Olympic Victor Monuments and Greek Athletic Art

1 Cf. Gardiner, pp. 8–9.

2 See infra, p. 228 and n. 2.

3 B. S. A., XI, 1904–5, fig. 7 and pp. 12–14. The horse also appears on clay documents from Knossos with royal chariots and also on tombstones and fragmentary frescoes of Mycenæ; for the latter, see Arch. Eph., 1887, Pl. XI. On the Libyan origin of the first horses introduced into Greece, see W. Ridgeway, The Origin and Influence of the Thoroughbred Horse, 1905, p. 480.

4 See the bull depicted on a seal from Praisos, to be mentioned below: Angelo Mosso, The Palaces of Crete, 1907, p. 218, fig. 98. The Italian Mission found at Hagia Triada the bones of a gigantic bull, and Mosso (cf. p. 216, n. 1) found the remains of one at Phaistos.

5 B. S. A., VII, 1900–1, pp. 94 f. and VIII, 1901–2, p. 74; Mosso, op. cit., pp. 216–218; H. R. Hall, Anc. History of the Near East, 1913, Pl. IV., 2; Mrs. R. C. Bosanquet, Days in Attica, 1914, Pl. II; Richter, Hbk. of the Classical Collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1917, p. 23, fig. 13. As Dr. Evans’ Atlas has not yet appeared, the plate in the text is taken from a watercolor by Gilliéron, in the museum of Liverpool.

6 It has often been pictured and described: e. g., Schliemann, Tiryns, 1885, Pl. XIII; Schuchhardt, Schliemann’s Excavations, 1891, pp. 119 f. and fig. 111; Tsountas-Manatt, The Mycenæan Age, 1897, p. 51, fig. 12; Perrot-Chipiez, VI, p. 887, fig. 439; Mosso, op. cit., p. 220, fig. 100; H. B. Walters, The Art of the Greeks, 1906, Pl. LIX; Springer-Michaelis, p. 113, fig. 242; Tiryns, Die Ergebn. d. Ausgrab. d deutsch. Instituts in Athen, II, 1912, Pl. XVIII.

7 On analogy with the Knossos fresco this figure, because of its white skin, should be that of a woman and not of a man, as the usual color of the latter is red. However, the charioteers painted white on frescoes discovered at Tiryns in 1910, which represent a boar hunt (see Rodenwaldt, A. M., XXXVI, 1911, pp. 198 f. and fig. 2, p. 201, restored; see also Tiryns, II, Pl. XII, in color) are regarded by Hall as youths and not women. He remarks that in Egypt young princes, who led the “sheltered life,” were often represented on monuments as pale, though red was the more usual color: see Hall, op. cit., p. 58 and n. 1; id., Aegean Archæology, 1914, p. 190 and fig. 74 on p. 192. Rodenwaldt interprets them as female: l. c.

8 XV, 679 f. F. Marx, Jb., IV, 1889, pp. 119 f., on the analogy to certain coin types, saw in this fresco a representation of river divinities.

9 Mosso, op. cit., p. 298, fig. 98.

10 See Mosso, p. 311, fig. 153.

11 Here the paved space measures only about 30 by 40 feet and the two tiers of seats would seat only 400 to 500 spectators: B. S. A., IX, 1902–03, p. 105, fig. 69; see Mosso, p. 315, fig. 154, and Baikie, The Sea Kings of Crete, 1913, Pls. XXI (before restoration), XXII (restored).

12 See Burrows, The Discoveries in Crete, 1907, p. 5. The one at Knossos maybe the “choros” wrought by Daidalos for Ariadne: Iliad, XVIII, 590–2.

13 B. S. A., VIII, 1901–2, pp. 72–4, fig. 39 (arm); Pls. II, III; Baikie, op. cit., Pl. XIX; H. R. Hall, Aegean Archæology, Pl. XXX, 2; Mosso, op. cit., p. 222, fig. 102; cf. Burrows, op. cit., p. 21; Bulle, p. 49, fig. 7; Springer-Michaelis, p. 103, fig. 228.

14 Remains of copper wire with gold foil twisted around it still adhere to the head of one statuette.

15 See Mosso, op. cit., p. 221, fig. 101; B. S. A., VII, 1900–01, p. 88.

16 Hall, Aegean Archæology, pp. 55–6. Though discovered in 1889 in a bee-hive tomb near Sparta, these famous cups are obviously importations from Crete, the work of an artist of the late Minoan I period. Similarly, the lion-hunt on the dagger-blade from Mycenæ is akin to Cretan art, if not its product. These cups have been often pictured: e. g., Arch. Eph., 1889, Pl. IX; Schuchhardt, Pl. III (App., pp. 350 f.); B. C. H., IV, 1891, Pls. XI-XII (in color), XIII-XIV; Tsountas-Manatt, op. cit., pp. 227–8, figs. 113–114; Perrot-Chipiez, VI, Pl. XV (in color) and pp. 786–7, figs. 369–370; H. B. Walters, op. cit., Pl. V; Mosso, op. cit., pp. 223 f., figs. 103, a, b, and 104, a, b, c; Hall, op. cit., Pl. XV. 1, and cf. id., Ancient History of the Near East, pp. 54–5, n. 1; Springer-Michaelis, pp. 104–5, figs. 230 a, b; J. H. Breasted, Ancient Times, 1916, fig. 140, opp. p. 234.

17 This interpretation of the scene has been compared with the design of a lion and goat on the short sword-blade from the chieftain’s grave at Knossos: see Burrows, op. cit., p. 88 and cf. pp. 136–7. Here there are two successive scenes; first the agrimi (wild goat) is startled and springs away; then the lion is represented triumphant at the end of the chase with one paw on the beast’s hind quarter and the other raised to strike: see Evans, Prehistoric Tombs of Knossos, 1906, p. 57, fig. 59; cf. also bronze inlaid dagger-blade from Mycenæ, showing hunting scenes on each face; Perrot-Chipiez, VI, Pl. XVII, 1 (panther hunting wild ducks, in color), XVIII, 3–4, (lion-hunt by men and lions chasing gazelles, in color); cf. Tsountas-Manatt, op. cit., pp. 200–2; Springer-Michaelis, Pl. V, 2a, b, 3; Schuchhardt, op. cit., p. 229, fig. 227; cf. Burrows, op. cit., p. 136.

18 Op. cit., pp. 224–5.

19 See Boeckh, p. 319, on Pyth., II, 78. The same word occurs also in an inscription on a late relief from Smyrna, which shows horsemen pursuing bulls, leaping on their backs and seizing their horns; C. I. G., II, 3212; also in an inscription from Sinope: ibid., III, 4157 (line 5); an inscription from Aphrodisias calls such men ταυροκαθάπται; ibid., II, Add., 2759b. The evidence shows that Gardiner, p. 9, n. 2, is wrong in connecting the taurokathapsia with the hunting-field instead of with the circus. He cites the Smyrna relief above mentioned (in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford, no. 219), which, however, should be interpreted as an acrobatic scene. See J. Baunack, Rhein. Mus., XXXVIII, 1883, pp. 293 f., who discusses bull-fighting in Thessaly and Rome and quotes five inscriptions of Hellenic times to show that beast fights were common in Asia Minor.

20 Cf. Mosso, op. cit., pp. 214–215.

21 Iliad, XVIII, 605–6 (= Od., IV, 18–19).

22 Iliad, XVI, 742–50.

23 Hdt., VI, 129.

24 No. 243; see Salzmann, Le Nécropole de Cameiros, Pl. LVII; Gardiner, p. 245, fig. 39.

25 E. g., on one found at Knossos in 1903: B. S. A., IX, 1902–3, p. 57, and fig. 35 on p. 56. Here the attitude of the boxer is almost identical with that on the pyxis to be described below. A fuller design of the same sort may be seen on a seal from Hagia Triada mentioned in B. S. A., IX, p. 57, n. 2.

26 Hall, Aegean Archæology, p. 33 (c. 1600 B. C.); for description, ibid., pp. 61–2.

27 Op. cit., p. 211. In this respect it should be compared with the relief on the archaic (sixth-century B. C.) Attic tripod vase from Tanagra, now in Berlin, which shows scenes of boxing, wrestling, and running: A. Z., III, 1881, pp. 30 f. and Pls. III, IV.

28 P., V, 8. 1, says Klymenos came from Crete fifty years after Deukalion’s flood and held games at Olympia; cf. VI, 21.6. Aristotle assigns the whole political and educational system of Sparta to a Cretan origin: Politics, II, 10f., 1271b., f.

29 See R. Paribeni, Rendiconti della R. Accad. dei Lincei, XII, 1903, fasic. 70, p. 17; F. Halbherr, ibid., XIV, 1905, pp. 365 f., fig. 1; Burrows, op. cit., Pl. 1; Mosso, op. cit., p. 212. fig. 93; Hall, Aegean Archæology, Pl. XVI (from cast in Museum of Candia, whence our plate); cf. id., Anc. Hist. Near East, Pl. IV., 5. A copy is in the Metropolitan Museum, New York: see Hbk. of Classical Collection, p. 16, fig. 8.

30 Detail of zone, Mosso, p. 213, fig. 94. The acrobat wears just such striped boots and bracelets as the man and women on the fresco from Knossos. The man binding the legs of the bull on the Vapheio cup wears similar apparel. Similar scenes of gymnasts vaulting over a bull’s back are seen on the seal of a bracelet found at Knossos in 1902: B. S. A., VIII, 1901–2, p. 18, fig. 43; Mosso, p. 214, fig. 95a; also on the intaglio of a ring in Athens: Mosso, p. 215, fig. 95b. Scenes of gymnasts with bulls at rest are common on seal impressions: e. g., on one from Mycenæ in Athens, Mosso, p. 217, fig. 97; on the one in Candia already mentioned, ibid., fig. 98; cf. Bosanquet, Excavations at Praisos, B. S. A., VIII, p. 252, who believes the bull has been surprised by a hunter.

31 Iliad, XXII, 308 f.

32 XXIII, 673.

33 B. S. A., VII, 1900–1, fig. 31, pp. 95 and 96; copied by Gardiner, p. 10, fig. 1.

34 We should bear in mind that the civilization pictured in the Homeric poems antedates 1000 B. C.

35 The Iliad,² 1900, II, p. 468.

36 Od., VIII, 158 f. (translated by Butcher and Lang).

37 Gardiner, p. 15, points out that there is no mention of a chariot-race in the Odyssey, merely because Ithaca was not a land “that pastureth horses,” nor had it “wide courses or meadowland.” The plains of Thessaly and Argos, the homes of Achilles and Agamemnon respectively, were, however, famed for their horses, and the plain of Troy was large enough for the chariot-race. The only other chariot-races mentioned in the Iliad are held in Elis: XI, 696 f.; XXIII, 630 f.

38 E. g., on certain sarcophagi: see Murray, Sarcophagi in the British Museum, Pls. II, III (one from Klazomenai).

39 The true hoplomachia described by Homer and later practised by the Mantineans and Kyreneans (cf. Athenæus, IV, 41, p. 154) should not be confounded, as Gardiner, p. 21, n. 3, remarks, with the later competition of the same name held at the Athenian Theseia and taught in the gymnasia, which was a purely military exercise like fencing: Plato, Laches, 182B and passim; Gorgias, 456D; de Leg., 833E; cf. Dar.-Sagl., s. v. Hoplomachia.

40 E. g., Leaf, in his Companion to the Iliad, 1892, p. 380; id., The Iliad, II, p. 417, note on line 621.

41 Iliad, XXIII, 634 f.; ibid., 621–3, where Achilles gives Nestor a prize because he will never again be able to contend in boxing, wrestling, hurling the javelin, or running. In Od., VIII, 103 and 128, leaping is substituted for chariot-racing.

42 E. g., Iliad, XXII, 163–4: “The great prize ... of a man that is dead”; XXIII, 630 f., where Nestor recalls victories in the games held by the Epeians at Bouprasion in Elis at the funeral of the local hero Amarynkeus. Bouprasion is also mentioned in Iliad, XI, 756, in Nestor’s story of the war between the Pylians and Epeians and of the war waged by his father Neleus on Augeas, for stealing four horses which had been sent to Elis to contend for a tripod.

43 Examples of panegyric games in honor of gods are found also in the Homeric Hymn to the Delian Apollo, I, 146 f.; in Pindar, Ol., IX. 6 (Zeus); P., VIII, 2.1 (Zeus) and schol.; and Hdt., I, 144 (Apollo) and schol.; etc.

44 P., VIII, 4.5. For other examples of funeral games, see references in Krause, p. 9, n. 3. He also shows that musical contests were funerary in character.

45 The scholiast on Pindar, Nem., Argum., Boeckh, p. 424 B, and Isthm., Argum., p. 514, calls the Nemean and Isthmian games funerary; Clem. Alex., Protrept., Ch. II, 34, 29 P. (quoted by Eusebios, Praep. evang., II, 6, 72 b. c.) says that all four great games were funerary in origin.

46 P., I., 44.8; Clem. Alex., Strom., I, Ch. 21, 137, 401 P.

47 P., II, 15.2–3; Apollod., III, 6, 4; Hyginus, Fab., 74; schol. on Pindar’s Nem., Argum. Here the umpires wore mourning garments because of the origin of the games; see Gardiner, p. 225.

48 Aristotle, Peplos, frag. = F. H. G., II, p. 189, no. 282; Clem. Alex., Protr., Ch. I, 2, 2 P. and Ch. II, 34, 29 P.; Hyg., Fab., 140. For a different story of the founding (to appease Apollo for not protecting the temple when Delphi was invaded by Danaos), see Augustine, de Civ. Dei, XVIII, 12; cf. schol. on Pind., Pyth., Argum.; Ovid, Met., I, 445f. The Pythia were reorganized by the Amphictyons as a funeral contest in honor of the soldiers who fell in the first Sacred War.

49 Cf. P., V, 13.1–2; Clem. Alex., l. c.

50 V, 7.6–9.

51 See Strabo, VIII, 3.30 (C.354–5); Pindar, Ol., II, 3 f.; VI, 67 f.; X, 25 f.; Diod., IV, 14 and V, 64. According to Pindar, ll. cc. and the scholiast on Ol., II, 2, 5, and 7, Boeckh, pp. 58–9, Herakles, the son of Zeus, instituted the games in honor of Zeus; but Statius, Theb., VI, 5 f., Solinus, I, 28 (ed. Mommsen), Hyg., Fab., 273. Clem. Alex., Strom., I, Ch. 21, 137, say it was in honor of Pelops. On the traditional connection of Herakles with Olympia, see E. Curtius, Abh. d. k. preuss. Akad. d. Wiss. zu Berlin, philos.-histor. Kl., 1894, pp. 1098 f.; Busolt, Griech. Gesch², 1893, I, pp. 240 f. On legends of the early history of Olympia, see Krause, Olympia, oder Darstellung der grossen olympischen Spielen, 1838, pp. 26 f.

52 Cf. Frazer, II, pp. 549–50; Krause, p. 9, n. 3; from these two many of the following examples are taken. Cf. also Rouse, pp. 4 and 10; Koerte, Die Entstehung der Olympionikenliste, Hermes, XXXIX, 1904, pp. 224 f.; Krause, Die Pythien, Nemeen und Isthmien, 1841, pp. 9 f. (Pythian), 112 f. (Nemean), 170 f. (Isthmian); Gardiner, pp. 27 f.; see also Ridgeway, Origin of Tragedy, 1910, pp. 36, 38, and cf. J. H. S., XXXI, 1911, p. XLVII. Since the simple theory of the origin of the Olympic Festival in the funeral games in honor of Pelops does not explain all the legends of the games nor all the peculiar customs of the festival, and because of the inadequate character of the literary evidence (the earliest mention of it being a Delphic oracle quoted by Phlegon, F. H. G., p. 604; cf. Clem. Alex., Protrept, II, 34, p. 29), it has been attacked by F. M. Cornford (in Miss Harrison’s Themis, pp. 212 f.) and others. These scholars have tried to find the origin of the Olympic games rather in a ritual contest of succession to the throne, the honors extended to a victor being held to prove his kingly or divine character. The theory was first proposed by A. B. Cook, The European Sky God, Folk Lore, 1904, and has recently been elaborated by Frazer in his Golden Bough,³ III, pp. 89 f., who has attempted to harmonize it with his earlier funeral theory. The inadequacy of the newer theory has been shown by E. N. Gardiner, The Alleged Kingship of the Olympic Victor, B. S. A., XXII, 1916–18, pp. 85 f. For a review of his paper, see also J. H. S., XXXVIII, 1918, pp. XLVII.

53 V, 13.2.

54 According to the same scholiast, on 1. 149; Boeckh, p. 43.

55 Cf. C. I. G., II, 1969, ἀγὼν ... ἐπιτάφιος θεματικός.

56 Hdt., VI, 38.

57 P., III, 14.1.

58 Thukyd., V, 11.

59 Plut., Timoleon, 39; Diod. Sic., XVI, 90.1.

60 Aulus Gellius, X, 18.5.

61 Arrian, Anabasis, VII, 14. Games were held every four years in honor of Antinoos, the favorite of Hadrian, at Mantinea: P., VIII, 9.8.

62 Strabo, XIV, 1.31 (C. 644.)

63 P., IX, 2, 5–6; he says that they were celebrated every fourth year and that the chief prizes were for running.

64 Philostr., Vit. Soph., II, p. 624; Heliod., Aethiop., I, 17; Aristotle, Constit. of Athens, 58; cf. P., I, 29.4. Games were also held in the Academy in honor of Eurygyes: Hesych., s. v. ἐπ’ Εὐρυγύῃ ἀγών.

65 Dennis, Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria,³ 1883, I, p. 374 (Corneto); II, pp. 323 and 330 (Chiusi).

66 On the Etruscan origin of the ludi funebres, see Val. Max., II, 4.4; Tertullian, de Spect., 12; Servius ad Virg., Aen., X, 520. For the Etruscan origin of the munera gladiatorum, see Tertull., op. cit., 5; Athenæus, IV, 39 (quoting Nikolaos of Damascus); cf. Strabo, V, 4.13 (C. 250). They were first introduced into Rome in 264 B. C. in honor of D. Junius Brutus; Livy, XVI (Epit.); and are frequently mentioned: e. g., by Livy, XXIII, 30, 15; XXXI, 50, 4; XXXIX, 46, 2; XLI, 28, 11; Polyb., XXXII, 14, 5; Serv., ad Aen., III, 67 and V, 78; Suetonius, Julius, 26; etc. See Dar.-Sagl., II, 2, pp. 1384 f., 1563 f.

67 Page 28; he quotes P. W. Joyce, Social History of Ireland, II, pp. 435 f.

68 V, 17.5–19.10. The description of the throne (P., III, 18.9 f; cf. Apollodoros, I, 9.28) is merely summary, as Pausanias only mentions the games represented on it without describing them in detail.

69 The best reconstruction of the scenes on the chest is by H. Stuart Jones: J. H. S., XIV, 1894, pp. 30–80 and Pl. I (repeated by Frazer, III, Pl. X, opp. p. 606). See also Robert, Hermes, XXIII, 1888, pp. 436 f.; Pernice, Jb., III, 1888, pp. 365 f.; Studniczka, Jb., IX, 1894, pp. 52 f., n. 16; Collignon, I, pp. 93–100; Furtw., Mw., pp. 723–32.

The best attempt to reconstruct the scenes on the throne is by Furtwaengler: Mw., fig. 135, opposite p. 706; text, pp. 689–719; cf. the best of the older attempts by Brunn, Rhein. Mus., N. F., V, 1847, p. 325; id., Kunst bei Homer, pp. 22 f.; id., Griech. Kunstgesch., 1893, I, pp. 178 f. Cf. also Klein, Arch.-epigr. Mitt. aus Oesterr.-Ungarn, IX, 1885, pp. 145 f.; against Klein, see Pernice, as above, p. 369. Cf. Collignon, I, pp. 230–2; Murray, I, pp. 89 f.

70 If we followed Pausanias’ account that this was the very chest made to save the infant Kypselos, father of Periandros and future tyrant of Corinth, and that it was dedicated at Olympia by the Kypselid family (for the story, see Hdt., V, 92), the chest would belong to the eighth century B. C., and must have been dedicated before 586–5 B. C., when the Kypselid dynasty ended at Corinth; see Busolt, Griech. Gesch.,² I, pp. 638 and 657. However, the chest at Olympia had nothing to do with the legendary one, but was merely a richly decorated offering to the gods, the work of a Corinthian artist of the end of the seventh or beginning of the sixth century B. C., and one who knew the epic poems well.

71 Vasen, 1655; Perrot-Chipiez, IX, p. 637, fig. 348 (departure of Amphiaraos); p. 639, fig. 349 (chariot-race); Gardiner, p. 29, fig. 3; Frazer, III, p. 609, fig. 77; Baum. I, fig. 69; and see Robert Annali, XLVI, 1874, pp. 82 f.; Mon. d. I., X, 1874–1878, Pls. IV, V. The discovery of this vase at Cerveteri (Caere) in 1872 proved the Corinthian workmanship of the chest.

72 Micali, Monumenti per servire all’historia degli antichi popoli Italiani², 1833, Pl. XCV; described by Jahn, Archaeol. Aufsaetze, pp. 154 f. (quoted by Frazer, III, p. 610). For scenes representing the departure of Amphiaraos and a four-horse chariot-race, see also an Attic-Corinthian vase in Florence: Perrot-Chipiez, X, pp. 109 and 111, figs. 78, 79 ( = Thiersch, Tyrrhenische Amphoren, Pl. IV); the latter also gives us the oldest representation of a Greek stadion.

73 A. Z. XLIII, 1885, Pl. VIII; Gardiner, p. 30, fig. 4 (one side).

74 Cited by Gardiner, pp. 30–31; Inghirami, Mon. Etr., 1821–1826, III, 19, 20; Schreiber, Bilder-atlas, Pl. XIII, 6; M. W., I, Pl. LX, fig. 302b.

75 Reproduced by Gardiner, p. 21, fig. 2.

76 Cf. on this topic, Gardiner, pp. 31–2; cf. B. S. A., XXII, 1916–18, p. 86, where, in speaking of the disputed origin of the custom of funeral games, he says: “It is at least conceivable that it originated from different causes in different places and among different peoples.”

77 See a list of twenty-five local Olympia in Smith’s Dictionary of Antiquities,³ 1891, II, pp. 273 f., s. v. Olympia, taken from Krause, Olympia, pp. 202 f. Dar.-Sagl., IV, i, pp. 194 f., list 34 local Olympia. Most of these lesser Olympia are known to us only from inscriptions and coins. Peisistratos appears to have founded annual Olympia at Athens, when he began to build the Olympieion; Pindar seems to allude to them in Nem. II, 23 (cf. schol. ad loc.); they were reorganized magnificently by Hadrian in A. D. 131; Spartianus, Vit. Hadriani, 13. Cf. Gardiner, p. 229.

78 Lysias, Paneg., notes this fact, when he says that Herakles restored peace and unity by instituting the games. Pausanias speaks similarly of the restoration of the games by Iphitos and Lykourgos: V, 4.5 f.

79 P., V, 1.3; 3.6; Strabo, VIII, 3.33 (C.357).

80 The decree governing the festival was inscribed on a diskos, which dates probably from the seventh century B. C., and was preserved in the Heraion down to the time of Pausanias. On it the names of Iphitos and Lykourgos were legible down to Aristotle’s day: P., V, 20.1; Plut., Lycurgus, I. 1. Phlegon, F. H. G., III, p. 602, and a scholion on Plato, de Rep., 465 D, mention Kleosthenes; cf. Louis Dyer, Harvard Classical Studies, 1908, pp. 40 f.; Gardiner, p. 43, n. 1.

81 For a discussion of the sources and history of this register, originally compiled near the end of the fifth century B. C. by Hippias of Elis (Plut., Numa, I, 4; cf. Mahaffy, J. H. S., II, 1881, pp. 164f.), and revised by various later writers from Aristotle and Philochoros to Phlegon of Tralles and Julius Africanus, see Juethner, Ph., pp. 60–70. From it a complete list of stade-runners was copied by the church-historian Eusebios from Africanus, who had brought it down to 217 A. D.

82 V, 8.6.

83 Mentioned by P., V, 4.6 and elsewhere; for the mythical account see P., V, 7.6–8.5 (from Herakles to Oxylos); V, 8.5, and V, 9.4 (revived under the presidency of Iphitos and the descendants of Oxylos). Phlegon, F. H. G., III, p. 603, says that the games were discontinued for 28 Olympiads from the time of Herakles and Pelops to that of Koroibos. Velleius Paterculus, I, 8 (ed. Halm), dates the revival under Iphitos, 793 B. C. Strabo, quoting Ephoros, says that the Achæans controlled Olympia to the time of Oxylos; for his mythical account of the games, see VIII, 3.33 (C. 357). On presidents of the games being elected from the Eleans, see P., V, 9.4–6.

84 Especially by Xenophon, Hell., III, 2.31; VII, 4.28. Pausanias omits all evidence of the part played by Kleosthenes in the truce. See Gardiner, pp. 44 f.

85 See Doerpfeld, A. M., XXXIII, 1908, pp. 185 f.

86 Recently E. N. Gardiner has argued that the worship of Zeus came directly from Dodona to Olympia before it had reached Crete and that Cretan elements in the cult first appear at Olympia in the VIII century B. C. He believes that the worship of Hera reached Olympia from Argos later than that of Zeus, toward the end of the VIII century B. C., when he supposes the Heraion was built as a joint temple to both deities; B. S. A., XXII, 1916–18, pp. 85–86.

87 On his cult see P., V, 13.2, and scholion on Pindar, Ol. I, 146 and 149, Boeckh, p. 43. After being reduced to the rank of hero, Pelops still kept his own precinct in the Altis throughout antiquity.

88 On the history of Olympia, see Gardiner, pp. 38 f.

89 For the legends connected with the origin of the three, see Krause, Die Pythien, Nemeen und Isthmien, and the various articles in Dar.-Sagl.

90 Schol. on Pindar, Pyth., Argum., Boeckh, p. 298.

91 On the Sacred or Krisaian War (590 B. C.), see Bury, History of Greece, 1913, pp. 158–9. The first Pythiad was reckoned from 586 (not from 582 as Bury and others state): see Frazer, V, p. 244; Boeckh, Explic. ad Pind., Ol., XII, pp. 206 f.

92 See Strabo, IX, 3.10, (C. 421); P., X, 7.4–5; schol. on Pind., Pyth., Argum., Boeckh, p. 298. Ovid’s idea (Met., I, 445) that boxing, running, and chariot-racing existed from the first, is wrong. On the Pythian games, see Gardiner, pp. 208 f.

93 On the Nemean games, see Gardiner, pp. 223–6. As no proper excavations have been made on the site, our knowledge of the games is confined almost entirely to literary evidence.

94 P., II, 15.3, and VI, 16.4, mentions a winter celebration. The scholiast on Pindar’s Nem., Argum., Boeckh, pp. 424–5, says that it was a τριετής held on the 12th of the month Panemos, and so it was a summer and not a winter celebration. On theories of two celebrations, see Frazer, II, pp. 92–3.

95 They were not held in midsummer as some have maintained: see Thukyd., VIII, 9–10; Unger, Philologus, XXXVII, 1877, 1–42; Nissen, Rhein. Mus., XLII, 1887, pp. 46 f. On the Isthmian games, see Gardiner, pp. 214 f.

96 For the nine-day celebration of the Great Panathenaia, see A. Mommsen, Feste der Stadt Athen, 1898, p. 153; cf. Gardiner, pp. 229 f.

97 See Mommsen, op. cit., pp. 278 f., and Heortologie, 1864, pp. 269 f. In recent years victor lists of the Theseia have been found: C. I. G., II, 444–450, esp. 447; for two other fragments, see A. M., XXX, 1905, pp. 213 f, and Beilag, a and b (c = C. I. G., above). For other lists of victors of local games, see A. M., XXVIII, 1903, pp. 338 f. (Oropos, Samos, Larisa). For vase-paintings of the athletic exploits of Theseus, see Harrison, Mythology and Monuments of Ancient Athens, 1890, pp. XCVIII f.

98 See Ol., IX, 89; XIII, 110; Pyth., VIII, 79.

99 Iliad, XXIII, 262–70; cf. XXII, 163–4, where the prizes were slave women and tripods.

100 Ibid., 700–5.