under the above advantageous circumstances.

The native name of the country of Gaboon, is Empoöngwa; it dos not extend above the branching of the river, or more than forty miles in length; and is about thirty in breadth, including the river, which they call Aroöngo. We will pursue the north-eastern arm first. There is a sand-bank in the middle of the entrance, and three small islands, Soombëä, Ningahinga, and Ompoöngee, are just beyond it, where the water becomes fresh. About two miles further, is a larger island called Cheēndue, inhabited, and the women of which are constantly employed in fishing for white mullet, being abundant. They dress them with a kind of chocolate, which I shall notice presently. Several large trees grow out of the water, one, eminently high, is directly in the middle of the river; they are called Intinga, or the iron tree. The eastern banks of this arm are inhabited by the Sheekans, who, with all the nations of the interior, are called Boolas by the Gaboons, a term synonymous with Dunko in Ashantee. Adjoining Sheekan are the Jomays, who speak a dialect of the same language. The Sheekans bury their dead within the house, under their beds. The Gaboons prohibit these people from visiting the coast, lest they should deprive them of their profits, as the medium between the interior and shipping, whether for slaves or manufactures.

The Sheekans, like their neighbours, only reckon from 1 to 5, conjoining these numerals afterwards, as Mr. Park has shewn the Feloops and the Jaloffs to do.

One	Ilwawtoe
Two	Ibba
Three	Bittach
Four	Binnay
Five	Bittah
Ten	Ducoom
Twenty	Eboomebba
Hundred	Kama

The source of the north-eastern arm is unknown, it probably flows from the River Danger, called by the natives Moöhnda, which flows very far from the interior; and, though not so wide, is considerably deeper than the Aroöngo or Gabon. There is a creek passing Quaw Ben’s town in the River Gabon, which runs inland, within a short distance of the Moöhnda, so that traders proceeding so far by it, carry their canoes over the interval to that river. The Nokos, Apooks, and Komebays, inhabit the lower space between the Rivers Gaboon and Danger.

Having pulled up the N.E. arm for two days and nights, they land, leaving the river about one mile broad; and after two journies, (skirting Sheekan,) reach Samashialee, the capital of the country of Kaylee, (sometimes called Kalay,) and the residence of the King Ohmbay. Samashialee, is described as a considerable town, and Asāko, as the second to it; their houses are all of bamboo. The Kaylees manufacture iron from the ore, which abounds every where in this part of Africa; but they are very careful not to let the coast people see them do so, as knives, spears, mats, and bamboo cloth, are their articles of barter with them, for brass rods, cottons, and other European commodities. I procured some of the knives and spear heads, of their own iron. The bamboo-cloth has the appearance of coarse brown Holland. Their mats are very fine, and much varied in colors and patterns. It is remarkable, that the latter do not partake at all of their own wild character, but are of that chaste, simple outline which would be called elegant by civilized nations. These people are cannibals, not only eating their prisoners but their dead, whose bodies are bid for directly the breath is out of them. A father has frequently been seen to eat his own child. Fowls abound in their country, but they never eat them, nor will they goats, which are equally numerous, whilst human flesh is to be had. Salt fetches an enormous price. The people of Gaboon would be afraid to venture amongst them, even as traders, but for their musquets, and a strong body of Sheekans, always engaged to accompany them. Their country is mountainous and woody. There are people inhabiting a mountain close to the north-eastward of Kalay, who are said to see best in the night time, when they travel and work, sleeping most of the day, because the light hurts their eyes, which are remarkably brilliant. Ivory is plentiful. The Kaylee seems to be a dialect of the Sheekan.

One	Woto
Two	Ibba
Three	Battach
Four	Binnay
Five	Bittan
Ten	Duëoom

Northward of Kaylee, two journies, is Imbekee, adjoining the Moöhnda or Danger. One moon distant, in the same direction, passing through the countries, Beesoo (three journies from Imbeekee) Aösa, and Hetan, are the larger kingdoms of Badayhee, and Oongoomo; the King of the latter is Enjukayamoo, and the capital Mattadee, described as a very large town. The numerals assimilate to those of Kaylee.

One	Woötta
Two	Beeba
Three	Bittach
Four	Binnay
Five	Bitten

Travelling (still northward,) through the small states of Oondamee and Bolaykee, in six journies they reach the extensive countries of Paämway, and Shaybee, which adjoin each other; and on their northern frontier is Bayhee, through which kingdom the River Wola or Wole flows; the largest river they had ever seen or heard of, and running eastward. My friend the Governor, always impressed on me, that this was the largest river in the world, and ran, to use his own words, “farther than any one, except God, knows, farther than Indee; all the great rivers in this country come from Wole.” The Moöhnda, he had always understood in the long course of his enquiries, to flow from it; but he could not speak so positively of that, as of the junction of the Ogooawai and the Wole, as he had himself been to a considerable distance up the Ogooawai, which, returning to Gaboon, we shall proceed to. All the nations on this route were said to be cannibals, the Paämways not so voraciously so as the others, because they cultivate a breed of large dogs for their eating; this seems the favourite meat in most parts of Africa.

Those who travel eastward, pull for a day and a half up the right hand or south-eastern arm of the Gaboon or Aroöngo, which arm is formed by the junction of several small streams, about sixty miles from its confluence with the north-eastern arm. Landing about thirty-five miles up it, two and a half journies are occupied in travelling over an uninhabited country, described as savannah, and called Woongawoonga; it is entirely open, and buffaloes are numerous. Here they reach the Ogooäwai, a rapid river, frequently as wide, and, generally, considerably deeper than the Gaboon; and which, as we shall presently see, runs to the Congo, of itself insignificant. One day up the Ogoöawai, is the small kingdom of Adjoomba, consisting but of four towns. One journey beyond, on the Ogooäwai, and north-eastward, is Gaelwa, a kingdom of more importance, its length three journies. The King’s name is Roiela, and the capital, a considerable town, Inkanjee: Goondemsie is second to it. Adjoining Gaelwa is Eninga, where the river widens considerably; this country is larger than Adjoomba, very populous, and composed of several small governments. The river winds very much; frequently they save time by carrying their canoes over the peninsulas; they are also opposed by impetuous currents. Hitherto the language is the same as the Empoöngwa or Gaboon. Twenty journies from the frontier of Gaelwa and Eninga, through the small state of Okota, is the kingdom of Asheera; and ten beyond it, that of Okandee, the greatest they know. The King’s name is Adoomoo, the capital extensive, and kept particularly clean: their law forbids any native of Okandee to be sold as a slave. None of the nations on the Ogooäwai are cannibals. On the eastern confines of Okandee this river is described to join or flow from the Wōla. The countries between the Moöhnda and Ogooäwai, are called Sappalah, Koomakaimalong, and Okaykay, and described as vast extents of savannah. Deeha was spoken of as a large country in the neighbourhood of the Wōla. I could not make these interior natives, or the people of Gaboon, understand what I meant by a Moor; there are none but pagan negroes throughout. The slaves recently arrived viewed me with affright; they said none in their country would believe there were white men.

I could hear of no great controlling kingdom, like Ashantee, in these parts of the interior, nor do I think any such exists eastward of Yarriba, or other than numerous small states, as far behind Dagwumba and its neighbours in civilization, as they are behind Europeans. The name,[131] situation, magnitude, and course of the Wōla, leave little doubt of its being the Kulla or Quolla; though I am not clear that they said there was a country of the name of the river, nor did I recognize the name of any of the countries I had before heard of, as being in its neighbourhood. With those on the northern banks of this large river they did not profess to be acquainted, and those on the southern may be intermediate between the Moöhnda and Ogooawai routes, which diverge from Empoöngwa, the former northward, the latter north-eastward. Forty journies from the Empoöngwa frontier to the Bahr Kulla agree very well with the distance. A strong argument, in addition to the above, for the Wōla and the Quolla being the same river, (recollecting my description of the Paämways, and all the nations on the line of the Moöhnda, as cannibals,) is suggested by the reperusal of the following remarks of Mr. Horneman, and Mr. Hutchison, already quoted in page 202: “The Yem Yems, cannibals, are south of Kano, ten days,” which agrees very well with the lowered course of the Niger, which I have been obliged to lay down. “It is to the King of Quallowliffa that the country in which Canna, Dall, and Yum Yum, where cannibals are, is subject.” It is true, that the character only, and not the names of the nations visited from Empoöngwa, can be identified with Mr. Hutchison’s Canna, Dall, and Yum Yum; but the Moorish pronunciation, or writing of negro names, especially those only known to them by report, is very incorrect and capricious. To Mr. Horneman, they were called Yem Yems; to Mr. Hutchison, Yum Yums, and sometimes Jum Jums. The names Bapoonoo, Okobella, Banginniga, Oonbamba, and Asango, may possibly be identified hereafter amongst the countries approximating to the Wōla.

We will return to Adjoomba, where the Ogooäwai divides itself; the smaller arm called Assazee runs to Cape Lopez, which is in the kingdom of Oroöngoo; the monarch, Ogoöla, from his power surpassing every other in the neighbourhood of the coast, has acquired the name of Pass-all with the traders who speak English. Between Oroöngoo and Adjoomba is the kingdom of Oongobai. The King’s name is Pendanga, and the numerals are,

One	Rappeek.
Two	Ramboise.
Three	Mittasee.
Four	Binnay.
Five	Bittan.
Six	Sambal.
Seven	Bittooba.
Eight	Bissamen.
Nine	Bwoi.
Ten	Deëoom.

An intelligent native of this country had fled to Gaboon to avoid execution.

The larger arm of the Ogooäwai, flowing south-eastward, as wide as the Gaboon, through the country of Tanyan, (the western frontier of which is five journies from that of Adjoomba,) runs into the Congo, (which is comparatively small before the confluence,) about ten days pull from the mouth of that river. A very intelligent man who acts as interpreter or trade man to the vessels which frequent the river Gaboon, confirming this account of the slaves and traders, I enquired into the circumstances to which he owed his knowledge. He is the son of the principal trader in Gaboon, called Tom Lawson, who speaks English fluently. Eight years ago, this young man, Wondo, went from Gaboon to the Congo, in the Nimble, Everett master. After the vessel had traded some time, as high up in the river as she might safely venture, the captain sent him and three or four other negroes in a boat with goods, to go up as much higher as they could. His account was, that they passed Evehelee and Cormee, when they came to a fall of water upwards of twenty feet high. A native, who preceded them in his canoe, directed them to enter a small channel to the east, which, by a considerable sweep, avoided it, but the natives, he persisted, both pulled their canoes up, and let them down this fall, by long fibrous roots twisted into cordage, and affixed to the large trees above; frequently, however, the most expert were victims to their intrepidity, generally in the descent; their canoes were made purposely in the shape of a bow. I expressed my doubts, questioned him with seeming indifference, at many different times, on this subject, and requested others to do the same; his account never varied. He was naturally very cautious in what he said, by no means given to the marvellous in recounting his travels, but a corrector of that disposition in others. To the last moment he persisted in this report. Just beyond this fall is the confluence of the Ogooawai and the Congo, which takes place in Tanyan.[132] From this point he described the latter as gradually dwindling to its source, (not more than six days distant, by Encombë and Eveheea,) so that the Congo owed its magnitude and rapidity entirely to the Ogooawai.[133] He mentioned a chief named Mangoff, to have been a principal man in the Congo, and he sung his boat chorus as a specimen of the language, “Malava napa, malava mabootay, mabootay.” He said, Mangoff lived at Barrima. He spoke of a place called Ohlobe, but I omitted to minute the particulars.

The master of a Liverpool ship, laying in Gaboon river, having visited the Congo annually for many years, I availed myself of an opportunity of conversing with him also. He mentioned Bōma as the principal place of trade, but he did not consider it more than forty miles up the river; it was so called after a chief, whose son has now succeeded him. Binda, a secondary place of trade, he reckoned to be ninety miles from the entrance of the river, on the north side; but there are so many arms or branches there, that it is very difficult to distinguish the Congo itself, which he had always understood to terminate soon afterwards.[134] The houses he described as wretched, and transportable, so that a trader buying one for a trifle, could have it moved to any part of the banks he pleased. Sea horse teeth were to be bought plentifully, they buried them with their dead, dedicating them as the Ashantees do gold, and generally sticking one erect on the grave, as a sort of monument. He spoke very ill of them from his own experience; they had frequently attempted to poison the water on board his vessel. A few months back they cut off a Portuguese vessel, destroyed the crew, and plundered her. I anxiously anticipate the perusal of Captain Tuckey’s journal.

Tom Lawson, who has as much, if not more influence than his brother the King, says he would provide an escort headed by his son Wondo, and guarantee the safety of any exploratory party to the river Ogooawai, and five days up it; that is as far as Okota. Two hundred pounds laid out in goods, I think, would defray the expenses, and presents, en passant, handsomely, and there are many opportunities by which two officers might be sent from Cape Coast to Gaboon for the purpose, and by way of the islands, return to it. A man of war might convey them, and call for them, on her cruise.

Kings are numerous in Gaboon, and scarcely comparable even with the petty caboceers of Fantee. The greatest trader, or the richest man of almost every small village assumes the title, and frequently suffers gross indignities from his subjects, from not having the power to punish them. The King of Naängo seems of acknowledged superiority, and is comparatively respectable, both in means and power; he is known to trading vessels by the name of King George. The brother succeeds before the son. The legislative and judicial power is vested in the Governor, controlled by the King, who may order the death of a man; but, if he assigns no good reason, the offensive party is generally allowed to retire elsewhere. All children share the property of the father in equal portions, except the eldest son, who has about half as much again as any other. If a man kills another, he has a public trial; and, if he cannot justify the act, which it seems he may in many instances, his own death is inevitable. If he kills one of his wives, (his rank is designated by the number,) he pays a fine to her family, who, and not the husband, are involved in all her palavers. The acknowledged heir to a property may bring a palaver against his father, or whoever may be possessor of it, for killing a slave unjustly, or otherwise injuring the property, and oblige him to make good the injury.

A man may not look at, or converse with his mother-in-law, on pain of a heavy, perhaps a ruinous fine; this singular law is founded on the tradition of an incest. It is a common custom to lend their wives to one another; if a man evades a promise of this kind, the Governor awards heavy damages to the plaintiff. If an applicant is refused, and is detected in intrigue, the whole of his property is forfeited to the husband of the woman, who, if it is not speedily delivered, may kill the man, and burn his house. I heard of no law so barbarous or disgusting, as this any where in the interior of the Gold Coast. They assured me they never made human sacrifices.

A man of consequence never drinks before his inferiors, without hiding his face from them, believing that at this moment only, his enemies have the power of imposing a spell on his faculties, in spite of the guardiance of his fetish. When a man dies, the door of his house is kept shut seven days. The whiskers of the men, and the side locks both of them and the women, hang down in narrow braids, sometimes below their shoulders, the ends commonly tipped with small beads, and the front locks are generally braided to project like horns. The women wear a number of thick brass rings (the trade brass rod twisted) round their legs. A woman of consequence has a succession of them from the ancle to the knee, which announce her approach when walking, and jingle when she dances. The female slaves support even the heaviest burdens from a broad band or string around the temples. Like other negroes, different families have different fetish, some will not eat a cock, nor others a hen. I could not discover any distinct ideas of the creation, or of a future life. They believe implicitly in the superior fetish of individuals from Sappalah and other countries in the interior.

Tom Lawson’s ‘fetish man,’ a native of Sappalah, has so thoroughly persuaded his master, by his address and fortuitous circumstances in war, that no bullet can injure him, strike him where it will, (either rebounding, or penetrating to be thrown from the stomach at pleasure) that this old man, who has lived almost the whole of his life in European vessels, always presses every stranger to become equally convinced by firing at him. His son bribed this man to endue him with the same fetish, and eagerly making trial of its virtue, received a musket ball, which fractured the small bone of his arm. The address of the fetish man accounted for this, to the entire satisfaction of every body, by declaring (being the most probable crime he could guess in the emergency) that it was at that instant revealed to him by the offended fetish, that this young man once had a stolen intercourse with his wife at an improper season; it was immediately confessed as a truth, and they are as obstinate believers as ever.

Naängo consists of one street, wide, regular, and clean. The houses are very neatly constructed of bamboo, and afford a ground floor of spacious and lofty apartments. They sleep on bedsteads encircled with musquito curtains of bamboo cloth. The manners of the superiors are very pleasing and hospitable, and a European may reside amongst them, not only with safety, but with comfort and dignity. I do not think the old and new town contain 500 inhabitants between them. From the sickness which prevailed on board the vessel, the climate must be very insalubrious. The density of the atmosphere from exhalation was even more oppressive than the heat, which was intense before the setting in of the sea-breeze, and at all times sensibly much greater than I had experienced on the Gold Coast, or in the interior: there was no thermometer on board. The Empoöngwa is the softest negro language I have ever heard, being characterized by the duplication of vowels, separately pronounced. Their numerals are;

One	Hemoödee
Two	Mban
Three	Ntcharoo
Four	Nahee
Five	Nchanee
Six	Oroöba
Seven	Ragginnoömoo
Eight	Ennanakee
Nine	Enogoöm
Ten	Hegoöm