Philippine progress prior to 1898

1 “This modest work, which does not pretend to be without mistakes, and perhaps other flaws, has a special interest in that it treats of a matter about which the historians of those islands had hardly occupied themselves. The chronicles written by the laborious ecclesiastics, the only books of history which may be consulted about the Philippines, contain nothing but descriptions of the campaigns against the Dutch, the wars against the infidels—in the Archipelago as well as on the continent of Asia—the rebellions of the natives in some provinces, so easily suppressed, the bloody encounters with the Chinese settled in the islands, portentous miracles, progress of the missions in China, Annam and Japan, famous conflicts between the ecclesiastical jurisdiction and the civil power represented by the Governor General and the Real Acuerdo, great crimes, other notable events of different kinds and changes in the personnel and form of administration of the country.

“But in all these works, though useful and important, there is observed, among others, the absence of antecedents relative to economic and mercantile legislation, the scarcity of data to show the development of wealth of the country and of its commercial movement, the lack of a critical analysis of the legal provisions concerning such activities, and of their influence on the decadence or progress of production and commerce.” (Manuel Azcarraga y Palmero, Gobernador civil cesante de Manila, Alcalde mayor que ha sido de Cagayan y de Bulacan, Auditor honorario de Marina, etc., La Libertad de Comercio en las Islas Filipinas.—Madrid, 1872, pp. 9–10.)

2 “ * * * The result is that Spanish writers, with them the Filipinos, and to a great extent the writers of Philippine treatises in other languages (drawing hastily upon Spanish sources), have over emphasized the political history of this Philippine record. Of course, in Spain and the Spanish countries long-standing habit makes it the tendency to look to government for everything, and to think of all amelioration of evils and all incitements to progress as coming from above; while social and economic conditions in the Philippines are such as to emphasize this tendency, the aristocracy of wealth and education standing apart from the masses and being, to the latter, identified in the main with the government, with the “powers above.” Nevertheless, it is to be insisted that social and economic progress in the Philippines during the last half-century should be considered separately and studied more practically than they have been thus far.” (Le Roy’s Bibliographical Notes.—Bl. and Rb., Vol. 52, 134.)

3 For detailed discussion of this theory, see The Economic Interpretation of History, by E. R. A. Seligman. Also, History of Civilization in England, by H. T. Buckle, Vol. I, Chapter II, Influence Exercised by Physical Laws over Organization of Society and the Character of Individuals. This chapter is reprinted in Sociology and Social Progress, by T. N. Carver.

4 “In many ways the next decade of the history of the Philippines may resemble the splendid development of the neighboring country of Japan. Both countries have in past times been isolated more or less from the life and thought of the modern world. Both are now open to the full current of human affairs. Both countries promise to play an important part in the politics and commerce of the Far East. Geographically, the Philippines occupy the more central and influential position, and the success of the institutions of the Philippines may react upon the countries of southeastern Asia and Malaysia to an extent that we cannot appreciate or foresee.” (Dr. D. P. Barrows, A History of the Philippines, pp. 9–10.)

“Manila was also the commercial center of the Far East, and the entrepôt through which the kingdoms of eastern Asia exchanged their wares. Here came great fleets of junks from China laden with stores. Morga fills nearly two pages with an enumeration of their merchandise, which included all manner of silks, brocades, furniture, pearls and gems, fruits, nuts, tame buffalo, geese, horses and mules, all kinds of animals, ‘even to birds in cages, some of which talk and others sing and which they make perform a thousand tricks; there are innumerable other gewgaws and knickknacks, which among Spaniards are in much esteem.’

“Each year a fleet of thirty to forty vessels sailed with the new moon in March. The voyage across the China Sea, rough with the monsoons, occupied fifteen or twenty days, and the fleet returned at the end of May or the beginning of June. Between October and March there came, each year, Japanese ships from Nagasaki which brought wheat, silks, objects of art, and weapons, and took away from Manila the raw silk of China, gold, deer horns, woods, honey, wax, palm-wine, and wine of Castile.

“From Malacca and India came fleets of the Portuguese subjects of Spain, with spices, slaves, Negroes and Kafirs, and the rich productions of Bengal, India, Persia, and Turkey. From Borneo, too, came the smaller craft of the Malays, who from their boats sold the fine palm mats, the best of which still come from Cagayan de Sulu and Borneo, slaves, sago, water-pots and glazed earthenware, black and fine. From Siam and Cambodia also, but less often, there came trading-ships. Manila was thus a great emporium for all the countries of the East, the trade of which seems to have been conducted largely by and through the merchants of Manila.” (Ibid., pp. 173–174.)

“Their position, whether in a political or a commercial point of view, is strikingly advantageous. With India and the Malay Archipelago on the west and south, the islands of the fertile Pacific and the rising empires of the new world on the east, the vast market of China at their doors, their insular position and numerous rivers affording a facility of communication and defence to every part of them, an active and industrious population, climates of almost all varieties, a soil so fertile in vegetable and mineral productions as almost to exceed credibility; the Philippine Islands alone, in the hands of an industrious and commercial nation, and with a free and enlightened government would have become a mighty empire—they are—a waste!” (Bl. and Rb., Vol. 51, pp. 74–75, Remarks on the Philippine Islands, 1819–22, by “An Englishman.”)

5 “ * * * No one who has studied this subject with care can get rid of the idea that the religious aim was not the chief basis of the activities connected with the occupation of the Philippines. It was purely commercial. It was only later that the religious element acquired greater strength. * * * ”

“ * * * In such mercantile activities, the Philippines played the role of a central market for the distribution of products between the West and East,—a work which was of greatest importance. * * * These Islands were not only a great commercial market, but also a great religious center. * * * ”

“ * * * No one who has followed the opportunities offered to these Islands, can doubt the importance that they will have, due to their geographic position, in the modern commercial market which is opened to them with the establishment of their new means of communication with the world. (Referring to the Panama Canal.) These Islands, and not Japan, or Hongkong will bind the East with the West.” (“The Importance of the Study of Philippine Geography,”—Lecture delivered by Dr. J. A. Robertson, before the Asociación Geográfica de Filipinas, November 27, 1912.)

6 Manila, October 7, 1701. (The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898—Blair and Robertson, Vol. 44, p. 139.)

1 “Historia General de Filipinas,” Jose Montero y Vidal, Vol. 1, p. 66.

2 “Purposely introduced species comprise those of various other tropical countries that, for reason of their economic importance, have been introduced either in prehistoric or within historic times. Naturally the first plants introduced were those of the Malayan region that were familiar to the original invaders or their successors in western Malaya, and these include such species as Job’s tears (Coix lachryma-jobi L.), the more common form of use for ornamental purposes, another form cultivated for food; sugar cane (Saccharum officinarum L.), as a source of sugar; lemon grass (Andropogon citratus DC), used as a condiment; vetiver (Andropogon zizanioides Urb.), for its aromatic root; sorghum (Andropogon sorghum L.), for food; Italian millet (Setaria italica Beauv.), for food; rice (Oryza sativa L.), for food; bamboos (Bambusa vulgaris Schrad., and B. blumeana Schultes), for purposes of construction; coconut (Cocos nucifera L.), for food (this species is unquestionably of American origin, but reached the Orient long before the advent of Europeans); betel-nut palm (Areca catechu L.), for its stimulating properties; sweet flag (Acorus calamus L.), medicinal; taro (Colocasia esculentum Schott), food; yam, “ubi” (Dioscorea alata L.), for food; garlic (Allium sativum L.), for food; various varieties of the banana (Musa paradisiaca L.), for food; various zingiberaceous plants (Kaempferia galanga L., Curcuma zedoaria L., C. longa L., Zingiber zerumbet Sm., and Z. officinale Rosc), for condiments, etc.; betel-pepper (Piper betel L.) for use with the betel-nut for chewing; bread fruit (Artocarpus communis Forst.), and the jak fruit (A. integrifolia L. f.), for food; amaranths (Amaranthus gangeticus L., A. caudatus L.), for ornamental purposes and food; “libato” (Basella rubra L.), for food; champaca (Michelia champaca L.), for its fragrant flowers (this may have been introduced later by the Spaniards); siempre viva (Bryophyllum pinnatum Kurz), for medical purposes; horse radish tree (Moringa oleifera Lam.), for food and medicine; sappan (Caesalpinia sappan L.), for dyeing; the tamarind (Tamarindus indica L.), for food; indigo (Indigofera tinctoria L.), for dye; “caturay” (Sesbania grandiflora Pers.), for its edible flowers and its resinous exudation; the pigeon pea (Cajanus cajan Merr.), for food; the cow pea (Vigna sesquipedalis L.), for food; the asparagus pea (psophocarpus tetragonolobus DC.), for food; “batao” (Dolichos lablab L.), for food; the mungo (Phaseolus radiatus L.), for food; various citrus fruits, such as the pomelo (Citrus decumana Murr.), the lime (C. lima Lunan.), and varieties of the orange (C. aurantium L.), for food; the santol (Sandoricum koetjape Merr.), for food; the lansone (Lansium domesticum Jack), for food; some euphorbias (E. tirucalli L.), for medicine; “iba” (Cicca disticha L.), for food; crotons (Codiaeum variegatum Blume), for ornamental purposes; castor oil plant (Ricinus communis L.), for medicine; croton oil plant (Croton tiglium L.), for medicine and for poisoning fish; balsam (Impatiens balsamina L.), for medicine and for ornamental purposes; cotton (Gossypium sp.), for textile purposes; silk cotton tree (Ceiba pentandra Gaertn.) for its fibrous floss; various Eugenias (E. jambolana Lam., E. malaccensis L., E. jambos L., and E. javanica L.), for food; “papua” (Nothopanax fruticosum Miq.), for medicine and for ornamental purposes; jasmine (Sasminum sambac Ait.), for its fragrant flowers; “solasi” (Ocimum basilicum L., and O. sanctum L.), for condiments; sesame (Sesamum orientale L.) for its oily seed; the bottle gourd (Lagenaria leucantha Rusby), for food; the sponge gourd (Luffa cylindrica Roem. and L. acutangula Roxb.), for food; the “condol” (Benincasa hispida Cogn.), for food; and the “ampalaya” (Momordica charantia L.) for food.

From an examination of the above list it will readily be seen that a great number of species were purposely introduced in prehistoric times from various parts of the East, chiefly through Malaya, for one reason or another, usually for their food value or for other reasons of economic importance. It is quite certain that none of the species enumerated above are natives of the Philippines, and it is equally certain that none reached the Archipelago without the aid of man. Again it is equally certain that, with possibly very few exceptions, all these species were introduced by the early Malay invaders, by their successors, or by peoples of various other nationalities with whom they came in contact, long before the advent of the Europeans in the Orient.”—“Notes on the Flora of Manila with special reference to the Introduced Element. E. D. Merrill. The Philippine Journal of Science, Vol. VII, No. 3, Sec. C. Botany, pp. 192–194.

3 “If we exclude the abacá plant (Musa textilis Née) and the various trees yielding timbers, gums, and resins, a few palms, some bamboos, the rattans, etc., it will be found that practically all the species now found in the Archipelago that are of the greatest importance in the economy of the native, whether for food, for condiments, for clothing, for dyes, for ornamental purposes, and very many for medicinal purposes, have originated outside of the Philippines, and have purposely been introduced at one time or another.” (The Flora of Manila, E. D. Merrill, Ibid.)

4 Sucesos de las Islas Filipinos, Antonio de Morga, Chap. 8. In Blair and Robertson Vol. 16, p. 87.

“Instead of olives and other pickled fruit, they have a green fruit, like walnuts, which they call “paos.” (Pahó.) Some are small, and others larger in size, and when prepared they have a pleasant taste. They also preserve “charas” in pickle brine, and all sorts of vegetables and greens, which are very appetizing. There is much ginger, and it is eaten green, pickled, and preserved.” (Ibid. p. 97).

5 Merrill: Flora of Manila.

6 However, both Dr. Tavera (Census of the Philippine Islands, Vol. I, p. 329), and Montero y Vidal (Historia General de Filipinas, Vol. I, p. 66.), state that the sweet potato was being cultivated here at the time of the conquest. Pigafetta also mentions it in his account.

7 The American element in the Philippine flora is of peculiar interest as showing the effect of commerce on the vegetation of a country. Even with the limited communication between the Philippines and Mexico, it is surprising to consider the number of American forms introduced here through the medium of the galleons in the years when all communication between Spain and the Philippines was via Mexico. From the time of the Spanish conquest up to the year 1815, a period of nearly 300 years, the government galleons sailed annually for Manila, first from Navidad and later from Acapulco, on the western coast of Mexico. These galleons carried not only the civil, military, and ecclesiastical authorities between Spain and the Philippines via Mexico, but also other travellers, merchants, etc., as well as large quantities of merchandise.

At an early date various Spanish officials, but, apparently, chiefly the priests, introduced here the various species of economic value, food plants, medicinal plants, fruits, etc., that were familiar to their countrymen in tropical America, most often bringing seeds, but in some cases most certainly living plants. Undoubtedly many species were introduced at that time that failed to become established here. Among the American species purposely introduced from Mexico may be mentioned the following: “Maize (Zea mays L.), introduced for food; the “pineapple” (Ananas sativus Schultes), for its edible fruit and its fiber; maguey (Agave cantula Roxb.), for its fiber; the tuberose (Polianthes tuberosa L.), for its fragrant flowers; the spider lily (Hymenocallis tenuiflora Herb.), for ornamental purposes; the canna (Canna indica L.), for ornamental purposes; arrowroot (Marania arundinacea L.), for food; “aposotis” (Chenopodium ambrosioides L.), for medical purposes; four o’clock (Mirabilis jalapa L.), for ornamental purposes; “libato” (Anredera scandens Moq.); various species of Anona (A. muricata L., A. reticulata L., and A. squamosa L.), for their edible fruits; the avocado (Persea americana Mill.), for its edible fruit; the Mexican poppy (Argemone mexicana L.), for ornamental purposes or for medicine; “camanchile” (Pithecolobium dulce Benth.), for its tanbark and its edible fruit; “aroma” (Acacia farnesiana Willd.) for its fragrant flowers; “ipel-ipel” (Leucaena glauca Benth.), as a hedge plant; the sensitive plant (Mimosa pudica L.), for ornamental purposes; “cabellero” (Caesalpinia pulcherrima Sw.), for ornamental purposes; “acapulco” (Cassia alata L.), for medicinal purposes; the “peanut” (Arachis hypogaea L.), for food; indigo (Indigofera suffruticosa Mill.), for dye; “madre cacao” (Gliricidia sepium Steud.), for hedges and for ornamental purposes; the lima bean (Phaseolus lunatus L.), for food; the yam bean (Pachyrrhizus erosus Urb.), for its edible root; the bilimbi and carambola (Averrhoa bilimbi L., and A. carambola L.), for their edible fruits; physic nut (Jatropha curcas L.), for medicine, as well as J. multifida L. for ornamental purposes; cassava (Manihot utilissima Pohl), for food; the cashew nut (Anacardium occidentale L.), for its edible fruit; “ciruelas” (Spondias purpurea L,.), for its edible fruit; “cotton” (Gossypium braziliense Macf.), for textile purposes; “cacao” (Theobroma cacao L.), the source of chocolate and cacao; acheute (Bixa Orellana L.), for dye; the “papaya” (Carica papaya L.), for its edible fruit; various species of cacti (Nopalea and Cereus), for ornamental purposes; the guava (Psidium guajava L.), for its edible fruit; the “chico” (Achras sapota L.), for its edible fruit; the “chico mamey” (Lucuma mammosa L.), for its edible fruit; the “sapote negro” (Diospyros ebenaster Retz.), for its edible fruit; the temple flower (Plumeria acutifolia Poir.), for its fragrant flowers; the periwinkle (Lochnera rosea Reichb.), for its ornamental flowers; “campanello” (Thevetia neriifolia Juss. and Allamanda caihartica L.), for ornamental and medicinal purposes; some species of convolvuli (Ipomoea nil Roth, Quamoclit pinnata Boj., Colonictyon aculeatum House), for ornamental purposes, and the “sweet potato” (Ipomoea batatas Poir.), for food; lantana (Lantana camara L.), for ornamental purposes; “dama de noche” (Cestrum nocturnum L.), for its fragrant flowers; “tobacco” (Nicotiana tabacum L.); the tomato (Lycopersicum esculentum Mill.); the peppers (Capsicum frutescens L. and C. annuum L.), for condiments and for food; some ornamental Bignoniaceae (Crescentia alata HBK., and Tecoma stans Juss.); (?) the squash (Curcubita maxima Duch.), for food; some ornamental Compositae (Tagetes erecta L., Helianthus annuus L., Cosmos caudatus HBK., and C sulphureus Cav.), and “ayapana” (Eupatorium triplinerve Vahl), for medicine.”

(Merrill: Flora of Manila, pp. 198–199.)

8 On the whole, agriculture was not the chief aim of Spanish colonization. “How little attention, on the whole, the conquistadores directed to agricultural colonies, considering their various services in the transplantation of domestic animals, cereals, and vegetables from the Old to the New World, is very clearly shown by Peter Martyr, who condemns the expedition to Florida with the words: “For what purpose do we need such products as are identical with those of southern Europe?” It is true that Columbus’s second voyage of discovery had a settlement in view, and for that reason was provided with domestic animals, seeds, etc. It was a failure, however, owing to the mutinous spirit of the Spaniards. The regions which were best adapted to agricultural colonies, as, for example, Caracas, Guiana, Buenos Ayres, were neglected by the Spaniards for centuries. (“The Spanish Colonial Policy,” Wilhelm Roscher (1904), pp. 2–3.)

“It is a strange thing that the Spaniards who go to those regions (The Philippines) honestly to make a small fortune do not engage more in agriculture, in a country where there is so much virgin land and of such great fertility, where labor is extremely cheap, and the crop easily and profitably sold.” (La Libertad de Comercio en Filipinas, Manuel Azcarraga y Palmero, p. 27.)

“ * * * the Spaniards cared but little for the cultivation of the lands.” (The Ecclesiastical System in the Philippines, Manuel Buzeta, O. S. A., and Felipe Bravo, O. S. A., Madrid, 1850. From their Diccionario de las Islas Filipinas. In Bl. and Rb., Vol. 28, p. 285.

9 Montero y Vidal, “Historia General de Filipinas,” Vol. I, p. 67.

10 “Beef is eaten, cattle being raised abundantly in stockfarms in many different parts of the islands. The cattle are bred from those of China and Nueva España. The Chinese cattle are small, and excellent breeders. Their horns are very small and twisted, and some cattle can move them. They have a large hump upon the shoulders, and are very manageable beasts. * * * There is abundance of flesh of wild game, such as venison, and wild boars, and in some parts porcupines. There are many buffaloes, which are called carabaos, which are raised in the fields and are spirited; others are brought tame from China; these are very numerous, and very handsome. These last are used only for milking, and their milk is thicker and more palatable than that of cows. Goats and kids are raised, although their flesh is not savory, because of the humidity of the country. These animals sicken and die for that reason, and because they eat certain poisonous herbs. Ewes and rams, although often brought from Nueva España, never multiply. Consequently there are none of these animals, for the climate and pasturage has not as yet seemed suitable for them. There were no horses, mares, or asses, in the islands, until the Spaniards had them brought from China and brought them from Nueva España. Asses and mules are very rare, but there are many horses and mares. Some farms are being stocked with them, and those born (mixed breeds for the most part) turn out well, and have good colors, are good tempered and willing to work, and are of medium size. Those brought from China are small, very strong, good goers, treacherous, quarrelsome, and bad-tempered. Some horses of good colors are brought from Japan. They have well-shaped bodies, thick hair, large fetlocks, large legs and front hoofs, which make them look like draft-horses. Their heads are rather large, and their mouths rather hard. They run but slowly, but walk well, and are spirited and of much mettle. The daily feed of the horses consists throughout the year of green provender, besides rice in the husk, which keeps them very fat.” (Morga’s Sucesos, 1609, Bl. and Rb. Vol. 16, pp. 89–91.)

11 “The islands, as I am told, need stallions, mares and cows, and other domestic animals. In order that they may be bred there in numbers, I am writing to the viceroy of Nueva España, to send to the said islands twelve mares, two stallions, twenty cows, and two bulls. You shall ask him for these as you pass there, and shall take them with you in your vessels as you go upon your voyage; and whatever you think needful for the animals can be brought from China and Japan. You shall order those farmers who are about to go to the said islands, and the chiefs, to tame and breed buffaloes, so that with all these animals there may be sufficiency to carry on the farming, and for other needful services.” (Instruction to Dasmariñas of Felipe II, Aug. 9, 1589;—Bl. and Rb. Vol. 7, p. 156.).

Also, Instructions to Tello, 1596, Bl. and Rb., Vol. 9, p. 236.

12 “There are plenty of fowls like those of Castilla, and others very large, which are bred from fowls brought from China. They are very palatable, and make fine capons. Some of these fowls are black in feather, skin, flesh, and bones, and are pleasant to the taste. Many geese are raised, as well as swans, ducks, and tame pigeons brought from China.”

(Antonio de Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinos, Chap. 8.—Bl. and Rb., Vol. 16, p. 90.)

13 “The material surroundings of the Filipino before the arrival of the Spaniards were in nearly every way quite as they are today. The “center of population” of each town today, with its great church, tribunal, stores and houses of stone and wood, is certainly in marked contrast; but the appearance of a barrio of little distance from the center is today probably much as it was then. Then, as now, the bulk of the people lived in humble houses of bamboo and nipa raised on piles above the dampness of the soil; then, as now, the food was largely rice and the excellent fish which abound in river and sea. There were on the water the same familiar bancas and fish corrals, and on land the rice fields and coconut groves. The Filipinos had then most of the present domesticated animals,—dogs, cats, goats, chickens, and pigs,—and perhaps in Luzon the domesticated buffalo, although this animal was widely introduced into the Philippines from China after the Spanish conquest. Horses followed the Spaniards and their numbers were increased by the bringing in of Chinese mares, whose importation is frequently mentioned.

“The Spaniards introduced also the cultivation of tobacco, coffee, and cacao, and perhaps also the native corn of America, the maize, although Pigafetta says they found it already growing in the Bisayas.

“The Filipino has been affected by these centuries of Spanish sovereignty far less on his material side than he has on his spiritual, and it is mainly in the deepening and elevating of his emotional and mental life and not in the bettering of his material condition that advance has been made.” (Dr. D. P. Barrows, A History of the Philippines, pp. 106–107).

14 “The planters keep working the soil almost as they used to do three centuries ago.” Memoria sobre los Montes de Filipinas, Sebastian Vidal y Soler; Madrid, 1874, p. 74.)

15 Antonio de Morga, “Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas,” chap. 8. Rival’s note to this says: This work, although not laborious, is generally performed now by the men, while the women do only the actual cleaning of the rice. (Bl. and Rb., Vol. 16, p. 79).

16 “The lands which they inhabited were divided among the whole barangay, especially the irrigated portion, and thus each one knew his own.” Customs of the Tagalogs, Juan de Plasencia, O. S. F.; Manila, October 21, 1589. Blair and Robertson, Vol. 7, p. 174.

17 See Chapter II, as to evidences of prosperity of the Filipinos at the time of the coming of the Spaniards.

Caing̃in system described: “They reported that the country was so fertile that when natives desired to plant their rice they only burn a part of the mountain and, without any further plowing or digging, they make holes with a stick in the soil, and drop some grains of rice in them. This was their manner of sowing; and, after covering the rice with the same earth, they obtained very heavy crops.” (Historia de la Provincia del Santo Rosario de la Orden de Predicadores, Diego Aduarte, O. P., Manila, 1640.—Bl. and Rb., Vol. 32, p. 199.)

18 “Customs of the Tagalogs,” Juan de Plasencia: “* * * * The lands on the ‘tingues’ or mountain-ridges, are not divided, but owned in common by the barangay. Consequently, at the time of the rice harvest, any individual of any particular barangay, although he may come from some other village, if he commences to clear any land may sow it, and no one can compel him to abandon it. There are some villages (as, for example, Pila de la Laguna) in which these nobles, or maharlicas, paid annually to the dato a hundred gantas of rice. The reason of this was that, at the time of their settlement there, another chief occupied the lands, which the new chief upon his arrival, bought with his own gold; and therefore the members of his barangay paid him for the arable land, and he divided it, among those whom he saw fit to reward. But now, since the advent of the Spaniards, it is not so divided. * * *

“The chiefs in some villages had also fisheries, with established limits, and sections of the rivers for markets. At these no one could fish, or trade in the markets, without paying for the privilege, unless he belonged to the chief’s barangay or village.” (Bl. and Rb., Vol. 7, pp. 174–175.)

Also, T. H. Pardo de Tavera, Census of the Philippines, 1903, Vol. I, p. 325.

19 Expedition of Ruy Lopez de Villalobos. (Résumé of Contemporaneous Documents, Talavera, July 6, 1541.—Bl. and Rb., Vol. 2, p. 54.)

20 The origin of the encomienda “was in the REPARTIMIENTO, which at first (1497) meant a grant of lands in a conquered country; it was soon extended to include the natives dwelling thereon, who were compelled to till the land for the conqueror’s benefit. In 1503 ENCOMIENDAS were granted, composed of a certain number of natives, who were compelled to work. The word ENCOMIENDA is a term belonging to the military orders (from the ranks of which came many officials appointed for the colonies) and corresponds to our word commandery. It is defined by Helps (practically using the same language of Solorzano, the eminent Spanish jurist), as a right conceded by royal bounty, to well-deserving persons in the Indies, to receive and enjoy for themselves the tributes of the natives who should be assigned to them, with a charge of providing for the good of those natives in spiritual and temporal matters, and of inhabiting and defending the provinces where these ENCOMIENDAS should be granted to them.” (Note, Bl. and Rb., Vol. 2, p. 54.)

21 “According to the constitutional law of the Indies the land and the soil in all colonies were the domain of the king; therefore the encomiendas, which were granted only to discoverers and other men of conspicuous merit, were to be considered not so much as landed estates as public offices. (Compare “Recopilación,” ’IV 8, 9, 11.) The encomendero was appointed and sworn (law of 1532) for the express purpose of giving his natives military protection (law of 1552) and of promoting politically and religiously their conversion to civilization (laws of 1509, 1554, 1580). Whoever neglected to do this lost his encomienda (laws of 1536, 1551). It is characteristic that the Spaniards so readily combined the functions of discoverers, pacificators, and founders of settlements; as a matter of fact most of the Indian races were led to civil life, in our sense of the word, by them. In order to prevent extortion no encomendero could own a house in his village or stay there more than one night (law of 1609, 1618). Not even his nearest relatives or his slaves could enter the encomienda (law of 1574, 1550, and often). He was forbidden to maintain any industrial establishment in the encomienda (law of 1621), or to take into his house any of the inhabitants (law of 1528). That the natives were free men, that they could not be sold by an encomendero, was recognized in many laws. (“Recopilación,” VI, 2, I, II). After the legislation of 1542 some of the natives were the immediate subjects of the king, and the rest dependents attached to the encomiendas. The former paid three-fourths of their taxes to the treasury, and the latter the same proportion to their landlords. The right of holding an encomienda was granted, regularly for two generations, except in New Spain, where, on account of the very unusual services rendered by the conquerors, it was granted for three and even four generations. (Ibid. VI, 11, 14.) During the 18th century many of the families of the landlords died out and their possessions were not again granted. The authorities always interested themselves in the cause of the natives, until at length Charles III abolished the encomiendas.” (W. Roscher (1904) “The Spanish Colonial System,” pp. 4–5.)

22 “Let such allotments be made without prejudice to the natives, retaining for them their arable lands, gardens, and pastures, so that all shall be cared for.” (Foundation of the Audiencia of Manila, Felipe II; Aranjuez, May 5, 1583.—Bl. and Rb., Vol. 5, p. 292.)

“I was petitioned on behalf of the said islands, to order that encomiendas be granted with the condition and obligation upon the encomenderos that some patch of ground should be cultivated, and that the farmers and natives should be aided so that they also may till and cultivate. I charged Gomez Perez strictly in his instructions with this, and now I charge you too. You shall grant lands and homesteads, cattle and horses for breeding and farming, both to the natives, and to the settlers and farmers. Inasmuch as the execution of this is important, you shall advise me of the conditions of former days and what ordinances you shall enact, so that what is advisable may be done during your term.” (Instructions to Tello, Felipe II, Toledo, May 25, 1596.—Bl. and Rb., Vol. 9, p. 237.)

(To the same effect, Instructions to Dasmariñas, Felipe II, San Lorenzo, August 9, 1589. Ibid., Vol. 7, p. 157).

23 On July 25, 1609, Don Miguel Banal, a Filipino chief of Quiapo, sent a petition to the King, for redress against what he considered a usurpation of his lands. The petition begins thus: “Sire:—In former years the archbishop of these Philippine Islands, on petition of the natives of the village of Quiapo, which is near the city of Manila, wrote to your Majesty, informing you that the fathers of the Society of Jesus—under pretext that the former dean of this holy church of Manila, whom your Majesty has lately appointed archbishop, had sold them a garden lying back of our village—have been insinuating themselves more and more into our lands and taking more than what was assigned them by the dean; and that we had scarcely any land remaining in the village for our fields, and even for our houses. The petition begged your royal Majesty to remedy this and protect us under your royal clemency, since we are natives, who cannot defend ourselves by suits, as we are a poor people, and it would be a matter with a religious order. (Nothing was heard from the King, and in the meantime, petitioner was forcibly ejected from his own lands, and a house built by him thereon, destroyed.) For I fear that I can find no one to aid me in the suits that the fathers are about to begin against me, or who will appear for my justice, since I have even been unable to find any one who dared to write this letter for me. This letter is therefore written by my own hand and in my own composition, and in the style of a native not well versed in the Spanish language. Also in the meanwhile will you order the fathers not to molest me in the ancient possession that I have inherited from my fathers and grandfathers, who were chiefs of the said village.” (Bl. and Rb., Vol. 14, pp. 327–329.)

A letter from Felipe III to Silva, refers to above petition and orders thus: “Having examined it in my Council for the Yndias, it has appeared best to order and command you, as I do to inform me of what has occurred in this matter, and is occuring, and in the meantime to take such measures as are expedient. Madrid, on the 7th of December, 1610.” (Bl. and Rb., Vol. 17, pp. 151–152.)