The supremacy of the Puritans in Maryland thus seemed to be established, but it was of short duration. Some of the leading Puritans in Virginia, such as Bennett and Mathews, visited London and tried to get Baltimore's charter annulled. But their efforts soon revealed the fact that Cromwell was not on their side of the question, and so they gave up in despair, and the quarrel of nearly thirty years' standing was at last settled by a compromise in 1657. Lord Baltimore promised complete amnesty for all offences against his government from the very beginning, and he gave his word never to consent to the repeal of his Toleration Act of 1649. Upon these terms Virginia withdrew her opposition to his charter, and indemnified Claiborne by extensive land grants for the loss of Kent Island. Baltimore appointed Captain Josias Fendall to be governor of Maryland and sent out his brother Philip Calvert to be secretary. The men of Providence were fain to accept toleration at the hands of those to whom they had refused to grant it, and in March, 1658, Governor Fendall's authority was acknowledged throughout the palatinate. Peace reigned on the shores of Chesapeake Bay, the claims of Leah and Rachel were adjusted, and the fair sisters quarrelled no more.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] E. E. Hale, in Proc. Amer. Antiq. Soc. N. S. viii. 190-212.
[2] Grimm et Diderot, Correspondance littéraire, tom. xv. p. 325.
[3] Genty, L'influence de la découverte de l'Amérique, etc., 2^e éd., Orleans, 1789, tom. ii. pp. 148-150.
[4] Id. p. 192 ff.
[5] Winsor, Narr. and Crit. Hist. iii. 19.
[6] Froude, History of England, viii. 439.
[7] Winsor, Narr. and Crit. Hist. iii. 61.
[8] See my Discovery of America, i. 209.
[9] Froude, History of England, x. 59.
[10] Brown's Genesis of the United States, i. 9.
[11] Originally the Pelican; see Barrow's Life of Drake, pp. 113, 166, 171.
[12] Barrow's Life of Drake, p. 167.
[13] See below, p. 61; and compare my Discovery of America, ii. 525.
[14] Stebbing's Sir Walter Ralegh, p. 43.
[15] Brown's Genesis, p. 10.
[16] Froude, History of England, xii. 392.
[17] Brown's Genesis, i. 20.
[18] Stebbing's Ralegh, p. 129.
[19] The fate of White's colony has been a subject for speculation even to the present day; and attempts have been made to detect its half-breed descendants among the existing population of North Carolina. The evidence, however, is too frail to support the conclusions.
[20] Doyle, Virginia, etc. p. 106.
[21] Hakluyt's Discourse of Western Planting (in Maine Hist. Soc. Coll.), Cambridge, 1877, p. x.
[22] The case is put vigorously by Sir Thomas More in 1516: "Your sheep, that were wont to be so meek and tame, are now become so great devourers and so wild that they eat up and swallow down the very men themselves. They consume, destroy, and devour whole fields, houses, and cities; for look in what part of the realm doth grow the finest, and therefore dearest wool, there noblemen and gentlemen, yea, and certain abbots, holy men, God wot! not contenting themselves with the yearly revenues and profits that were wont to grow to their forefathers and predecessors of their lands, nor being content that they live in rest and pleasure—nothing profiting, yea, much annoying the weal publick—leave no ground for tillage; they enclose all into pastures, they throw down houses, they pluck down towns, and leave nothing standing but only the church to be made a sheep-house. And, as though you lost no small quantity of ground by forests, chases, lands, and parks, those good holy men turn all dwelling places and all glebe lands into desolation and wilderness, enclosing many thousands acres of ground together within one pale or hedge," while those who formerly lived on the land, "poor, silly, wretched souls, men, women, husbands, wives, fatherless children, widows, and woeful mothers with young babes, were starving and homeless. And where many labourers had existed by field labour, only a single shepherd or herdsman was occupied."—Utopia, book i.
[23] Doyle, Virginia, etc. p. 103.
[24] In many cases the monasteries by injudicious relief had increased the number of paupers and beggars. The subject of this paragraph is admirably expounded in Ashley's Introduction to English Economic History, ii. 190-376.
[25] See my Discovery of America, i. 409.
[26] Payne, European Colonies, p. 55.
[27] Circumstances not wholly creditable to him; see Stebbing's Ralegh, pp. 89-94.
[28] Stith's Virginia, Sabin's reprint, New York, 1865, p. 30.
[29] The Ancient British Drama, London, 1810, vol. ii.
[30] Brown's Genesis, i. 46.
[31] See my Civil Government in the United States, chap. iv.
[32] He is commonly but incorrectly called the brother of the Chief Justice.
[33] The original is in the MS. Minutes of the London Company, in the Library of Congress, 2 vols. folio.
[34] Brown's Genesis, i. 91.
[35] Drayton's Works, London, 1620. Drayton was afterwards poet laureate.
[36] Some skepticism was manifested by one of Smith's contemporaries, Thomas Fuller, who says, in his Worthies of England, "It soundeth much to the diminution of his deeds that he alone is the herald to publish and proclaim them." The good Fuller was mistaken, however. Some of Smith's most striking deeds, as we shall see, were first proclaimed by others.
[37] Campbell's Lives of the Chief Justices, i. 210.
[38] This sketch of Smith's early life is based upon his True Travels, etc., in his Works, edited by Edward Arber, Birmingham, 1884, pp. 821-880.
[39] For a good sketch of Sigismund and his relations to the Empire and to the Turks, see Schlosser's Weltgeschichte, vol. xiii. pp. 325-344.
[40] Smith's Works, ed. Arber, pp. xxii., 842.
[41] Purchas, His Pilgrimes, ii. 1363.
[42] So many long missing historical documents have turned up of late years that it is never safe to assert that one is "lost." That great scholar, Don Pascual de Gayangos, seems to have seen a printed Spanish translation of Farnese's book, but I do not know where it is.
[43] It would be just like Smith, I think, not to make much account of his exploit. Hence he neglected to make any record of his grant of arms until the appearance of Purchas's book in 1625, and resulting talks among friends, probably impressed upon him the desirableness of making such a record.
[44] Thomas Carlton's verses, in Smith's Works, ed. Arber, p. 692.
[45] See my Discovery of America, ii. 105.
[46] It seems likely that the point at the upper end of the Roads received its name of Newport News from the gallant captain. On several old maps I have found it spelled Newport Ness, which is equivalent to Point Newport.
[47] See above, p. 75.
[48] It was not far from this spot that Ayllon had made his unsuccessful attempt to found a Spanish colony in 1526. See my Discovery of America, ii. 490.
[49] The Englishmen were bewildered by barbaric usages utterly foreign to their experience. Kinship among these Indians, as so generally among barbarians and savages, was reckoned through females only, and when the English visitors were told that The Powhatan's office would descend to his maternal brothers, even though he had sons living, the information was evidently correct, but they found it hard to understand or believe. So when one of the chiefs on the James River insisted upon giving back some powder and balls which one of his men had stolen, it was regarded as a proof of strict honesty and friendliness, whereas the more probable explanation is that a prudent Indian, at that early time, would consider it bad medicine to handle the thunder-and-lightning stuff or keep it about one. See my Beginnings of New England, p. 85.
[50] See above, p. 75.
[51] Smith's Works, ed. Arber, p. 95.
[52] Smith's Works, p. lxxii.
[53] Neil's Virginia Company, p. 19.
[54] Smith's Works, p. lxxxiv.
[55] It is true, this letter of 1616 was first made public in the "General History" in 1624 (see Smith's Works, p. 530); so that Smith's detractors may urge that the letter is trumped up and was never sent to Queen Anne. If so, the question recurs, Why did not some enemy or hostile critic of Smith in 1624 call attention to so flagrant a fraud?
[56] Brown's Genesis, ii. 964; Neill's Virginia Vetusta, pp. v-x.
[57] See above, p. 76.
[58] Even in The Powhatan's wigwam, it was only after "having feasted him [Smith] after their best barbarous manner they could," that the Indians brought the stones and prepared to kill him. Smith's Works, p. 400.
[59] It is true that in 1608 the Powhatans were still unfamiliar with white men and inclined to dread them as more or less supernatural; but they had thoroughly learned that fair skins and long beards were no safeguard against disease and death. If they did not know that the Jamestown colony had dwindled to eight-and-thirty men, they knew that their own warriors had slain all Smith's party and taken him captive.
[60] Smith's Works, p. 400.
[61] Id. p. 26. Of course the cases of rescue and adoption were endlessly various in circumstances; see the case of Couture, in Parkman's Jesuits, p. 223; on another occasion "Brigeac was tortured to death with the customary atrocities. Cuillérier, who was present, ... expected the same fate, but an old squaw happily adopted him, and thus saved his life." Parkman's Old Régime in Canada, revised ed. p. 108. For adoption in general see Morgan, Ancient Society, p. 80; League of the Iroquois, p. 342; Colden's History of the Five Nations, London, 1755, i. 9.
[62] Of the really critical attacks upon the story of Pocahontas, the most important are those of Charles Deane, in his Notes on Wingfield's Discourse of Virginia, Boston, 1859, and Henry Adams, in the North American Review, vol. civ. Their arguments have been ably answered by W. W. Henry, in Proceedings of Virginia Historical Society, 1882, and Charles Poindexter, in his Captain John Smith and his Critics, Richmond, 1893. There are two writers of valuable books who seldom allude to Smith without sneers and words of abuse,—Alexander Brown, of Virginia, and Edward Duffield Neill, of Minnesota; they seem to resent, as a personal grievance, the fact that the gallant captain ever existed. On the other hand, no one loves him better than the learned editor of his books, who has studied them with microscopic thoroughness, Edward Arber. My own defence of Smith, when set forth in a lecture at University College, London, 1879, was warmly approved by my friend, the late Henry Stevens.
[63] The word "raccoon" is a thorn in poor Smith's flesh, and his attempts to represent the sound of it from guttural Indian mouths are droll: "There is a beast they call Aroughcun, much like a badger, but useth to live on trees as squirrels do."—"He sent me presents of bread and Raugroughcuns."—" Covered with a great covering of Rahoughcums."—"A robe made of Rarowcun skins," etc., etc.
[64] Doyle's Virginia, p. 124.
[65] Smith's Works, p. 122.
[66] Smith's Works, p. 439.
[67] Id. p. 108.
[68] See above, p. 58.
[69] Smith here means the village of that name, on the James River, near the site of Richmond. See above, p. 94.
[70] Smith's Works, pp. 442-445.
[71] Neill's Virginia Company, p. 28.
[72] Smith's Works, pp. 448-465.
[73] Wampum is undoubtedly meant.
[74] Brown's Genesis, i. 228.
[75] Doyle's Virginia, p. 128.
[76] Plain Description of the Bermudas, p. 10; apud Force, vol. iii.
[77] See my Discovery of America, ii. 59.
[78] Neill's Virginia Company, p. 32.
[79] See Spelman's account of the affair, in Smith's Works, pp. cii.-cv.
[80] See my Discovery of America, i. 27, 28, and passim. For a national floral emblem, however, the columbine (aquilegia) has probably more points in its favour than any other.
[81] Smith's Works, p. 486.
[82] Brown's Genesis, i. 407.
[83] Smith's Works, p. 487.
[84] Smith's Works, p. 508.
[85] Another interesting person sailed with Argall to Jamestown. A lad, Henry Spelman, son of the famous antiquary. Sir Henry Spelman, was at the Pamunkey village when Ratcliffe and his party were massacred by The Powhatan (see above, p. 153). The young man's life was saved by Pocahontas, and he was probably adopted. Argall found him with Pocahontas among the Potomacs, and bought him at the cost of a small further outlay in copper. Spelman afterward became a person of some importance in the colony. His "Relation of Virginia," containing an interesting account of the Ratcliffe massacre and other matters, was first published under the learned editorship of Henry Stevens in 1872, and has since been reprinted in Arber's invaluable edition of Smith's Works, pp. ci.-cxiv.
[86] Neill's Virginia Company, p. 98.
[87] Smith's Works, p. 533.
[88] See Meade's Old Churches and Families of Virginia, ii. 79; a most useful and delightful hook, in about a thousand pages without an index!
[89] There is a play upon words here. The first "top" is apparently equivalent to "drink up," as in the following: "Its no hainous offence (beleeve me) for a young man ... to toppe of a canne roundly," Terence in English, 1614. The second "top" seems equivalent to "put the finishing touch on."—"Silenus quaffs the barrel, but Tobacco perfects the brain."
[90] Sweet.
[91] Nichols, Progresses of King James, ii. 739.
[92] Neill's Virginia Company, p. 66.
[93] Neill's Virginia Company, p. 67.
[94] Neill's Virginia Company, p. 71.
[95] Brown's Genesis, ii. 1014.
[96] Doyle's Virginia, p. 157.
[97] Neill's Virginia Company, pp. 179, 181.
[98] Gardiner, History of England, ii. 251.
[99] Stebbing's Ralegh, p. 121; cf. Bates, Central and South America, p. 436.
[100] Some lines in sweet Saxon English, written by Raleigh on the fly-leaf of his Bible, shortly before his death, are worth remembering:—
Our youth, our joys, and all we have,
And pays us but with age and dust;
Who in the dark and silent grave,
When we have wandered all our ways,
Shuts up the record of our days.
Yet from this earth, this grave, this dust,
The Lord shall raise me up, I trust."
[101] Stebbing's Ralegh, p. 386.
[102] Gardiner, History of England, iii. 161.
[103] Brown's Genesis, ii. 1016.
[104] Neill's Virginia Company, p. 413.
[105] Bright, History of England, ii. 604.
[106] Neill's Virginia Company, pp. 395-401.
[107] Carter's Ferrar, p. 71.
[108] Neill's Virginia Company, p. 411.
[109] Ingle, "Local Institutions of Virginia," J. H. U. Studies, iii. 148.
[110] Hening's Statutes at Large, i. 176, 193.
[111] Hutchinson, Hist. Mass. Bay, i. 37.
[112] Skottowe, Short History of Parliament, p. 19; Taswell-Langmead, English Constitutional History, p. 262.
[113] Neill's Virginia Company, p. 140.
[114] Cooke's Virginia, p. 149.
[115] Hening's Statutes at Large, i. 156.
[116] Hening, i. 158, 183.
[117] Hening, i. 194, 219, 261, 263, 300, 319, 350.
[118] Hening, i 194.
[119] Neill's Virginia Company, p. 221.
[120] Neill's Virginia Carolorum, p. 79.
[121] Brodhead's History of New York, i. 254.
[122] Joyce, Irish Names of Places, Dublin, 1869, p. 322.
[123] From the so-called isle of Avalon, in Somerset, reputed to be the place where Christianity was first preached in Britain; the site of the glorious minster of Glastonbury, where rest the ashes of Edgar the Peaceful and Edmund Ironside.
[124] Browne's Calverts, p. 17.
[125] Browne's Calverts, p. 25.
[126] Browne's Calverts, p. 29.
[127] Gardiner, History of England, viii. 179.
[128] Neill's Virginia Carolorum, p. 99.
[129] White's Relatio Itineris, publ. by Maryland Hist. Soc.
[130] Winsor, Narr. and Crit. Hist. iii. 526.
[131] There is an excellent summary of the institutions of Durham in Bassett's "Constitutional Beginnings of North Carolina," Johns Hopkins University Studies, vol. xii. For fuller accounts see Surtees, History of the County Palatine of Durham; also Surtees Society Publications, vols. xxxii., lxxxii., lxxxiv.
[132] For an account of the Maryland constitution, see Sparks,
[133] "Causes of the Maryland Revolution of 1689," Johns Hopkins University Studies, vol. xiv.
[134] See Latané, "Early Relations between Maryland and Virginia," Johns Hopkins University Studies, vol. xiii.
[135] See above, p. 145.
[136] Hammond, Leah and Rachel, or, The Two Fruitfull Sisters, Virginia and Maryland, 1656.
[137] Neill, Virginia Carolorum, p. 126.
[138] Maryland Archives—Council Proceedings, i. 29.
[139] Hening's Statutes at Large, i. 223.
[140] "Memories of Yorktown," address by Lyon Gardiner Tyler, President of William and Mary College, Richmond Times, Nov. 25, 1894. The original letter of Captain Mathews and the declaration of Sir John Harvey concerning the "mutiny of 1635" are printed in the Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, i. 416-430. In my brief account I have tried to reconcile some apparent inconsistencies in the various statements with regard to time. Some accounts seem to extend over three or four days the events which more probably occurred on the 27th and 28th. The point is of no importance.
[141] The interval was from April 28, 1635, to January 18, 1637.
[142] Neill, Virginia Carolorum, p. 143.
[143] In the famous picture of the baptism of Pocahontas, in the rotunda of the Capitol at Washington, Whitaker, as an Episcopal clergyman, is depicted as clothed in a surplice. A letter of Whitaker's, of June, 1614, tells us that no surplices were used in Virginia; see Purchas His Pilgrimes, iv. 1771. Surplices began to be used there about 1724 (see Hugh Jones, Present State of Virginia, 1724, p. 69), and did not come into general use till the nineteenth century (Latané, Early Relations, etc. p. 64).
[144] Randall, "A Puritan Colony in Maryland," Johns Hopkins University Studies, iv.
[145] Hening's Statutes at Large, i. 277.
[146] Hildreth (Hist. of the U. S. i. 340) says that the Indians "were encouraged by signs of discord among the English, having seen a fight in James River between a London ship for the Parliament and a Bristol ship for the king."
[147] Winthrop's Journal, ii. 164.
[148] Browne's Maryland, p. 60.
[149] Proceedings and Acts of the General Assembly of Maryland, 1637-1664, pp. 244-246.
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