MONEY.

SPEECH

OF

HON. JOHN P. JONES,

OF NEVADA,

ON THE FREE COINAGE OF SILVER;

IN THE

UNITED STATES SENATE,

May 12 and 13, 1890.

WASHINGTON.
1890.

SPEECH

OF

HON. JOHN P. JONES,

OF NEVADA.

On the bill (S. 2350) authorizing the issue of Treasury notes on deposits of silver bullion.

Mr. JONES, of Nevada, said:

Mr. President: The question now about to be discussed by this body is in my judgment the most important that has attracted the attention of Congress or the country since the formation of the Constitution. It affects every interest, great and small, from the slightest concern of the individual to the largest and most comprehensive interest of the nation.

The measure under consideration was reported by me from the Committee on Finance. It is hardly necessary for me to say, however, that it does not fully reflect my individual views regarding the relation which silver should bear to the monetary circulation of the country or of the world. I am, at all times and in all places, a firm and unwavering advocate of the free and unlimited coinage of silver, not merely for the reason that silver is as ancient and honorable a money metal as gold, and equally well adapted for the money use, but for the further reason that, looking at the annual yield from the mines, the entire supply that can come to the mints will at no time be more than is needed to maintain at a steady level the prices of commodities among a constantly increasing population.

In view, however, of the great divergency of views prevailing on the subject, the length of time which it was believed might be consumed in the endeavor to secure that full and rightful measure of legislation to which the people are entitled, and the possibility that this session of Congress might terminate without affording the country some measure of substantial relief, I was willing, rather than have the country longer subjected to the baleful and benumbing influences set in motion by the demonetization act of 1873, to join with other members of the Finance Committee in reporting the bill now under consideration.

Under the circumstances I wish at the outset of the discussion to say that I hold myself free to vote for any amendment that may be offered that may tend to make the bill a more perfect measure of relief, and that may be more in consonance with my individual views.

THE CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY.

The condition of this country to-day, Mr. President, is well calculated to awaken the interest and arouse the attention of thinking men. It can be safely asserted that no period of the world's history can exhibit a people at once so numerous and homogeneous, living under one form of government, speaking a common language, enjoying the same degree of personal and political liberty, and sharing, in so equal a degree, the same civilization as the population of the United States. Eminently practical and ingenious, of indomitable will, untiring energy, and unfailing hope; favored by nature with a domain of imperial expanse, with soil and climate of unequaled variety and beneficence, with every natural condition that can conduce to individual prosperity and national glory, it might well be expected that among such a people industry, agriculture, commerce, art, and science would reach an extent and perfection of development surpassing anything ever known in the history of mankind.

In some respects this expectation would appear to have been well founded. For several years past our farmers have produced an annual average of 400,000,000 bushels of wheat. Our oat crop for 1888 was 700,000,000 bushels, our corn crop 2,000,000,000 bushels, our cotton crop 7,000,000 bales. In that year our coal mines yielded 170,000,000 tons of coal, our furnaces produced 6,500,000 tons of pig iron and 3,000,000 tons of steel. Our gold and silver mines add more than $100,000,000 a year to the world's stock of the precious metals. We print 16,000 newspapers and periodicals, have in operation 154,000 miles of railroad and 250,000 miles of telegraph. The value of our manufactured products at the date of the last census was $5,400,000,000. Our farm lands at the same time were estimated at $10,000,000,000, our cattle at $2,000,000,000, our railroads at $6,000,000,000, our houses at $14,000,000,000. It is not too much to say that there has been an increase of fully 50 per cent. in those values since the taking of the census of 1880. Our national wealth to-day is reasonably estimated at over $60,000,000,000.

Figures and facts such as these in the history of a young nation bespeak the presence not merely of great natural opportunities, but of a people marvelously apt and forceful. From such results should be anticipated the highest attainable prosperity and happiness. Our population is alert, aspiring, and buoyant, not given to needless repining or aimless endeavor, but, with fixity of purpose, presses ever eagerly on, utilizing every conception of the brain to supplement and multiply the possibilities of the hand, and at every turn subordinating the subtle forces of nature to the best and wisest purposes of man. No equal number of persons on the globe better deserve success, or are better adapted for its enjoyment.

But instead of finding, as we should find, happiness and contentment broadcast throughout our great domain, there are heard from all directions, even in this Republic, resounding cries of distress and dissatisfaction. Every trade and occupation exhibits symptoms of uneasiness and distrust. The farmer, the artisan, the merchant,—all share in the general complaint that times are hard, that business is "dull." The farmer is in debt, and is not realizing, on the products of his labor, the wherewithal to meet either his deferred or his current obligations; the artisan, when at work, finds himself compelled to share his earnings with some relative or friend who is out of employment; the merchant who buys his goods on time finds little profit in sales, and difficulty in making his payments.

WHAT IS THE DIFFICULTY?

What can it be, Mr. President, that has thus brought to naught all the careful estimates and painstaking computations, not of thousands, nor of hundreds of thousands, but of millions, of keen, shrewd, and far-seeing men? Our people take an intelligent interest in their business; they look ahead; they endeavor, as far as possible, to estimate correctly their assets and liabilities, so that on the day of reckoning they may be found ready. Why this universal failure of all classes to compute correctly in advance their situation on the coming pay-day? What potent and sinister drug has been secretly introduced into the veins of commerce that has caused the blood to flow so sluggishly—that has narcotized the commercial and industrial world?

All have been looking for the cause, and many think they have discovered it. With some it is "over-production," with others either a "high tariff" or a "tariff not sufficiently high." Some think it due to trusts and combinations, others to improved methods of production, or because the crops are overabundant or not abundant enough. Some ascribe the difficulty to speculation; others, to "strikes." All sorts of insufficient and contradictory causes are assigned for the same general and universal complaint. However inadequate in themselves, they serve to emphasize the universal recognition of a difficulty whose cause without close inquiry is likely to elude detection. But the evil is of such magnitude, it is so widespread and pervasive, that, without a knowledge of its cause, all effort at mitigation of its effects can but add to the confusion and intensify the difficulty.

It behooves us, therefore, as we value the prosperity and happiness of our people, to set ourselves diligently to the inquiry: What is the cause of the unrest and discontent now universally prevailing?

ONE SYMPTOM COMMON TO ALL INDUSTRIES.

In surveying the question broadly, to discover whether there is anything that affects the situation in common from the standpoint of varying occupations, we find one, and only one, uniform and unfailing characteristic; the prices of all commodities and of all property, except in money centers, have fallen, and continue falling. Such a phenomenon as a constant and progressive fall in the general range of prices has always exercised so baleful an influence on the prosperity of mankind that it never fails to arrest attention.

History gives evidence of no more prolific source of human misery than a persistent and long continued fall in the general range of prices. But, although exercising so pernicious an influence, it is not itself a cause, but an effect.

When a fall of prices is found operating, not on one article or class of articles alone, but on the products of all industries; when found to be not confined to any one climate, country, or race of people, but to diffuse itself over the civilized world; when it is found not to be a characteristic of any one year, but to go on progressively for a series of years, it becomes manifest that it does not and can not arise from local, temporary or subordinate causes, but must have its genesis and development in some principle of universal application.

WHAT PRODUCES A GENERAL FALL OF PRICES?

What, then, is it that produces a general decline of prices in any country? It is produced by a shrinkage in the volume of money relatively to population and business, which has never yet failed to cause an increase in the value of the money unit, and a consequent decrease in the price of the commodities for which such unit is exchanged. If the volume of money in circulation be made to bear a direct and steady ratio to population and business, prices will be maintained at a steady level, and, what is of supreme importance, money will be kept of unchanging value. With an advancing civilization, in which a large volume of business is conducted on a basis of credit extending over long periods, it is of the uttermost importance that money, which is the measure of all equities, should be kept unchanging in value through time.

EFFECT OF A REDUCTION IN THE MONEY-VOLUME.

A reduction in the volume of money relatively to population and business, or, (to state the proposition in another form) a volume which remains stationary while population and business are increasing, has the effect of increasing the value of each unit of money, by increasing its purchasing power.

It is only within a comparatively recent period that an increasing value in the money unit could produce such widespread disturbance of industry as it produces to-day. In the rude periods of society commerce was by barter; and even for thousands of years after the introduction of money, credit, where known at all, was extremely limited. Under such circumstances changes in the volume and in the value of money, while operating to the disadvantage of society as a whole, could not instantly or seriously affect any one individual. An increase of 25 per cent. in one year in the value of the money unit—a change which now, by reason of existing contracts or debts, would entail universal bankruptcy and ruin—would not be seriously felt by a community in which no such contracts or debts existed, in which payments were immediate or at short intervals, and each individual parted with his money almost as soon as he received it.

Such proportion of the annual increase in the value of the money unit as could attach to any one month, week, or day would be wholly insignificant, and as most transactions were closed on the spot, no appreciable loss could accrue to any individual. Such loss as did accrue was shared in and averaged among the whole community, making it the veriest trifle upon any individual. But how is it in our day?

THAT EFFECT INTENSIFIED AS CIVILIZATION ADVANCES.

The inventions of the past one hundred years have established a new order of the ages. The revolution of industry and commerce, effected by the adaptation of steam and other forces of nature to the uses of man, have given to civilization an impetus exceeding anything known in the former experience of mankind. Under the operation of the new system, the rapidity and intensity with which, within that period, civilization has developed, is due in great part to an economic feature unknown to ancient civilization and practically unknown even to civilized society until the present century. That feature is the time-contract, by which alone leading minds are enabled to project in advance enterprises of magnitude and moment. It is only through intelligent and far-seeing plans and projections that in a complex and minutely classified system of industry great bodies of men can be kept in uninterrupted employment.

We have 22,000,000 workmen in this country. In order that they may be kept uninterruptedly employed it is absolutely necessary that business contracts and obligations be made long in advance. Accordingly, we read almost daily of the inception of industrial undertakings requiring years to fulfill. It is not too much to say that the suspension for one season of the making of time-contracts would close the factories, furnaces, and machine shops of all civilized countries.

The natural concomitant of such a system of industry is the elaborate system of debt and credit which has grown up with it, and is indispensable to it. Any serious enhancement in the value of the unit of money between the time of making a contract or incurring a debt and the date of fulfillment or maturity always works hardship and frequently ruin to the contractor or debtor.

Three-fourths of the business enterprises of this country are conducted on borrowed capital. Three-fourths of the homes and farms that stand in the name of the actual occupants have been bought on time, and a very large proportion of them are mortgaged for the payment of some part of the purchase-money.

Under the operation of a shrinkage in the volume of money this enormous mass of borrowers, at the maturity of their respective debts, though nominally paying no more than the amount borrowed, with interest, are, in reality, in the amount of the principal alone, returning a percentage of value greater than they received—more than in equity they contracted to pay and oftentimes more, in substance, than they profited by the loan. To the man of business this percentage in many cases constitutes the difference between success and failure. Thus a shrinkage in the volume of money is the prolific source of bankruptcy and ruin. It is the canker that, unperceived and unsuspected, is eating out the prosperity of our people. By reason of the almost universal inattention to the nature and functions of money this evil is permitted, unobserved, to work widespread ruin and disaster. So subtle is it in its operations that it eludes the vigilance of the most acute. It baffles all foresight and calculation; it sets at naught all industry, all energy, all enterprise.

CONTRAST OF EFFECTS PRODUCED BY AN INCREASING AND A DECREASING MONEY-VOLUME.

The difference in the effects produced by an increasing and a decreasing money-volume has not escaped the attention of observant writers.

David Hume, in his Essay on Money, says:

William H. Crawford, Secretary of the Treasury, in a report to Congress, dated 12th February, 1820, says:

Mr. R. M. T. Hunter, in a report to the United States Senate in 1852, says:

The Encyclopædia Britannica, 1859 (article Precious Metals, by J. R. McCulloch), says:

Ernest Seyd, 1868 (Bullion, page 613), says:

The American Review (1876) says:

PRICE THE INDEX OF THE VALUE OF MONEY.

There can be no truer index of the value of money than the general range of prices. Price is the mercury by the rise and fall of which the heat and struggle of industrial and business life are daily measured and made plain. Where the tendency of this indicator continues downward, there is no more certain sign that money is increasing in value.

During a period of falling prices the fear of impending calamity hangs like a pall over the business of the country. Notwithstanding unremitting efforts, men feel themselves constantly on the edge of disaster. Gloomy foreboding and timidity take the place of confidence and courage.

A shrinking volume of money is the most insidious foe with which civilization has to contend.

It is my firm conviction that the inexpressible miseries inflicted upon mankind by war, pestilence, and famine have been less cruel, unpitying, and unrelenting than the persistent and remorseless exactions which this inexorable enemy has made upon society. As the volume of money contracts prices decline, and with the decline of prices comes stagnation of industry, and the relegation to idleness of thousands of willing workmen. Capitalists become unwilling to invest their money in enterprises that employ labor while the products of that labor are constantly decreasing in price. During all periods of falling prices therefore money capital is withdrawn from active industry and seeks investment in bonds and other forms of money-futures yielding fixed incomes. For although the rate of interest in many such cases may be low, the capitalist is compensated for this by the enhancement in the purchasing power of each dollar of the principal and by the necessarily greater command it secures over the products of labor.

Avoiding the very purpose for which it was devised, money at such times seeks seclusion and declines to circulate. Its owner finds that he can better afford to leave it idle in a vault or bury it in the earth, than subject it to the probability of diminution by investing it in business on a constantly falling market. Thus, contrary to all principles of progress and of natural justice, the man who keeps his money idle, and deprives society of its use, is rewarded by an unearned increment, while he who puts his money into active business, where industry and labor may profit by it is punished by unmerited loss.

Under such conditions it is impossible for a community to reach that degree of material progress which, under proper circumstances, it would readily attain. At every turn distress and discouragement stare the people in the face. In every town and village men, willing to work, stand idle. Even their misfortune does not end with themselves, for not only are they a tax upon their friends, lessening to some extent the meager income of those who give them temporary assistance, but their necessary and eager competition for the little work that offers, tends to reduce the compensation of those to whom they are thus indebted. Stores, workshops, and factories, unoccupied and unused, are found in every direction. Crime increases, bankruptcies multiply, and even though the aggregate of wealth augments, it is unjustly distributed, and consequently barren of beneficent results.

A GLANCE AT THE HISTORY OF MONEY.

The system of relying upon the precious metals as money has long been known as the Automatic system. Accurately, it should be called the Accidental system. It has been called "automatic" because, so long as money was made to depend solely upon the yield of the mines, the supply regulated itself by what was believed to be a natural method, namely, by the expenditure of labor in its production, and was limited only by the rude obstacles which nature opposes to the production of the metals. The necessity of expending this labor placed the money volume of any country beyond the control of the kings and conquerors who, in the primitive periods of society, exercised despotic sway over their subjects. It was undoubtedly better for the people of those early times to risk the accidents of production than the follies and sinister designs of rulers.

This automatic system grew out of barter. It is a survival from the period when articles were exchanged directly, not for gold and silver as money, but for gold and silver as commodities—on the basis of their cost of production—as in the case of the articles for which they were exchanged.

There have been the same evolutions of progress in money as in all other things. In the rude original of society no kind of money was possible. The first trade was by barter, after which, some one or more commodities attainable in the vicinage, and in general use and demand were selected as the common media through which all exchanges were filtered. The use for that purpose of various metals by weight followed next, and, at a succeeding stage, gold, silver, and copper by weight, and after this their use in the form of coins, the value of which coincided with the bullion-value, which must necessarily be the case when free coinage is permitted.

It may be not uninteresting in this connection to have a general view of the materials which, at different epochs of the world's history, have been used as money. I therefore present a tabular statement giving those particulars in chronological order.

Table showing some of the substances which have, at various periods and in various countries, been used as money.

Period following the failure of the ancient mines.

Period following the discovery of the American mines.

Period following the openings of California and Australia.

An analysis of this table will show how carefully even the most primitive communities guarded against a too restricted money volume.

The materials chosen to serve the purpose of money in each country during the early history of society were, it will be observed, such as at the time and place would be of sufficient quantity or volume to insure against any sudden deprivation of supply. In countries where the chase was common, the skins of wild animals were used as money; in maritime communities, shells; in pastoral countries, cattle; in the early history of agriculture, grain; in early mining periods, base metal; in primitive manufacturing ages, nails, glass, musket-balls, strips of cotton, etc.

As communities developed, and commerce between them began, substances somewhat common to all countries, portable and indestructible, such as the precious metals, came to be more, and other substances less, resorted to. By reason of their great beauty those metals were always in demand, even among barbarous peoples, for purposes of ornament and decoration. Because of their universal use for such purposes they came to be recognized as things for which anything else could with safety be exchanged, and as society advanced, and it came to be recognized that some medium should be adopted in which to make all exchanges, those metals were naturally selected for the purpose, so that, together, they became, as it were, a common denominator of value. Their selection proved a convenient method of storing away wealth in a form that commanded at all times every other form of wealth. They had always passed by weight wherever used, but as society became better organized, and its methods more complex, it became necessary, in order to insure against fraud, to form them into pieces convenient for handling, and to invest them distinctly with the function of money, so that, by law, they became a universal solvent for debts and demands, the stamp of the government placed on the coin testifying to its weight and fineness.

Both metals, as shown by the table, have been concurrently used as money for thousands of years—not only since the dawn of history, but from a period anterior to any historical records. The oldest annals show that they had already been employed as circulating media and that their relative values, or the ratio of their exchange for one another, had already been established. Gold and silver were used as money in Palestine as early as the year 1900 B. C. We read in the Bible that Abraham weighed to Ephron the Hittite 400 shekels of silver, "current money with the merchant." An inscription on the temple of Karnak, of the date of 1600 B. C. mentions those metals as materials in which tribute was paid.

But long anterior even to these dates, both metals had been used, as, among the relics of the bronze age of the prehistoric era, ornaments of both gold and silver have been found. Gold, being the less abundant of the two metals, has had the higher value; but the ratio between the two has been marvelously steady, taking into account the great sweep of ages during which they have been used as money. This will be seen by reference to the following tables of ratios. I will first take their relative values during ancient times.

Table showing the ratio of gold and silver in various countries of the world up to the Christian era.

By reference to the foregoing table it will be observed that the increase in the supply of gold in Europe, consisting of the spoils of the Orient, gathered by Alexander the Great, and brought by him to Greece, had the effect of decreasing the value of that metal so that instead of being exchangeable at the ratio of 1 to about 13½ of silver, as formerly, gold became depressed, 1 ounce of it exchanging for only 10 ounces of silver. Later, when Julius Cæsar extended his conquering arms into Gaul, and sent to Rome the accumulations of treasure amassed by him, the value of gold by reason of the increased supply was again depressed, so that an ounce of it was exchangeable for only 8.93 ounces of silver. With these exceptions it may be said that the relation of silver to gold for sixteen hundred years before the time of Christ had varied only from the ratio of 1 to 12 to that of 1 to 13.33. Silver at no time during all this period fell below 13.50 to 1 of gold.

Looking, now, at the relative values of gold and silver from the time of Christ to the discovery of America, we find the ratio between the two metals to be as follows:

Table showing the ratio of gold and silver in various countries of the world from the opening of the Christian era to the discovery of America: