OLD TIMES.
Although this book does not pretend to be a history of the times of which it treats, still, it will materially help the reader, if, at the outset, some of the principal events which occurred during the period are succinctly narrated.
We start with the year 1788—and one of the first items of importance is the founding of the colony of New South Wales; for Captain Phillips, on 28th January, landed the first batch of convicts, consisting of 561 men, 192 women, and 18 children, also a military force of 212 men. As soon as they were all on shore, Phillips ordered the King's Commission to be read, and assumed the office of Governor. Such was the modest foundation of our great Australian Empire. On the same day at home, Lord George Gordon, of Protestant rioting memory, was brought before the judges of the King's Bench, to receive sentence on two libels, one against the Queen of France, and another on the criminal justice of the country. His sentence for the former, was three years' imprisonment, for the latter, two years, to pay a fine of £500, and find security for his good behaviour for fourteen years. He fled to Holland, was arrested, brought back, and lodged in Newgate. He did not live to regain his liberty, but death set him free 1st November 1793.
An all-absorbing topic of conversation in this year was the trial of Warren Hastings, for his conduct whilst Governor-General of Bengal. The trial commenced on the 13th of February, and it took place in Westminster Hall, which was fitted up with a throne and canopy, having the woolsack for the Lord Chancellor in front. On either side the throne was a private box, one for the use of the King, the other for the Queen: the King never used either throne or box, but, when he went to the trial, he went incognito.
There were seats covered with green baize for the accommodation of members of the House of Commons, but all the rest of the hall was glowing with red baize. Boxes were also provided for the Ambassadors and Corps Diplomatique. The grand show commenced at eleven A.M. with the entrance of the committee appointed to manage the impeachment, all of them in full dress, followed by Burke, who headed the members of the House of Commons.
Hardly had they taken their seats when a buzz of excitement filled the hall, for no one less than the Queen, attended by all her daughters, entered. She did not go to the royal box, but sat in part of the Duke of Newcastle's Gallery. This attracted the attention of all, until the coming in of the peers, including the judges, and the Bishops, the string of Dukes being closed by the Prince of Wales (as Duke of Cornwall), and the Dukes of York, Gloucester, and Cumberland. Lord Thurlow, the Lord Chancellor, came last. The peers all wore their robes and collars, the robes of the royal dukes being borne by pages. Then the Chancellor's mace-bearer cried "Oyez, Oyez, Oyez," and notified to all, that Warren Hastings had come to take his trial, and that his accusers might come forth and make good their charges against him. The Lord Chancellor addressed the prisoner, and told him to be prepared with his defence, to which Hastings replied, "My Lords, I am come to this high tribunal equally impressed with a confidence in my own integrity and in the justice of the court before which I stand." As this trial will not again be mentioned, I may state the fact, that it lasted seven years and three months, and ended in his acquittal, 17th April 1795.
Another remarkable event happened in this year, for on 31st January there died at Rome, at the age of sixty-seven, the young Pretender, Prince Charles Edward Louis Casimir Stuart, grandson of James II.; and, with him, died all hope for the Jacobite party, for he left behind him but one natural daughter, on whom he conferred the empty title of Duchess of Albany. It is true that he left his pretensions to the throne of England to his brother, Cardinal York, but all this Prince did to claim regal honours was to strike a medal, on which he styled himself Henry the IXth. He knew there was no use in continuing the struggle, so accepted a pension from George III., which was paid him until his death.
There is little worth chronicling until we come to the (to Englishmen) most painful event of the year, namely, the King's illness. In July his physicians remarked symptoms in him which gave them grave concern, but he visited Cheltenham, and improved in his health. In October, however, rumours began to get about that all was not well. The Morning Post of 30th October mentions that "On 28th His Majesty complained of a pain in his bowels, and by the advice of his physicians, and the rest of His Majesty's attendants, he is not expected to leave Windsor for the course of a week or a fortnight." Next day we hear that "the chief symptom is said to be a swelling in the legs." Then news is brought, that on the 4th November he had a relapse; on the 7th he is reported better, though, as a matter of fact, he was delirious at dinner on the 5th. On the 9th they say he is better; on the 10th he is MUCH BETTER, and HOPES ARE ENTERTAINED OF HIS RECOVERY. The bulletins of the 11th are vague; that of the 12th reports that he "was not better," and the newspapers of the 13th openly speak of a Regency. In the Morning Post of November 14th it plainly states that "his mental faculties were more deranged." Then his physicians quarrelled amongst themselves as to his treatment, and wrote daily contradictory bulletins, until Dr. Willis took his patient under his sole charge, with good effect. And so ends 1788.
1789 opens with a great frost, one of the heaviest on record. It commenced on the 24th November 1788, and continued, with one intermission (from December 24th to December 26th) until 13th January 1789. On 10th January the Thames at Irongate—which is below London Bridge, by the Tower, was frozen over, and several booths were erected on the ice. The day previously an ox was roasted whole, and eagerly bought by the people who were skating and sliding. The Annual Register thus describes the sight:—"The scene on the Thames is very entertaining; from Putney Bridge upwards, the river is completely frozen over, and people walk to and from the different villages on the face of the deep. Opposite to Windsor Street booths have been erected since Friday last, and a fair is kept on the river. Multitudes of people are continually passing and repassing; puppet shows, roundabouts, and all the various amusements of Bartholomew Fair are exhibited. In short, Putney and Fulham, from the morning dawn till the dusk of returning evening, is a scene of festivity and gaiety. On the 12th a young bear was baited on the ice, opposite to Redriffe (Rotherhithe), which drew multitudes, and fortunately no accident happened to interrupt their sport." The outward-bound vessels at Deptford and Gravesend cleared out with all despatch, lest they should be caught in the ice and detained or damaged.
The usual royal gift of £1000 to the poor of London was this year not forthcoming, so the Prince of Wales ordered that sum to be given from his own treasury. He also sent large sums to the poor of Edinburgh and Brighton.
A Bill to make the Prince of Wales Regent had been introduced in both Houses of Parliament at the latter end of 1788, but was negatived in each; in the Commons by 251 to 178. There had been great squabbling over this Bill, especially between the rival leaders, Fox and Pitt; the former asserting that the Prince of Wales had an absolute right to succeed to the Regency, and the latter would only admit that he had an irresistible claim.
But the King did not get better, and something must be done, yet it was not thought fit to invest the Prince of Wales with altogether regal powers: there must be some limitation. Therefore Pitt wrote to His Royal Highness, detailing the plan intended to be pursued, which was, that the Queen should have the care of the King's person, and the disposition of the royal household, by which means she would enjoy the patronage of 400 places, amongst which were the offices of Lord Steward, Lord Chamberlain, and Master of the Horse: but the Prince should have no power of granting any office, reversion, or pension, for any other term than during the King's pleasure, nor might he confer any peerage.
This, no doubt, was prudent, but was extremely distasteful to the Prince, who wrote a dignified remonstrance to Pitt, at the end of which, however, he consented to accept the terms, being convinced of the evils which might arise were there no Regency. Fifty-five peers, together with the Dukes of York and Cumberland, signed a protest against the limitations, but the Commons cared but little for it. They went on with their work, and, on the 12th February, sent up the Bill to their Lordships for consideration; and they were debating it when the proverb of "There's many a slip 'twixt the cup and the lip" was fulfilled. On the 19th February the Lord Chancellor announced to the House that the physicians reported that the King was rapidly recovering from his malady. On this the House adjourned, and practically no work was done, either by Lords or Commons, for three weeks.
On 27th February the prayer for his recovery was discontinued, and, in its stead, a form of prayer, and thanksgiving for his restoration to health, was ordered to be read in all churches and chapels throughout England and Wales. So completely had he recovered, that he ordered Parliament to be opened by Commission, which was done on 10th March. The 23rd April was appointed for a general thanksgiving, and his Majesty, accompanied by the Queen and the Royal Family, went in solemn state to Saint Paul's, to render thanks to the Almighty for His great mercy.
The following account is much condensed from the report in the Morning Post of 24th April 1789:—"They started early, for, precisely at eight o'clock in the morning, the first carriage that led the procession reached St. Clement's Church in the Strand. After the usual state pioneers, came the members of the House of Commons, followed by the peers according to their several degrees, then the Archbishops, and the princes of the blood royal, after whom came the Prince of Wales, whose equipage outshone all others. Their Majesties' Household came next, and lastly their Majesties themselves.
"The Queen seemed inexpressibly happy: the loud huzzas, which from every quarter rent the air, testified to her, that he who was dearest to her was dearest to the people.
"The King, as if impressed by the weight of the obligation which he owed to Heaven for his recovery, and full of the religious solemnity with which he was going, publicly, to acknowledge that obligation to the Almighty, seemed to be unusually grave and silent; and behaved, at this first appearance in public since his recovery, in a manner which filled the spectators with reverence and awe.
"His Majesty appeared to be much reduced in point of size, but he looked as if in perfect health."
It was a quarter-past three when the procession, on its return, reached Temple Bar, and it was noted that the King looked more cheerful, whilst the Queen was in high spirits.
London was, of course, brilliantly illuminated at night.
This is the principal event of the year, and with it we will close 1789.
As far as England, and its social economy, is concerned, 1790 is very barren. In France, there was the commencement of that dreadful revolution which terrorised all Europe, yet strangely enough all allusion to France was omitted in the Royal Speeches to Parliament, either on 21st January or 26th November.
The navy sadly wanted manning, so much so that a proclamation was issued for encouraging seamen, and landsmen, to enter themselves on board His Majesty's ships of war; that officers on foreign stations should join their respective corps, and recalling, and prohibiting seamen from serving foreign princes, and states. This was all very well, for the fleet was in urgent need of men, owing to the number of ships being put in commission, and ordered to be got ready for sea with the greatest expedition: for instance—
- At Deptford, 3;
- " Woolwich, 3;
- " Chatham, 3;
- " Sheerness, 3;
- " Portsmouth, 10 (one 100, and another 98 guns);
- " Plymouth, 7 (one 100 another 80 guns);
besides others which were expected to be commissioned in a few days.
Ordinary means were not sufficient to provide men, and resort was made to impressment, a mode of obtaining seamen which is of ancient practice. In 1378 a statute of 2 Richard II. speaks of it as being well known, and so it must have been, for the first commission for its use was issued 29 Edward III., 1355. In 1641, Parliament declared the practice illegal, either for the land or sea service; but this has always been ignored when the necessity for seamen arose. It has been regulated by Parliament even so lately as 1835, when, by the statute 5 and 6 William IV., compulsory service is restricted to five years.
How should we feel if some day, in reading our morning paper, we should come across such a passage as the following:—"A very hot press took place in the river Thames, and at all the outports"?—Would you like to know what a "hot press" means?—then learn from the following excerpts from the St. James's Chronicle, May 4-6, 1790:—
"The report of the number pressed in the river on Tuesday night was delivered to the Lords of the Admiralty yesterday morning, which amounted to about 1500 taken in Wapping, and in Southwark, &c., more than 600; amounting in the whole to upwards of 2100 men, besides those at the different seaport towns, reports of which were not received."
"Four tenders went down the river yesterday morning, crowded with impressed men, to be shipped on board a vessel of war lying in Long-reach, ready to receive them. The same tenders were expected up again with the return of the tide, upon the same errand."
Extract of a letter from Chatham, May 5.—"Yesterday morning, between six and seven o'clock, an express arrived from the Lords of the Admiralty to Commodore Pasley, at this port, containing impress warrants: accordingly, a great press commenced about twelve o'clock last night, both in this town, Rochester, &c. &c., and on the river Medway, when many persons were taken, four of whom were lodged in the guardhouse in the yard, and this morning sent on board the 'Scipio,' of 64 guns, lying as guardship at this port, and commanded by Commodore Pasley. A great press likewise commenced last night at Sheerness."
"In consequence of the press warrants, stocks felt a most extraordinary depression yesterday; the Consols opened at 76, and fluctuated from that price to 75-1/4 until very nearly three o'clock."
This then, was a "hot press"—but very little was ever said about it, except a passing notice. The impressed men themselves accepted their fate as inevitable, and, according to the testimony of an old seaman whom I once knew (himself a pressed man), he assured me that, after the first shock was over, they set to work with a will, and did their duty as well as the volunteers. There were supposed to be exceptions, such as apprentices, who were exempt, but I fear, when once in the hands of the pressgang, it was a very poor chance of any one's getting off.
A social note worthy of being recorded, in this year, was that a man named John Frith, lieutenant of the second battalion of Royals, threw a stone at His Majesty's coach. He seems to have done no harm, and was evidently a lunatic, for no one in their senses would have endeavoured to injure a king who was just then in the zenith of his popularity. That he was insane the jury thought, for, on his trial for high treason on 21st May, he was acquitted as being of unsound mind, but he was put under safe watch and ward in Newgate, and only liberated on 11th December 1791, on bail being given to take proper care of him.
The year 1791 is remarkable for its uneventfulness, nothing of national importance occurring during the twelve-month. Impressment still went on, as we see by the St. James's Chronicle, April 16-19.—"Friday night the press in the Thames, and on both sides the river, was the warmest that has been at all since press warrants were last issued. No fewer than eleven gallies were rowing about between London Bridge and Deptford. Every one of His Majesty's frigates and sloops on Channel service, as well as those in the North Sea and on the Irish coast, have received orders to proceed upon the impress service. The smaller vessels, as soon as they have procured forty seamen each, are to deliver them over to the receiving ships at Spithead and the Nore."
In 1787 a society was formed in England having for its object the suppression of slavery, under the auspices of Granville Sharpe, Clarkson, and others, and Mr. Wilberforce (by whose untiring efforts its downfall was at last obtained) joined it. On the 18th April 1791, the House of Commons resolved itself into a committee "to consider of the African slave trade." Wilberforce made an eloquent speech, in which he depicted the horrors of the trade. Among other barbarities he mentioned the whipping, and holding red-hot coals, to the mouths of those (in order to compel them to eat) who were desirous of putting an end to their existence, by starving themselves to death; and, to prove the preference given by those unhappy creatures of death to slavery, he quoted part of the evidence, which told how they took every opportunity of leaping overboard, and that, in the agonies of death, when drowning, they would hold up their hands for joy in having escaped from their tormentors.
He mentioned many cruelties which had passed unpunished, and particularly one, which was committed by a master upon his female slave, a girl about six years old, by cutting her mouth from ear to ear; he showed how injurious the slave trade was to our mercantile navy, quoting from the muster rolls of Liverpool and Bristol, that in one year, out of 12,263 seamen employed in the slave trade, 2643 had died.
After many other arguments, he concluded with a motion, "That the Chairman be directed to move for leave to bring in a Bill for preventing the further importation of African negroes into the British colonies and plantations."
The debate was continued, and adjourned until the next day—when the battle pro slavery or its abolition waxed fierce; but when it came to a decision, the numbers were—for the motion, 88; against, 163—majority against the abolition, 75.
1792 opened, as we would fain have our financial years open now-a-days, with an increase of revenue over the preceding year of £300,000, and a surplus of more than £900,000, besides paying the annual million in reduction of the national debt. Pitt repealed £200,000 of burdensome taxes, added £400,000 to the million to extinguish the debt, and discreetly kept the balance in hand for eventualities. Trade had vastly increased, as we may see from the following figures:—In 1783 the exports were valued at £14,741,000; and, in 1791, they had risen to £20,120,000.
On 2nd April, the House of Commons being in Committee, Mr. Wilberforce again brought forward the question of the slave trade, and, after an eloquent speech, wound up with the motion:—"That it is the opinion of the Committee, that the trade carried on by British subjects, for the purpose of procuring slaves from Africa, ought to be abolished." After a debate, Mr. Secretary Dundas moved as an amendment, to insert the word "gradually" immediately before the word "abolished."
This was carried by a majority of 68, and the motion, so altered, being put, the numbers were—Ayes, 230; Noes, 85—majority for the motion, 145. The Chairman was then ordered to move the House for leave to bring in a Bill, pursuant to the said resolution.
England could not but be affected by the French Revolution. At the commencement of the movement there was some sympathy shown by the Whigs to a people who were struggling to free themselves from the trammels of despotism, but that sympathy rapidly grew cold, and faded, on witnessing the excesses committed by the people of Paris, and some other large cities, until the capture, and imprisonment of the Royal family, turned it to absolute loathing, and hatred.
There was great uneasiness throughout the country as to whether the tide of anarchy might not reach us, especially as numbers of fugitives were daily reaching our shores. Take, for example, two instances quoted in the Annual Register, both of the date 12th September:—
"Southampton.—One Ayland, a fisherman of Hamble, a village about seven miles from Southampton, was fishing for lobsters on the coast of France on Thursday last, and had taken in about half his cargo, when he espied two boats full of men, seemingly in great distress; on which he bore down, and received them on board. They had swam to their boats to get away from the coast, and many of them were much bruised and pelted with stones by others on shore. They begged the fisherman to land them somewhere in England, to prevent their being murdered; which he promised to do, and offered them subsistence till he had completed his lading. They represented the danger of being intercepted, if he did not immediately proceed to sea, and offered him any sum he should ask, to land them as soon as possible. He waived his own interest, set sail, and landed them at the above village; but with a spirit of humanity, which does honour to human nature, he absolutely refused any reward whatever, although he had not completed his fishing, which is the maintenance of his family."
"Lewes.—Upwards of 500 unfortunate emigrants were, last week, landed on our coast, who have had the fury of the elements to contend with, after escaping that of their countrymen. The Brighton packets, heavily laden with them, were driven by the winds far eastward off their usual track, and with difficulty made Hastings, Pevensey, and Eastbourne. At the former place, on Wednesday morning, 76, all ecclesiastics, came on shore, among whom were the Bishop of Auvranches, the Dean of Rouen, and several other dignitaries. The Bishop with great difficulty escaped from Auvranches by the assistance of one of his grand vicars, who, with domestics, accompanied him to Rouen, where they were for some days concealed. The populace having again discovered them, they were again obliged to travel on foot, in disguise, to Dieppe. They arrived in the night, took refuge a few hours in an hotel; and, at the time appointed for the departure of the packet, ran to the sea side, and, it providentially being high water, were enabled to get out of reach of the rabble, who, in one minute after, pursued them to the shore."
Take again an extract or two from the St. James's Chronicle of 11-13th September 1792. "Between daybreak and eight o'clock yesterday morning, thirteen broad-wheeled waggons, crowded with French emigrants, passed through the Borough. During the night, and the whole of yesterday forenoon, waggons, carts, and chaises, and carriages of almost every other description, continued arriving in town with emigrants, by way of Westminster, Blackfriars, and London Bridges."
"It is a known fact, that upwards of forty thousand French men, women, and children, are at this moment in England: two-thirds of them of the lowest class, who, taking advantage of the convulsed state of their native country, come over under the plausible title of exiled aristocrats."
"There are three powerful reasons why the very great number of arrivals here from France should excite the immediate attention of Government. One, that it may occasion a rapid rise in the price of provisions, already at a height that occasions much complaint among the lower orders of people. Second, lest under the appellation of fugitives, a multitude of insidious and evil-designing persons should intrude themselves, with the intention of raising similar disturbances in this kingdom. Third, lest it should be the means of introducing a great number of rascals, thieves, and villains, who are always cowards, and cannot have principle enough to take any side; these, therefore, are the first to run. An inundation of them, added to the bad among our own people, might not only render private property very precarious, but even prove dangerous to the state."
The Government was fully alive to this great influx of Frenchmen, and the possible effect it might have on the people of England; so they introduced, and passed, the "Act for establishing Regulations respecting Aliens arriving in this kingdom, or resident therein, in certain cases," 33 Geo. III. cap. 4. After the preamble, the gist of which has been given, this Act enacts that all masters of vessels are to give to the officer of the Custom, at the port of arrival, a written declaration specifying the names, &c., of foreigners on board. All aliens arriving after 10th January 1793 were to give to the port officer of the Customs a written declaration of their names, rank, &c. If they failed in so doing, they were to depart out of the realm, or be transported for life. The officer of Customs had to furnish them with a certificate, and, if they wished to change their abode, they were to have a passport, which they were to show, or be committed for trial. They must also depart from the realm when ordered by His Majesty's proclamation, &c. &c. &c.
This was a somewhat severe ordinance, but as far as I know, it was never acted on, for the French emigrés were a quiet, law-abiding people, thankful for the refuge they had received. It was during the debate on this Bill that Burke made his historical coup de theatre, the dagger scene in the House of Commons. I quote from the St. James's Chronicle 27-29th December 1792:—Burke loquitur. "It had been declared by a noble Lord (Granville) in another place, that there were known to be nineteen assassins in this country with daggers for the extirpation of kings—but it had been said that nineteen were of no consequence; he thought differently, for there were in that number seven more than necessary to destroy the whole Royal family; the number to him was alarming, for he knew not how many apprentices those murderers might have, nor how many encouragers in this country; the knowledge of nineteen French murderers having arrived, was a full justification of the present Bill. He thanked His Majesty's Ministers for having brought it forward; it might prevent the arrival of nineteen times nineteen of those monsters, and it might counteract the intentions of that Englishman who had ordered the manufacture of 5000 daggers at Birmingham—how many for exportation, or how many for home consumption, he knew not. He had, however, strong reasons to believe that they were intended to introduce French fraternity into the bosoms of Englishmen—to introduce murder and desolation, for 'there! there!' exclaimed Mr. Burke, throwing a dagger upon the floor of the House, 'is the fraternity of freedom; that is the fraternity they wish to plunge into the heart of our Sovereign; into the heart of every virtuous Englishman who was loyal to his King, or worshipped his God,'" &c. &c.
This rodomontade was only provocative of mirth, and it is said that Sheridan asked—"You have thrown down the knife—where is the fork?" which convulsed the House with laughter.
1793 opened gloomily with the trial, sentence, and decapitation of Louis XVI. (sentenced 17th January, beheaded 21st January); and our national sympathy towards the martyred King was shown by an order for a general mourning, which it was hoped would be universal. "As our Court has ordered an etiquette mourning for Louis XVI., there can be little doubt that the people will, as one man, clothe themselves in a garb expressive of their detestation of his murtherers."
Our relations with France had been very strained, for some time past, and war had long been expected. In December 1792 a proclamation had been issued, embodying and calling out the militia. Vessels were being hurriedly equipped, and commissioned, and nobody was surprised, when, on 1st February, Parliament received a message from the King, informing his people that M. Chauvelin had left this country, and that there was an urgent necessity for augmenting the sea and land forces. The number of French in England became a source of uneasiness, and an Order of Council was issued on 2nd February, directing all aliens, save such as were excepted by the Alien Act, to reside within fifty miles of the standard on Cornhill, and ten miles from the sea coasts, and dockyards.
The French had already begun hostilities, by laying an embargo on all British shipping in French ports, and, on 5th February, we retaliated by acting in the same manner; but the terms were not equal, for there were but six, or eight, French vessels in our ports, whilst it was reckoned that the French had got hold of over 1000 of our seamen. But sailors were forthcoming to man the fleet, for we read, under 7th February, that "Upwards of 2000 sailors entered the Royal Navy last week."
On 11th February, the King sent the following message to Parliament:—
"George R.—His Majesty thinks proper to acquaint the House of Commons, that the Assembly now exercising the powers of Government in France have, without previous notice, directed acts of hostility to be committed against the persons and property of His Majesty's subjects, in breach of the law of nations, and of the most positive stipulations of treaty, and have since, on the most groundless pretensions, actually declared war against His Majesty and the United Provinces; under the circumstances of this wanton and unprovoked aggression, His Majesty has taken the necessary steps to maintain the honour of his Crown, and to vindicate the rights of his people; and His Majesty relies with confidence on the firm and effectual support of the House of Commons, and on the zealous exertions of a brave and loyal people, in prosecuting a just and necessary war, and endeavouring, under the blessing of Providence, to oppose an effectual barrier to the farther progress of a system which strikes at the security and peace of all independent nations, and is pursued in open defiance of every principle of moderation, good faith, humanity, and justice.
"In a cause of such general concern, His Majesty has every reason to hope for the cordial co-operation of those Powers who are united with His Majesty by the ties of alliance, or who feel an interest in preventing the extension of anarchy and confusion, and in contributing to the security and tranquillity of Europe.
G. R."
The Government was determined to do nothing by halves, and, as the law of nations had not yet condemned the practice, they (on the 12th February) caused to be issued, by the Admiralty, letters of marque,[1] and reprisals against the French shipping—whilst pressgangs scoured the streets and boarded all vessels for seamen. As, for instance (16th February), "A press broke out in the river yesterday morning, all the seamen were taken from the colliers, and the gangs were very successful." And every means were taken to get sailors to volunteer, vide the following extract out of a letter from Rochester, 15th February:—"Three guineas are given to an able-bodied seaman, two guineas to an ordinary seaman, and one guinea to a landsman (above the King's bounty), to those who shall enter within a month in this city; being the voluntary generosity of the Mayor and corporation here." And this example was followed by many other corporations.
War being declared, preparations for it were carried on with the utmost vigour. The Duke of York, colonel of the Guards (afterwards on 12th April made general), addressed the three regiments on parade, told them that he would accompany them to Holland, and asked for volunteers. This met with an unanimous response, but the number required being limited, such men, only, were selected, who were judged fittest for the service, and they started on their expedition on 25th February, after having been inspected by the King.
It is no part of the scheme of this book to follow the fortunes of the war, and, as there is little else noteworthy in the year 1793, we pass to the next year.
On the 22nd February, 1794, His Majesty sent a message to Parliament, calling attention to the expediency of increasing the land forces, and, consequently, a large increase in the militia, and an addition to the fencible corps, were voted, and the Secretary of State sent a circular to all the Lords-lieutenant of Counties, recommending them to solicit voluntary contributions towards carrying on the war.
Wilberforce still continued to agitate the slave question, although not on the same lines as formerly. He changed his tactics, and, as the sense of the House, on a previous occasion, was in favour of gradually doing away with it, he introduced a Bill for abolishing that part of the slave trade which related to the supply of foreign plantations. Of course it met with opposition, Sir William Young moving that it be read a second time this day (26th February) six months, but it was carried in the Lower House, the numbers for the second reading being 56 against 38—majority, 18. The Bill, however, was thrown out in the Lords, owing to the opposition of Lord Grenville, who argued that such a Bill should not be introduced whilst the House was instituting inquiry into the whole question. And so, for a time, it dropped, perforce.
Many amongst us seem to think that Sir Rowland Hill originated the penny post, but such is not the fact. That it was mainly through his instrumentality that letters could be sent to all parts of England, Scotland, and Ireland, at the uniform price of one penny, and that he did much to re-organise the vast establishment of the post-office, is beyond doubt; but the penny post existed long before that. There is a squabble between Dockwra and Murray as to which of them commenced it in 1683; at all events, the Government took it from Dockwra in 1690, and afterwards gave him a pension of £500 a year, and he was made Controller of the District Post; but he was finally discharged, on account of some charges of malversation, &c., brought against him.
In 1711 an Act was passed abolishing the penny post, and on June 23rd of that year a proclamation was issued, putting it in force. But it was resuscitated, for we find, in the Parliamentary intelligence of the Times, 26th February, 1794: "House of Commons, 25th February. The House having gone into Committee, Mr. Long proposed some resolutions to be adopted as an improvement on the mode of carrying letters by the penny post. It was proposed that letters sent by the penny post should be carried six times every day, and that an additional duty of one penny should be paid to the King,—that is, as we understand it, that the person who receives the letter shall pay a penny in all cases, as well as he who sends it. Another resolution was, that the postage of letters in the islands of Guernsey and Jersey should be the same as in England." Pitt explained that the extra penny would, probably, only cover the extra cost involved in having six deliveries, and, after a short debate, the resolutions passed the Committee.
The Times (28th February 1794), commenting thereon says—"The new Penny Post Office is likely to prove such a very great accommodation to the public, that the only wonder is, it has been so long neglected. Instead of the numbers of deliveries, and the hours of despatch varying in different parts of the town, as at present, there will be six deliveries each day in all parts of the town; by which means a person living at Mary-le-Bonne may send letters to, or receive letters from, Limehouse, a distance of seven miles, five times a day.... Persons putting in letters by nine in the morning, at the distance of ten miles from the chief Penny Post Office, and later, at less distant parts, may receive answers from London the same afternoon."
The Revolution in France still continued, as did then emigration, for a return was made of the number of emigrés, who had been brought off from Toulon by the British Fleet, and this report avers that they numbered 14,877 men, women, and children. No wonder, then, at the passing of the Alien Act.
The French Revolution, no doubt, stirred up the discontented, and disaffected, in England: the perusal of Paine's "Rights of Man" in no ways tended to soothe a rebellious feeling, and the mob, on several occasions, was very riotous. Societies, like the "Corresponding Society" and the "Society for Constitutional Information," were founded in London, and the Government, feeling itself strong enough, was determined to strike a blow and crush them: so, on the 12th May, the King sent a message to Parliament, saying, that "having received information that the seditious practices, which have been for some time carried on by certain societies in different parts of the country, have lately been pursued with increased activity and boldness," &c.... he "has given directions for seizing the books and papers of the said societies in London, which papers have been seized accordingly, and these books and papers appear to contain matter of the greatest importance." He directed them to be laid before Parliament for consideration, so that they might take "measures thereupon, as may appear to be necessary, for effectually guarding against the further prosecution of these dangerous designs."
John Thelwall (political lecturer), Daniel Adams, and Thomas Hardy were taken into custody. The latter two were examined before the Privy Council on the 13th, the former on the 14th, on which date a Royal Messenger went to Earl Stanhope's house, and arrested his lordship's private secretary, the Rev. Jeremiah Joyce. A famous agitator, the Rev. John Horne Tooke, was also taken. Their trials took place in October, November, and December 1794, and ended in the acquittal of the prisoners, after which the Government abandoned similar prosecutions.
But a patriotic feeling was abroad, more than enough to counterbalance these turbulent spirits. The vast majority of the population was loyal, and volunteers hastened to band together for the defence of their country. One or two instances will suffice. "On the 17th April the Court of Common Council of the City of London agreed to open a subscription for raising, and disciplining, a regiment of infantry and a troop of cavalry for the defence of the city, to be called the 'Loyal London Volunteers.'"—"Rutland Volunteers Troops of Cavalry. On the 5th instant, 154 men and horses, consisting of the high sheriff, the noblemen, gentlemen, and yeomen, who intend forming this corps, met at Oakham.... Uniform, French gray and buff. Every person who belongs to this corps binds himself, under £50 penalty, to attend when called upon."—Times, 21st April. These two instances shew the wide range the volunteers' movement—then in its very infancy—took.
The feeling, however, of the nation was not altogether unanimous in favour of war. There was then, as now, a peace party. On 6th March Mr. Whitbread moved an address to the King, strongly disapproving of the policy of the Government, and of their conduct, not only preceding, but succeeding the war. The Earl of Guildford did the same in the Lords, but in both Houses the motions were negatived by large majorities. Nothing daunted by this, on 30th May, the Duke of Bedford, in the House of Lords, reviewed the causes which led to the war, and also the foreign policy of the Government, ending by moving fourteen resolutions, of which the most material were the two following:—"That it appeared expedient to that House, that it should recommend to His Majesty to adopt such measures as might lead to a negotiation for peace."
Or that, "if His Majesty, in his wisdom, thought it advisable still to prosecute the war, that he would be most graciously pleased to state what the object of it was."
After a debate, which lasted till half-past one o'clock, it was adjourned till the following Monday.
In the Commons, Fox took the same tone, winding up with—"The advantages we had gained by sea and land were favourable for the negotiation of a peace, as they served as so many funds to induce the enemy to treat; and, should we fail, we should thereby justify our pacific intentions to the world." He concluded by moving resolutions similar to those of the Duke of Bedford. The result was—For the previous question, 208; for Mr. Fox's resolutions, 55—majority, 153. And no more was heard of the Duke of Bedford's resolutions.
The next, and last, great incident was, Lord Howe's great naval victory over the French off the coast of Ushant, on "the glorious first of June." Two 80 and five 74 gun ships were the substantial fruits of this victory, although "Le Vengeur," one of the 74's, sunk soon after capture, drowning some 300 men. No one knows the French loss in this battle, but we do know, that on board the prizes taken there were found 1200 dead bodies. Our total loss was 904. The news travelled very fast, for that day; Sir Roger Curtis, Howe's first captain, arrived at the Admiralty with despatches on the evening of the 10th June.
The jubilation was great, nor was practical sympathy with the widows and orphans of our seamen wanting. In less than one hour a thousand guineas were subscribed at Lloyd's for their relief. The popular rejoicing took the form of illuminating the houses, smashing Earl Stanhope's windows, and much beer drinking. The thanks of both Houses of Parliament were given to Earl Howe, and, on his arrival at Portsmouth, the King, Queen, and the Royal family went down and paid him a visit on board his own ship, on 29th June. As there is a crispness, and freshness, about contemporary accounts of events, let the Times (July 1st) tell the story.
"On the King being received on board the 'Queen Charlotte,' he presented Earl Howe with a diamond hilted sword. His lordship, perceiving His Majesty's intention, threw the sword he had on his side upon the deck, and, kneeling, received from the Sovereign's hand this distinguished proof of approbation. His Majesty also presented a gold chain, to which a medal is hereafter to be annexed, to Admiral Sir Alexander Hood, and Rear-Admiral Gardner; the like honour was conferred on Lord Howe's first captain, Sir Roger Curtis. The wounded Admirals, Bowyer and Pasley, who consequently could not attend, have been distinguished with similar marks of His Majesty's favour."
Poor Admirals Bowyer and Pasley had to be pensioned off, on account of their wounds, in February 1795, the sum awarded to each being £500 per annum.
At the commencement of 1795 the French took possession of Utrecht, Rotterdam, and Dort: the treasure of the Prince of Orange was sent to London, and the Stadtholder and his family had to make a hurried flight for their lives in an open boat, luckily reaching Harwich safely. The French having thus occupied Holland, the English Government laid an embargo on all Dutch vessels in our ports.
The Opposition still attempted to embarrass the Government on the question of the War, and, on 26th January, Mr. Grey, in a very lengthy speech, brought forward a motion, recommending peace with France. Pitt came forward with an amendment, to the purport that there could be no security for peace whilst the Government of France was an irregular one, and, on its being put, it was carried by 269 to 86.
Wilberforce still kept "pegging away" at the Slave Trade, and, on 26th February, introduced a motion, "for leave to bring in a Bill for the abolition of the slave trade, at a time to be limited." Pitt lent him the weight of his influence, but it was a small House, and he lost it by a majority of 17.
Fox, naturally (being in opposition), was always baiting the Government, and on 24th March he moved, "That the House should resolve itself into a Committee to inquire into the state of the nation;" but he suffered a severe defeat, the numbers against his motion being 219; for, 63.
The English troops in Holland had met with a series of misadventures, and were compelled to retreat. A fine array of 35,000 men left our shores for this expedition, and but about a fifth part could be mustered when they reached the town of Bremen, on the 27th and 28th of March—and right glad were they to embark on board the transports lying in the Elbe, ready to receive them.
The harvest of 1794 had been bad, and bread and provisions generally were so dear as practically to amount to a famine among the poor. People, as a rule, will, unfortunately, not starve quietly, so we hear of food riots occasionally. On 11th April a mob at Portsea attacked the butchers' and bakers' shops, and compelled them with persuasive eloquence to sell, the one, meat at 4d per lb.—the other, bread at 6d a quartern loaf. Again on 20th April, the Oxford Militia, with loaded guns and fixed bayonets, went to Seaford, where, having confiscated all the beef and mutton they could lay their hands on, they sold it at 4d per lb., and then, going to Newhaven, they seized 2000 sacks of flour, and sold it at their own price. This flagrant breach of military discipline was, however, soon punished, for the Horse Artillery and Lancashire Fencibles came up and took the rioters prisoners. But similar riots were rife all through the Midlands.
In the autumn things got even worse, and Parliament was assembled earlier than usual to deliberate on a remedy for this state of things; the outcome of which was an order for a bounty of twenty shillings per quarter on wheat from the Mediterranean, fifteen shillings on wheat from America, and five shillings per quarter on Indian corn. Bills also were passed prohibiting the manufacture of starch from wheat, and also the distillation of spirit from grain.
This scarcity of food, and the heavy burdens, both in taxation, the levying of men, and the pressgangs, fell sorely on the poor, who murmured loudly,—a fact which was duly taken advantage of by the demagogues for their own seditious purposes. They agitated for universal suffrage and annual parliaments, and the movement gathered strength. On the 26th October, the Corresponding Society held a mass meeting in Copenhagen Fields, and the inflammatory speeches there delivered, no doubt, bore their fruit three days afterwards, when the mob stoned the King. As the Times' account of this assault is very meagre, compared with that in the Annual Register, I copy the latter verbatim.
"29th October.—On the occasion of His Majesty's going to the House of Lords, the Mall and the Parade of St. James's Park, and Parliament Street, were completely choked up with spectators. The crowd was by no means so great at the Coronation, and, to see the King go to the House, there never were before more than a tenth part of the numbers of this day; for they, at least, amounted to 200,000. Several noblemen and Cabinet Ministers passed through the Park from Buckingham House about two o'clock. The Earl of Chatham, Duke of Gloucester, &c., were hissed, and the Duke of Portland was very much hooted.
"About twenty minutes afterwards the King left Buckingham House, and was violently hissed and hooted and groaned at the whole way; but no violence was offered till he arrived opposite the Ordnance Office, when a small pebble, or marble, or bullet, broke one of the windows. In returning, the moment His Majesty entered the Park the gates of the Horse Guards were shut, for the purpose of excluding the mob who followed the carriage; at which, as it passed opposite Spring Gardens Terrace, another stone was thrown, but it fortunately struck the woodwork between the windows.
"The crowd now pressed closely round the coach, and His Majesty, in considerable agitation, signified, by waving his hands to the Horse Guards on each side, his anxiety that the multitude should be kept at a distance. In this way he passed on through the Park, and round by the Stable Yard, into St. James's Palace, at the front gate, the bottom of St. James's Street. A considerable tumult took place when His Majesty was about to alight, and one of the horses in the state coach took fright, threw down an old groom of the name of Dorrington, and broke one of his thighs, but it proved, fortunately, a simple fracture; his other thigh was considerably bruised, but not dangerously.
"A few minutes after His Majesty had entered the palace, the mob attacked the state coach with stones, and did it great injury. In its way along Pall Mall to the Mews many things were also thrown at it. After a short time the King went, in his private coach, from St. James's to Buckingham House; but, on his way through the Park the mob surrounded the carriage, and prevented it from proceeding, crying out, 'Bread! Bread! Peace! Peace!'—The Guards were, however, speedily brought up, and they protected the carriage till His Majesty got safe into Buckingham House.
"When His Majesty entered the House of Peers, the first words he uttered were these, to the Lord Chancellor: 'My Lord, I have been shot at!' This alluded to the substance which had broke the window while passing the Ordnance Office.
"Three or four persons were apprehended on suspicion of having thrown stones, &c., at the King, and one of them was charged with having called out, 'No king,' and other such expressions. They were all examined at the Duke of Portland's office; and, waiting the result of this business, nothing was done in the House of Lords till near six o'clock, when Lord Westmoreland, who rode in the carriage with the King, having previously moved 'that strangers be ordered to withdraw,' stated the insult and outrage with which the King had been treated; and added that His Majesty, and those who had accompanied him, were of opinion that the glass of the coach had been broken by a ball from an air-gun, which had been shot from a bow window of a house adjoining the Ordnance Office, with a view to assassinate him.
"The King, through the whole of the riot, displayed the cool magnanimity for which the family have ever been distinguished. At the time that the glass of the coach was broken, he said to Lord Westmoreland, 'That is a shot;' and, instead of leaning back in the carriage, or striving to avoid the assassin, he pointed to the round hole in the pane, and examined it. But this was not all; he went into the private coach, to go from St. James's to the Queen's house, in the midst of the wildest commotions of the multitude, thereby exposing himself, almost without guards, to their fury; and then it was that His Majesty's person was most imminently in danger."
"30th October.—Confident in the attachment of his people, notwithstanding the alarms of the preceding day, the King, accompanied by Her Majesty and three of the Princesses, visited Covent Garden Theatre, and, at their entrance, was received with the usual burst of applause. 'God save the King' was sung twice, and, by a considerable part of the house, over-zealously called for a third time; this, in a corner of the gallery, provoked a few hisses, which, however, were soon overruled, and one or two of the most active of the turbulent party were turned out; after which the performance went on."
Five persons were apprehended for this outrage, but with the exception of one, Kidd Wake, aged 27, a journeyman printer, who owned to his hissing and hooting at His Majesty, and who was committed to take his trial on 14th November, I cannot trace their fate; probably they were discharged for want of evidence.
A Royal Proclamation was issued, offering one thousand pounds reward to any one "who shall give information, so that any of such authors, actors, or abettors, as aforesaid, shall be apprehended and brought to justice."
In November there were fearful storms, especially on the 6th, which were extraordinarily destructive, both to life and property. One of these storms was so severely felt at Weymouth, that nearly 1600 dead bodies were, at different times, thrown up on the beach, 300 being buried at one time, and, had not the Gloucestershire Militia helped in burying them, there would, doubtless, have been a pestilence.
On 8th December Pitt, in the House of Commons, delivered a message from the King, in which occurs the following passage, which must have been hailed with thanksgiving throughout the length and breadth of the land:—"His Majesty, on this occasion, thinks proper to acquaint the House, that the crisis which was depending[2] at the commencement of the present session, has led to such an order of things in France, as will induce His Majesty (conformably to the sentiments which he has already declared) to meet any disposition to negotiation on the part of the enemy, with an earnest desire to give it the fullest and speediest effect, and to conclude a treaty for general peace, whenever it can be effected on just and suitable terms for himself and his allies."
At the commencement of 1796 the Royal Family were still in bad odour with a certain section of the public,—nor can it be wondered at by any one who has studied the satirical prints of the day. Every foible of Royalty was noted, exaggerated, engraved on "perennial brass," exhibited most freely in the shop windows, and most eagerly purchased. Farmer George, and his simple, and somewhat mean habits, the Queen's avarice, the Prince of Wales' licentiousness, and extravagance, and all the scandals (and they were many) appertaining to the rest of the Royal Family, were ruthlessly laid bare, and mercilessly exposed to the public gaze.
That this must have tended to lower the Royal Family in most men's eyes, there can be no doubt, so that we are not very much surprised at the occasional practical manifestations of the mob. On the night of 1st February, there was more stone-throwing on the part of the populace, which the Times of 3rd February thus describes:—"On Monday night, as the Royal Family were returning from Drury Lane Theatre, just as they reached the middle of Pall Mall, a stone was flung at the coach in which were their Majesties and the lady-in-waiting, which broke the glass, and, entering the carriage, struck the Queen on the cheek, and fell into Lady Harrington's lap.
"A deposition of the circumstances was taken yesterday at the Duke of Portland's office, at which his Grace and some of the Bow Street Magistrates were present; when four of the footmen attending their Majesties were examined; a reward will be immediately offered to discover the offender." And so it was to the extent of £1000, but nothing came of it.
Whilst on the subject of the royal unpopularity, I may mention that Kydd Wake, who last year was apprehended for hissing and hooting at the King, was tried before Lord Kenyon, for "trespass, riot, and misdemeanour," and found guilty—sentence being deferred. This, however, was pronounced upon him by Mr. Justice Ashurst at the Court of King's Bench 7th May. His judgment was somewhat long-winded, and he concluded thus:—"It now becomes my duty to pronounce the sentence of the Court; which is, that you be committed to the custody of the keeper of the Penitentiary House, in, and for, the County of Gloucester, and be kept to hard labour for the space of five years; and, within the first three months of that time, that you stand in, and upon, the Pillory for one hour, between the hours of eleven and two o'clock in the afternoon, in some public street on a market day; and that you give sureties in £1000, for your good behaviour for the term of ten years, to be computed from the expiration of the said five years; and that you be further imprisoned till you find the said sureties."
On the 15th February, Mr. Grey, in the House of Commons, again ventilated the subject of peace, this time in the shape of an address to the King, praying him to communicate to the executive government of France, his readiness to meet any disposition to negotiate a general peace. Both Pitt and Fox spoke on the subject, but the motion was lost by 189 to 50.
There was one crumb of comfort to the nation, which had hitherto been suffering from a grievous scarcity of bread-stuffs, and this was the great fall in wheat, which took place on 31st March. On that date, owing to the large importations of foreign wheat, this grain fell 13s. per quarter.
Joy, too, must have sprung up in the national heart when the King made his speech on the opening of both Houses, 7th October. He said:—"I have omitted no endeavours for setting on foot negotiations to restore peace to Europe, and to secure, for the future, general tranquillity. The steps I have taken for this purpose have at length opened the way to an immediate and direct negotiation, the issue of which must either produce the desirable end of a just, honourable, and solid Peace for Us, and for Our Allies, or must prove, beyond dispute, to what cause alone the prolongation of the calamities of war must be ascribed. I shall immediately send a person to Paris with full powers to treat for this object, and it is My anxious wish that this measure may lead to the restoration of General Peace; but you must be sensible that nothing can so much contribute to give effect to this desire, as your manifesting that We possess both the determination and the resources to oppose, with increased activity and energy, the farther efforts with which We have to contend."
The "person" who was to go over to France as Plenipotentiary, was Sir James Harris, who had lately been made Lord Malmesbury—and he arrived at Paris on 22nd October. The usual diplomatic fencing took place, but this was brought to an end by a squabble respecting the annexation of the Netherlands to France. Lord Malmesbury wished to communicate with his Government on this point, but the Directory meant to force his hand, and required his ultimatum within twenty-four hours, and, as he still asked for time, he was told his presence in Paris was useless, and that he must depart within two days. He replied that he would leave next day, and demanded his passports. On the 20th December he left Paris for England, and so ended, for a while, all hopes of peace. That the French had but faint hopes of a successful end to the mission is evident, for, during the negotiations, on 2nd November, the Council of Five Hundred passed a decree, prohibiting the importation of British goods into the Republic.
As a proof of the patriotism of the English people, and their thorough reliance on the Government, Pitt asked for a loan of eighteen millions. This loan, called "The Loyalty Loan," was opened on 5th December, and in 15 hours 20 minutes it was all subscribed. The Times of 6th December says—"Yesterday, soon after 11 o'clock, the SUBSCRIPTION for EIGHTEEN MILLIONS STERLING, for the services of the ensuing year, closed at the Bank; and such was the general desire to subscribe, that the Court Room was a scene of the utmost confusion. Many gentlemen were altogether disappointed; and those who could get near the books to put down their names, did so with the utmost difficulty. There was very little remaining to be subscribed; for a great number of orders had been received by Mr. Newland in the morning, from the country, which claimed a preference; and, accordingly, the doors were shut some time, until these commissions were written down. There is no doubt but that many millions more would have been subscribed, if the public service had required it. There cannot be a greater proof of the patriotism of all ranks of people in thus assisting Government, because, at the time the loan was opened, the other funds were considerably the cheapest purchase."
Nor was it money only, that our forefathers gave. In October 195,000 men were voted for the land service for the year 1797, and 120,000 seamen and marines for the navy. There was also a levy of 15,000 men, from the different parishes, for sea service, and recruiting the regiments of the line, and a supplementary militia was raised, of 60,000 men, not to be immediately called out, but to be enrolled, officered, and completely trained, so as to be ready in a moment of danger, and a force of 20,000 irregular cavalry was also embodied.
The year closed with a frost which exceeded in severity any known for many years. Many people were frozen to death, and the thermometer was 34, and 35 degrees below freezing point.
1797 opened very gloomily; finance, the backbone of a nation, was somewhat dislocated. People were alarmed at the rapid growth of the National Debt, and, selling out of the funds, found other investments for their capital: there had been an enormous drain of bullion to subsidise the allies, and Pitt had borrowed from the Bank in the most reckless manner. It was in vain that the Bank remonstrated with him, but still he borrowed, so that at last he had to be told that if he took any more, it would probably lead to the insolvency of the Bank. There was a run upon the country banks, and its effects were soon felt in London; and, on 26th, an order of the Privy Council was made, forbidding the Bank of England from making cash payments, until Parliament had been consulted. On inquiry, it was found that the Bank was not only perfectly solvent, but, after payment of all liabilities, its capital would amount to £9,660,290. Under these circumstances Mr. Pitt brought in a bill (37 George III. cap. 28), permitting the Bank to issue notes from 20s. upwards, in lieu of cash. This measure brought relief, and saved the National credit.
Perhaps one of the chief National events in the year, was the mutiny of the fleets. Looking at it from this distance of time, one can hardly wonder at it, especially when we consider the way in which the crews were procured, by impressment and otherwise, their hard fare, the bad accommodation for them, the frequent punishments, from 50 to 500 lashes, at the discretion of a possibly irate captain, frequently for venial offences; add to this, small pay, and constant work, and we are fain to acknowledge that the men who could stand such treatment tamely, were almost more than human.
Yet they stated their grievances very properly, and quietly, sending petitions, either in February, or March, to Lord Howe, begging him to use his influence with the Admiralty, to procure them an increase of wages, and an improvement in the quality, and quantity, of their provisions. No notice whatever was taken of this temperate remonstrance, so the men, finding no help came to them, tried to help themselves, and secret communication was opened between all the vessels of the fleet. No one can defend the gross breach of discipline of which they were guilty, but it must be remembered that they were ignorant men, smarting under a sense of injury, rendered especially galling, by their just complaints, and moderate demands, being utterly ignored.
Their plot to seize the ships, and expel the officers, came to be known, and, on 15th April, Admiral Lord Bridport, in obedience to orders from the Admiralty, signalled for the fleet to sail. But the men refused to put to sea (unless an enemy was known to be at sea), until their grievances had been examined into, and redressed. A deputation, of two men from each ship, met in the Admiral's cabin, and another petition was drawn up. On the 18th, a Committee of the Lords of the Admiralty went to Portsmouth, to investigate the seamen's claims; and the result was, that Admiral Bridport returned to his ship on 23rd April, and, having hoisted his flag, he told his crew that he brought with him the redress of all their grievances, and the King's pardon for all offenders.
One would imagine that this would satisfy them, coming as it did from the mouth of their "father and friend," but when, on the 7th of May, he signalled to put to sea, no ship would obey him. The fact is, the men were suspicious; they had been so badly treated with regard to the granting of their moderate demands, that they thought the order for sailing was only a ruse to get them away, and then faith would not be kept with them. This mutiny was unfortunately accompanied by bloodshed, and it lasted until the 14th May. On the 11th, Lord Howe visited the fleet, saw the delegates, and assured them, that before a Royal pardon could be proclaimed, they must express contrition for their conduct. This they did, but solemnly declared they would never again receive on board those officers they had sent on shore. This was agreed to, and Lord Howe, on the 14th of May, showed them an Act of Parliament, which granted what they wished, and the fleet at St. Helens were, for a time, content.
But, at the Nore, there was much discontent, or rather open mutiny; the men had forced the Admiralty to grant their demands, and now thought they could go in for more; and, to enforce it, they attempted to blockade the Thames, and prevent any vessel from entering or departing,—and they did fire on several that attempted to run the blockade. Of course, such a state of things could not last long, and the removal of all the buoys, by the Admiralty, helped to bring about a surrender. Their provisions began to run short, and the Government peremptorily refused to accede to their demands. Some of the fleet left, and returned to their duty, on the 9th June. On the 10th, more struck the red flag, and on the 12th, there were but seven left that were not flying the Union Jack; and next day, five of them sought the protection of Sheerness.
The mutiny was now at an end, and it only remained to deal with the ringleaders, the chief of whom was named Richard Parker, and he, and several others, were duly hanged. Many who were sentenced to death were, however, pardoned, and a general veil of oblivion was wisely thrown over the whole affair, as soon as the men returned to their duty.
Earlier in the year occurred a curious page in our history, nothing less than a practical invasion of England by the French, details of which can best be learned from contemporary accounts.