APPENDIX.
The British parliament having enacted a law, to the immortal honor of this country, for the abolition of the importation of slaves into our settlements in the West Indies, it remains to be ascertained how this great work of humanity can be completed, by extending it to the emancipation of the slaves already in the colonies.
As a step towards the emancipation, the abolition is of the highest importance; but if the parliament, having passed a decree, shall content itself without proceeding to that great ultimate object—the emancipation, England will have only the unsatisfactory consolation of exhibiting to the world an honorable and ineffectual example; while she leaves other nations to make a profit of her humanity: for, so long as slavery shall be permitted to exist in our colonies, and the African trade be continued by other countries, it may be expected that slaves will not cease to be introduced into the English settlements. Nor can the importation be prevented by any prohibitory law or regulation of the British parliament, however wise in the enactment, or vigilant in the execution; since it will be the common interest of the colonists to encourage adventurers in this illicit traffic.
It is manifest, therefore, that unless England proceed further, the abolition will be nugatory, or even worse; for it will not only be inadequate to its purpose, but it will be the means of throwing the trade into the hands of the merchants of other nations; who, in conducting it, may not be governed by the same humane regulations, which the traders of this country were compelled to observe.
It cannot be supposed that any of the friends of the abolition will be adverse to the emancipation, although various opinions may be held, respecting the best mode of effecting it. Considering themselves as following the genuine dictates of humanity, some may contend for an immediate enlargement; while others, with sounder policy, will plead for a more cautious and gradual liberation.
An abrupt and unlimited enfranchisement might prove injurious to the slave, unjust to the master, and equally cruel to both. It would have the effect of depriving the one of his bread, without teaching the other to earn it. The dark ignorance which overclouds the minds of the slaves; the bitter remembrance of former toils and severities; their natural indolence; the debilitating languor produced by the climate; and the facility of obtaining provisions without labour, would all combine to prevent them from engaging in the settled habits of daily toil. Devoid of instruction, and without any knowledge of the benefits arising from commerce and the accumulation of property, they would not discreetly meet the change to freedom, and assume, at once, the tranquil character of sober and industrious peasantry. It is even doubtful, whether, if they were hastily liberated, they could ever be brought to employ themselves in a constant round of labour: to expect it, as the necessary result of merely granting them their freedom, would be idly romantic. In their present state of ignorance, both humanity and policy are opposed to a sudden emancipation; for, instead of their situation being thereby improved, it would be rendered lamentably worse.
Having been governed by the whip, and held subservient to the will of others, they do not contemplate any intermediate stage, between the master and the slave. Accustomed to the degrading habits of bondage only, their minds are unprepared for freedom, and incapable of comprehending its high advantages. If their bonds were hastily broken, they would be all kings, and no subjects—all planters, and no labourers! In the gloomy imbecility of their uncultivated faculties they would be jealous of the whites, and suspicious of future chains: hence, to give them unbridled liberty would be to let loose an irritated race of beings, with a two-edged sword in their hands, which, in consequence of the many vices and infirmities arising from a life of slavery, they would either turn upon themselves, or wield to the destruction of those about them. They would be thrown into inveterate confusion; the cultivation of the colonies would languish; commerce would die away; and the mother-country preserving no control, all would be violence, outrage, and subversion, and they would persecute or destroy those who had governed them, until every European were exterminated from the settlements. Or, if they should not be roused to energy, by revengeful feelings and a distrust of their former rulers, they would sink into the torpid state of the uncivilized Indians, or of their darker brethren of the African forests, and relapse into a state of rude and savage nature. Their wants being few, and their food easily procured, their exertions would be only commensurate to their cravings: disdaining labour, they would repose under the soft shade of the plantain, equally regardless of the riches of commerce and the honors of industry. The yam, the plantain, and the pepper-pot, the banjar, the merry dance, and their beloved Wowski, would gratify all their wishes, and crown their highest ambition.
However simple the question of emancipation may appear, to those who reason only from an abstract principle regarding humanity and the natural rights of man, it is a subject of no less intricacy than importance. Although urgent and imperative, still it needs much and serious consideration, and cannot be acted upon without the utmost caution. To judge of it properly, requires an extensive knowledge of the interests of the colonists, an intimate acquaintance with the character and disposition of the slaves, and much information with regard to the relative policy between this country and the settlements. By hasty or inconsiderate measures a serious wound might be given to the sacred principles of humanity and justice, and infinitely more mischief than advantage would be the result.
It is possible that, by proceeding with great care and discretion, the loud calls of humanity may be obeyed, and the emancipation effected to the great benefit of the slaves, and without serious injury to their masters: but to force upon the blacks and their descendants, at all hazards, a freedom, which they know not how to value or to use, would be cruel and fatal.
It should be held, always, in remembrance that, in a mental point of view, the slaves are but as children, having their untutored minds in a more abject state of imbecility, than the lowest of the poor in the meanest state of Europe. Much has been done, during many years past, to meliorate their condition; but, in order to make it consistent with the policy of the parent-country, the safety of the West India proprietors, or the benefit of the negro race themselves, to abolish slavery altogether, this beneficent and glorious achievement must be accomplished by a steady perseverance in the use of slow and gradual means.
A general system of education and moral improvement should be established among the slaves; a due sense of their religious duties should be inculcated; and they should be taught to estimate the high value of freedom, and social intercourse: private punishments should be prohibited; all invidious distinctions between the different colours done away; and every man, of whatever hue, should be made subject to the same laws, and the same rules of government.
The degrading ignorance, the sullen perverseness, and revengeful feelings of the slaves should be softened by liberal instruction; they should be gradually associated, and brought to a level with those who are better informed, and more conversant with the arts of industry; and they should be taught to understand the advantages which would arise from continuing the cultivation and commerce of the colonies. A general change in their minds and habits, must be either in progress, or effected, before it can be safe or useful to grant them so great a boon; or, rather, to restore to them so manifest a right.
Perhaps the best preparatory step would be, to bring a considerable proportion of the people of colour, between the whites and the negroes, to England to be educated, together with such of the blacks themselves, as might display any peculiar marks of intellect; allowing them to return as free subjects, possessing all the privileges of citizens; and, in addition to these, annually to enfranchise a certain number of the best-disposed slaves, until the whole should be free; taking care, always to preserve a due proportion between the number educated, and the number emancipated, and to make their liberation a reward to superior merit.
In this manner, the individuals of all shades, and all degrees, might be brought to mix together as people of the same state, subject to the same laws, following the same pursuits, and feeling the same interests and propensities. The coloured inhabitants would be made fellow-citizens with the whites, and they would aspire to be—Englishmen! Among them would be found merchants and planters, as well as tradesmen, mechanics, and labourers: all hurtful jealousies would be done away, and the Africans and their offspring having acquired a knowledge of the benefits to be derived from industry, and the accumulation of property, the cultivation of the colonies would be continued, and the commercial influence preserved to the mother-country.
To attempt to enumerate the manifold advantages which would result from such a system of enfranchisement, would be to enter too much into detail. Among the most important of them would be that of preventing the sad waste of human life, and of treasure, which is at present incurred, by the necessity of sending out unacclimated Europeans to garrison the colonies, and to execute the offices of managers, clerks, book-keepers, and the like. These would not, as at present, be indispensably required. The danger of revolt and insurrection would no longer exist; and the people of colour being capable of performing all the duties of the plantation and the counting-house, they would soon become possessed of stores and estates; and the garrisons might be safely intrusted to them, as the best defenders of their own property.
England having set a generous and splendid example, in being the first to forego the unhallowed profits of a cruel and impious traffic in human beings, might it not be an object worthy the magnanimity of the Prince Regent of this nation, to carry the august work of humanity to its consummation, by establishing an institution, for the emancipation of the slaves, and for their education and improvement after they became free?
If a school were endowed, somewhat upon the plan of Christ’s Hospital, or the Royal Military Asylum[20], and appropriated to the education of the creole children of colour, it would immortalize the name, and prove a lasting monument of the wisdom and benevolence of the Prince, who should have the happiness of being its founder. Such an institution might stamp the Regent’s government, which has been already distinguished by such auspicious events, with unparalleled glory. It would mark the period as an era of humanity, and His Royal Highness could not fail to experience the grateful reward of feeling, that his name would be uttered with prayers and blessings, not only by hundreds of thousands of fellow-beings now existing, but by millions yet unborn!