XVI. Meanwhile the greater part of the army of Eumenes had assembled, and, admiring his stratagem, declared that he alone was fit to be their leader. This so vexed the officers in command of the Argyraspids, Antigenes, and Teutamus, that they determined to make away with him, and they held a council with most of the satraps and officers of the army to determine how best they might rid themselves of him. They all agreed that it would be wisest to make use of his talents in the approaching battle, and immediately after the battle to assassinate him. This result of their deliberations was at once betrayed to Eumenes by Eudamus, the officer in command of the elephants, and Phædimus, not from any love they bore to him, but through fear of losing the money which they had lent him. Eumenes thanked them for their kindness, and afterwards observed to the few friends whom he could trust, that he was living amongst a herd of savage beasts. He withdrew to his tent, made his will, and destroyed all his private papers, not wishing after his death to involve any one in danger. After having made these arrangements, he thought of allowing the enemy to win the victory, or of escaping through Armenia and Media into Cappadocia. He came to no decided resolution while his friends were present, but merely discussed the various chances which presented themselves to his versatile intellect, and then proceeded to array his troops in order of battle, uttering words of encouragement to them all, whether Greek or barbarian, while he himself was received with cheerful and confident shouts by the Argyraspids, who bade him be of good cheer, as the enemy never could abide their onset. These men were the oldest of the soldiers of Philip and Alexander, and had remained unconquered in battle up to that time, although many of them were seventy and none of them were less than sixty years old. They now called out, as they moved to attack the troops of Antigonus, "Ye are fighting against your fathers, ye unnatural children." Charging with fury, they broke down all opposition, for no one could stand before them, though most of the enemy died where they stood. On this side Antigonus was utterly defeated, but his cavalry were victorious; and through the base and unsoldierly conduct of Peukestas the whole of the baggage fell into his hands, by his own great presence of mind and the nature of the ground. This was a vast plain, not dusty, and yet not hard, but like a sea-beach, composed of a light loose sand, covered with a salt crust. Upon this the trampling of so many horses and men soon raised a cloud of dust through which no object could be seen, as it whitened the whole air and dazzled the eyes. Through this Antigonus dashed unnoticed, and made himself master of the baggage, together with the wives and children of the army of Eumenes.
XVII. When the battle was over, Teutamus at once sent to offer terms for the recovery of the baggage. As Antigonus promised that he would deliver everything up to the Argyraspids, and that their wives and children should be kindly treated, if Eumenes were placed in his hands, the Macedonians were treacherous and wicked enough to resolve to deliver him alive into the hands of his enemies. With this intent they drew near to him, on various pretexts, some lamenting their loss, some encouraging him because of the victory he had won, and some preferring charges against the other generals. Suddenly they fell upon him, snatched away his sword, and bound his hands. When Nikanor was sent to conduct him to Antigonus, he asked, while he was passing through the ranks of the Macedonians, to be permitted to address them, not with any intention of begging his own life, but that he might clearly point out to them what was to their own advantage. Silence was enforced, and Eumenes, standing on a hillock, held forth his fettered hands, and spoke as follows:—"Basest of Macedonians, could Antigonus ever have erected such a monument of your disgrace as you have set up yourselves by surrendering your general to him? Is it not shameful for you, who have conquered in the battle, to acknowledge yourselves defeated because of your baggage, as though victory lay more in money than in arms, so that you should ransom your baggage by delivering up your general? I indeed am now being carried off captive, an unconquered man, who has overcome his foes, but has been ruined by his friends; but I beseech you in the name of the Zeus that protects armies, and the gods who watch over the true keeping of oaths, kill me here with your own hands; for I shall be slain by you no less when I am put to death in the enemy's camp. Antigonus cannot complain of this action of yours, for he wishes to receive Eumenes dead, and not alive. If you are chary of your own hands to do the deed, one of mine will suffice if you will loose it from its bonds. Or if you will not trust me with a sword, then cast me, bound as I am, to be trampled on by the elephants. If you will act thus I will acquit you of all blame, and will declare that you have dealt with your general as became honourable men."
XVIII. When Eumenes had spoken thus, all the army was grieved and lamented his fate, but the Argyraspids called out that he must be carried away, and no attention paid to his talk; for, they said, it mattered little what fate befel a pestilent fellow from the Chersonese, who had involved the Macedonians in endless wars and troubles, but that it was not to be borne that the bravest of the soldiers of Philip and Alexander, after their unheard-of exploits, should in their old age be deprived of the fruits of their toils and be forced to depend upon charity, or that their wives should pass a third night in the enemy's camp. They at once hurried him away. When he reached the enemy's quarters, Antigonus, fearing that he would be crushed to death by the crowd (for not a man remained in the camp), sent ten of the strongest elephants, and many Medes and Parthians, armed with spears, to keep off the press from him. He himself could not bear to see Eumenes, because they had once been friends and comrades; and when he was asked by those who had charge of his person how they were to treat him, answered, "Like an elephant, or a lion!" After a while he felt compassion for his sufferings, and ordered his heavy chains to be removed, appointed an attendant to anoint his person, and allowed his friends to have free access to him and supply him with provisions. A long debate took place for several days about the fate of Eumenes, in which Nearchus, a Cretan, and the young Demetrius, pleaded earnestly for him, while the other generals all opposed them and pressed for his execution. It is said that Eumenes himself inquired of his jailer, Onomarchus, what the reason was that Antigonus, having got his enemy into his power, did not put him to death quickly or else set him free honourably. When Onomarchus insultingly answered that it was not then, but in the battle-field that he ought to have shown how little he feared death, Eumenes retorted, "I proved it there also; ask those whom I encountered; but I never met a stronger man than myself." "Since then you have now met with a stronger man than yourself," said Onomarchus; "why cannot you patiently await his pleasure?"
XIX. When, therefore, Antigonus made up his mind to put Eumenes to death, he ordered him to be kept without food. He lingered thus for two or three days; but as the camp was suddenly broken up, men were sent to despatch him. Antigonus restored his body to his friends, and permitted them to burn it and collect the ashes in a silver urn to be carried to his wife and children. The death of Eumenes was quickly avenged by Heaven, which stirred up Antigonus to regard the Argyraspids with abhorrence, as wicked and faithless villains. He placed them under the command of Sibystius, the governor of Arachosia, and gave him orders to employ them, by small parties at a time, upon services which would ensure their destruction, so that not one of them should ever return to Macedonia, or behold the Grecian sea.
FOOTNOTES:
[170] Trebisond.
[171] Alexander.
[172] Plutarch tells us nothing of how Kleopatra came to Sardis. See Thirlwall's 'History of Greece,' chap. lvii.
[173] Thirlwall's 'History,' chap. lvii.
COMPARISON OF SERTORIUS AND EUMENES.
The above are all the particulars of the lives of Eumenes and Sertorius which have come down to us, and which appear worth recording. When we come to compare them, we find that each was an exile from his native country, and commanded a numerous army of foreign troops, although Sertorius enjoyed the great advantage of an undisputed command, while Eumenes always had to contend with many competitors for the first place, which nevertheless he always obtained by his brilliant exploits. Sertorius was eagerly followed by men who were proud to obey him, but Eumenes was only obeyed out of self-interest, by men who were incompetent to lead. The Roman ruled the tribes of Lusitania and Iberia, who had been long before conquered by the Romans, while the Kardian led the Macedonians, when fresh from the conquest of the world. Yet Sertorius was always looked up to as a wise man and a consummate captain, whereas Eumenes was despised as a mere quill-driver before he fought his way to the rank of general; so that Eumenes not only started with less advantages, but met with much greater difficulties, before he attained to distinction. Moreover, Eumenes throughout his whole career was constantly opposed by open enemies, and constantly had to make head against secret plots and intrigues; whereas Sertorius was at first opposed by none of the officers under his command, and at the very last only by a few. The one had for his object merely to conquer his enemies, while the other, after winning a victory, was obliged to defend himself against the jealousy of his friends.
II. Their military achievements are pretty equally balanced; although Eumenes was naturally fond of war and tumults, while Sertorius was of a quiet and peaceful disposition. Thus it happened that Eumenes, rather than dwell in comfortable and honourable retirement, passed his whole life in war, because he could not be satisfied with anything short of a throne; while Sertorius, who hated war, was forced to fight for his own safety against foes who would not allow him to live in peace. Antigonus would have made use of Eumenes as an officer with pleasure, if the latter would have laid aside his designs upon the throne of Macedonia; but Pompeius and his party would not so much as allow Sertorius to live, although his only wish was to be at rest.
From this it resulted that the one of his own free will went to war to obtain power, while the other was forced against his will to obtain power in order to repel attacks.
The one died by an unexpected stroke, while the other long looked for death, and at last even wished for it. In the first this shows a noble and generous spirit, not to distrust his friends; while the latter seems rather to argue weakness of purpose, for though Eumenes had long intended to fly, yet he did not, and was taken. The death of Sertorius did not disgrace his life, for he met at the hands of his friends with that fate which none of his enemies could inflict upon him; but Eumenes, who could not escape before he was taken prisoner, and yet was willing to live after his capture, made a discreditable end; for by his entreaties to be spared, he proved that his enemy had conquered not merely his body but also his spirit.
LIFE OF AGESILAUS.
Archidamus, the son of Zeuxidamus, king of Lacedæmon, after a glorious reign, left one son, Agis, by a noble lady named Lampito, and a much younger one, named Agesilaus, by Eupolia, the daughter of Melesippides. As by the Spartan law Agis was the next heir, and succeeded to the throne, Agesilaus was prepared for the life of a private man, in that severe Spartan school by which obedience is instilled into the youth of that country. For that reason it is said that the epithet of 'man-subduing' is applied to Sparta by the poet Simonides, because the Spartan customs render the citizens well behaved, and amenable to discipline, like horses who are broken to harness early in life. The direct heirs to the throne are not subjected to this training; but in the case of Agesilaus it happened that when he began to rule he had previously been taught to obey. This rendered him by far the most popular of the kings of Sparta, because, in addition to the haughty spirit that became a king, he had learned to sympathize with the people over whom he ruled.
II. Agesilaus was an early and intimate friend of Lysander, as they were both placed as boys in the same herd or troop for the purposes of discipline. It was then that Lysander learned to admire the moderation and self-restraint of Agesilaus, who, although he was ambitious and high-spirited, with a most vehement and passionate desire to be first in every kind of competition, was yet of a manageable and easily ruled disposition, very sensitive to reproach, and far more afraid of blame than of toils or dangers. The misfortune of his lame leg was almost unnoticed, partly from the robust vigour of his frame, and also from his own cheerful acknowledgment of this defect, being always the first to joke about it. He sought by these means to remedy his lameness, while his daring spirit never allowed it to prevent his undertaking the most dangerous and laborious adventures. We have no record of his appearance, for he himself never would consent to have his portrait taken, and even when dying begged that no statue or painting of him should be taken. We are, however, told that he was of small and mean stature, but that his lively and cheerful temper, even in the most trying situations, and the absence of anything harsh and overbearing in his manners, made him more popular than many younger and handsomer men even in extreme old age. The historian Theophrastus informs us that the mother of Agesilaus was a very small woman, and that the Ephors had fined Archidamus, on that special ground, for marrying her. "She will not bring forth kings to rule us," said they, "but kinglets."
III. During the reign of Agis, Alkibiades arrived in Lacedæmon as an exile, having made his escape from the army in Sicily, and, after a short sojourn, was universally believed to be carrying on an intrigue with the king's wife, Timaea, insomuch that Agis refused to recognize her child as his own, but declared that Alkibiades was its father. The historian Douris tells us that Timaea was not altogether displeased at this imputation, and that when nursing the child among her attendants she was wont to call it Alkibiades instead of Leotychides. The same authority states that Alkibiades himself declared that he seduced Timaea, not out of wantonness, but with the ambitious design of placing his own family upon the throne of Sparta. In consequence of this, Alkibiades, fearing the wrath of Agis, left Sparta, and the child was always viewed with suspicion by Agis, and never treated as his own son, until in his last illness the boy by tears and entreaties prevailed upon him to bear public witness to his legitimacy. But after the death of Agis, Lysander, the conqueror of Athens, who was the most important man in Sparta, began to urge the claims of Agesilaus to the throne, on the ground that Leotychides was a bastard, and therefore excluded from the succession. Many of the other citizens eagerly espoused the cause of Agesilaus, because they had been brought up in his company, and had become his intimate friends. There was, however, one Diopeithes, a soothsayer, who was learned in prophetic lore, and enjoyed a great reputation for wisdom and sanctity. This man declared that it was wrong for a lame man to become king of Lacedæmon, and quoted the following oracle:—
Beware lest lameness on thy kings alight;
Lest wars unnumbered toss thee to and fro,
And thou thyself be ruined in the fight."
In answer to this, Lysander argued that the oracle really warned the Spartans against making Leotychides king; for the god was not likely to allude to actual lameness, which might not even be congenital, but might arise from some accidental hurt, as disqualifying any one for the office of king, but rather meant by a "lame reign," the reign of one who was not legitimate, and not truly descended from Herakles. Agesilaus also said that Poseidon bore witness to the illegitimacy of Leotychides; for Agis was said to have been cast out of his bed-chamber by an earthquake, after which he abstained from approaching his wife, on religious grounds, for a period of more than ten months, at the end of which Leotychides was born.
IV. Having been raised to the throne on those grounds, Agesilaus at the same time acquired the large property left by the late king Agis, as Leotychides was declared illegitimate and driven into exile. As his own mother's family were respectable, but very poor, he distributed half this property among them, thus making sure of their good will and favour, and removing any jealousy which they might feel at his elevation. Moreover, as Xenophon tells us, he gained the greatest influence by always deferring to the wishes of his country, and thus was really enabled to act exactly as he pleased. The whole power of the state was at that time vested in the Ephors and the Senate of Elders, of whom the Ephors are elected every year, while the Elders sit for life. These two bodies were intended as a check upon the power of the kings, who would otherwise have been absolute, as has been explained in the Life of Lykurgus. Between these magistrates and the kings there was generally a bad understanding; but Agesilaus adopted an opposite line of conduct. He never attempted to oppose or thwart the Ephors or the Senate, and even showed a marked deference to them, referring the initiative of all state affairs to them, hurrying into their presence when summoned, and rising from his royal throne whenever they appeared, while he presented each senator, on his election, with a cloak and an ox, to congratulate him on joining the Senate. Thus he appeared to exalt the power of the Ephors and to court their favour, but he himself was by far the greatest gainer, as his own personal influence was greatly increased, and the power of the crown much strengthened by the general good will which he inspired.
V. In his dealings with his fellow-citizens he is more to be praised as an enemy than as a friend; for he would not act unjustly to injure his enemies, but he sometimes disregarded justice in the interests of his friends. He was of too generous a nature to refrain from applauding even his enemies when they deserved it, but could not bear to reproach his friends for their faults, which he delighted to share with them, and to extricate them from the consequences, for he thought nothing disgraceful if done to serve a friend.[174] He was also ever ready to forgive and assist those with whom he had been at variance, and thus won all hearts, and attained to a true popularity. The Ephors indeed, perceiving this, imposed a fine upon him, alleging as a reason for it that he was attaching the Spartans to his own person instead of to the State. For just as physical philosophers tell us that if the principle of strife and opposition were removed, the heavenly bodies would stand still, and all the productive power of nature would be at an end, so did the Laconian lawgiver endeavour to quicken the virtue of his citizens by constructing a constitution out of opposing elements, deeming that success is barren when there is none to resist, and that the harmonious working of a political system is valueless if purchased by the suppression of any important element. Some have thought that the germ of this idea can be traced in Homer,[175] for he would not have represented Agamemnon as rejoicing when Achilles and Odysseus quarrel 'with savage words,' had he not thought that some great public benefit would arise from this opposition and rivalry of the bravest. But to this one cannot altogether agree; for party strife, if carried to excess, proves most dangerous and ruinous to all communities.
VI. Shortly after Agesilaus had been raised to the throne he received news from Asia that the Persian king was preparing a large army with which he intended to drive the Lacedæmonians into the sea. Upon hearing this, Lysander was very eager to be sent out again to conduct affairs in Asia, in order that he might be able to assist his own friends and partizans, whom he had appointed as governors to many of the cities in that country, but who had mostly been forcibly expelled by the citizens for their insolent and tyrannical conduct. He therefore urged Agesilaus to undertake a campaign in Asia as the champion of Greece, and advised him to land upon some distant part of the coast, so as to establish himself securely before the arrival of the Persian army. At the same time he despatched instructions to his friends in Asia, to send to Lacedæmon, and demand Agesilaus as their general. In a public debate upon the subject, Agesilaus agreed to conduct the war if he were furnished with thirty Spartans to act as generals, and to form a council of war. He also demanded a force of ten thousand picked men of the Neodamodes, or enfranchised Helots, and six thousand hoplites, or heavy armed troops, from the allied cities in Greece. By the active co-operation of Lysander all this was quickly agreed upon, and Agesilaus was sent out with a council of thirty Spartans, in which Lysander at once took the lead, not merely by his own great name and influence, but by reason of his intimacy with Agesilaus, through which it was supposed that this campaign would raise him to more than kingly power. While the army was being assembled at Geræstus, Agesilaus himself proceeded to Aulis with his friends, and while sleeping there, he appeared in a dream to hear a voice saying: "O king of the Lacedæmonians, since no one has ever been commander-in-chief of all the Greeks, save you and Agamemnon alone, it is fitting that you, since you command the same troops, start from the same place, and are about to attack the same enemy, should offer sacrifice to the same goddess to whom he sacrificed here before setting out." Upon this there, at once, occurred to the mind of Agesilaus the legend of the maiden who was put to death on that occasion by her own father, in obedience to the soothsayers; but he did not allow himself to be disturbed by this omen, but arose and told the whole dream to his friends, observing that it was his intention to pay all due honour to the goddess Artemis, but not to imitate the barbarous conduct of Agamemnon. He now proceeded to hang garlands upon a hind, and ordered his own soothsayer to offer it as a sacrifice, disregarding the claims of the local Bœotian priest to do so. The Bœotarchs, however, heard of this, and were greatly incensed at what they considered an insult. They at once despatched a body of armed men to the spot, who forbade Agesilaus to offer sacrifice there, contrary to the ancestral customs of the Bœotians, and cast off the victim from the altar where it lay. After this Agesilaus sailed away in great trouble of mind, both from the anger he felt towards the Thebans, and from the evil omen which had befallen him, as he feared that it portended the failure of his Asiatic campaign.
VII. On his arrival at Ephesus, he was much offended by the great power and influence possessed by Lysander, whose ante-chamber was always crowded, and who was always surrounded by persons desirous of paying their court to him. They evidently thought that although Agesilaus might be nominally in command of the expedition, yet that all real power and direction of affairs was enjoyed by Lysander, who had made himself feared and respected throughout Asia, beyond any other Greek commander, and had been able to benefit his friends and crush his enemies more effectually than any one had previously done. As all this was still fresh in the memory of all men, and especially as they perceived the extreme simplicity and courteousness of Agesilaus's manners and conversation, and observed, too, that Lysander was still as harsh, rude, and imperious as before, they all looked up to him alone as the virtual commander.
The other Spartan members of the council were deeply dissatisfied at finding that Lysander treated them rather as though he were king and they were merely there to ratify his decrees, than as their colleague with powers no more extensive than their own; while Agesilaus himself, who though he was above feeling any jealousy of the honours paid to Lysander, yet was ambitious and covetous of honour, began to fear that if any brilliant success should be achieved, the credit of it would be given to Lysander alone. He therefore proceeded to oppose all Lysander's plans, and if he knew that Lysander was interested in any enterprise, he took care to put it off and neglect it, while he successively rejected the petitions of every person in whom he knew Lysander to take an interest. In judicial decisions also he invariably acquitted those whom Lysander wished to punish, and condemned to pay heavy fines those whom he endeavoured to serve. As this took place so frequently that it could not be attributed to chance, but to a systematic purpose, Lysander was forced to warn his partizans that his intervention was an injury and not a benefit to them, and that they must desist from their obsequious attentions to him, and address themselves directly to the king.
VIII. As these remarks seemed intended to place the king's policy in an invidious light, Agesilaus determined to humble him still further, and appointed him his carver. He then said aloud in the hearing of many persons, "Let them now go and pay their court to my carver." Vexed at this insult, Lysander remonstrated with him, saying, "Truly, Agesilaus, you know how to degrade your friends." "Ay, to be sure," answered he, "those among them who want to appear greater than I am."[176] "Perhaps," replied Lysander, "you have spoken the truth, and I have not acted rightly. Bestow on me, however, some post in which I may be usefully employed without wounding your feelings."
Upon this, Lysander was despatched on a mission to the Hellespont, where he found means to gain over a Persian noble named Spithridates, who had received some offence from Pharnabazus, the satrap of that province. Lysander induced this man to join Agesilaus with all his property, and with a regiment of two hundred horse; yet he himself did not forget his quarrel, and for the rest of his life assiduously plotted to remove the succession to the throne of Sparta from the two royal families, and to throw it open to all Spartans alike. It is indeed probable that he would have raised an important commotion in Sparta, had he not been slain in an expedition in Bœotia. Thus do ambitious men do more harm than good in a state, unless they have an unusual power of self-restraint. Lysander no doubt acted very offensively, and made a very unreasonable display of his pride; yet Agesilaus might have discovered some better method of correcting the faults of so great a man. Indeed, in my opinion they were both equally blinded by the same passion for personal aggrandizement, so that the one forgot the power of his prince, and the other could not bear with the shortcomings of his friend.
IX. Tissaphernes was at first afraid of Agesilaus, and began to treat with him about setting free the Greek cities on the Ionian coast from the power of the king of Persia. Afterwards, however, he imagined that the force at his disposal justified him in breaking off these negotiations, and he declared war, to the great delight of Agesilaus. Great expectations had indeed been formed in Greece of the army of Agesilaus, and it was thought a strange thing that ten thousand Greeks under Xenophon should march through Persia to the sea, and defeat the king of Persia's troops as often as they pleased, while Agesilaus, the commander of the Lacedæmonians, the leading people in Greece, who were all-powerful both by sea and land, should accomplish nothing. He now revenged himself on the faithless Tissaphernes for his perjury by an equal piece of deceit, and gave out that he was about to march into Karia. When, however, the Persian army was assembled there, he proceeded north-wards to Phrygia, where he took many cities, and gained much plunder, pointing out to his friends that although to solemnly plight one's word and then to break it is wrong, yet that to out-manœuvre one's enemies is not only lawful, but profitable and glorious. Being, however, deficient in cavalry, and warned by the omen of a victim being found with an imperfect liver, he retired to Ephesus, and there collected a cavalry force, giving rich men the alternative of either serving themselves in his army, or of furnishing a horse soldier instead. Many preferred to do so, and Agesilaus soon possessed a force of warlike cavalry in the place of worthless foot soldiers; for those who did not wish to serve personally hired men who were willing to fight, and those who could not ride hired those who could. Just so did Agamemnon act very wisely in receiving a valuable mare, and thereby allowing a rich man to purchase his discharge from military service. Agesilaus now gave orders that the heralds who conducted the sale of captives by auction, should strip them of their clothes, and put them up for sale in a state of perfect nudity. Their clothes were sold separately, and the Greek soldiers laughed heartily at the white and soft skins, which never had felt the sun or wind, displayed by these Asiatics, and began to feel contempt for such effeminate adversaries. Agesilaus himself, pointing first to the captives themselves, and then to their clothes and other property, observed, "These are the men with whom you have to fight, and these are the things you fight for."
X. When the season for active operations returned he announced his intention of marching into Lydia, not meaning thereby to deceive Tissaphernes; but Tissaphernes deceived himself, for he distrusted Agesilaus on account of his former stratagem. He therefore concluded that it was Agesilaus's real intention to invade Karia, especially as he was weak in cavalry, which could not act in that province. When, however, Agesilaus, as he had announced, marched into the level country near Sardis, Tissaphernes was obliged to hurry thither with all speed; and by means of his cavalry he cut off many stragglers from the Greek army. Agesilaus now perceived that the enemy's infantry had not come up, while he had all his troops in hand. He at once determined to fight, and having formed his cavalry and light-armed troops into one mixed body he ordered them to advance at once and attack the enemy, while he led on the heavy infantry in person. The Persians were routed, and the Greeks, following up their victory, took the enemy's camp with great slaughter. This victory not only enabled them to plunder the king's territories undisturbed, but also gave them the satisfaction of hearing that Tissaphernes, a bad man, and one for whom all the Greeks felt an especial hatred, had at length met with his deserts. Immediately after the battle the king of Persia sent Tithraustes to him, who caused him to be beheaded. Tithraustes now begged Agesilaus to make peace and leave the country, and offered him money if he would do so. Agesilaus answered that he had no power to make peace or war, but that such propositions must be referred to the authorities at home; while as to money he said that he preferred enriching his soldiers to enriching himself, and that among the Greeks it was not considered honourable to receive bribes, but rather to take plunder from their enemies. Nevertheless, wishing to oblige Tithraustes, because he had avenged Greece upon that common enemy of all, Tissaphernes, he removed his army into Phrygia, receiving a sum of thirty talents from Tithraustes for the maintenance of his soldiery.
During his march he received a despatch from the government of Sparta, appointing him to the command of the naval as well as of the military forces in Asia. He was now at the zenith of his fame and the greatest man of his age, as Theopompus truly observes; yet he had more reason to be proud of his virtue than of his power. He was thought, however, to have committed an error in placing Peisander in command of the fleet, disregarding the claims of older and more experienced men, and preferring the advancement of his wife's brother to the interests of his country.
XI. Having established his army in the province ruled by Pharnabazus, he not only found abundance of provisions, but also was able to amass much booty. He marched as far as the borders of Paphlagonia, and gained the alliance of Kotys,[177] the king of that country.
Spithridatos, ever since he had revolted from Pharnabazus, had constantly accompanied Agesilaus, together with his very handsome son, named Megabates, of whom Agesilaus was greatly enamoured, and a fair daughter. Agesilaus persuaded King Kotys to marry this girl, and received from him a force of one thousand horsemen, and two thousand light troops, called peltasts. With these he returned into Phrygia, and laid waste the country of Pharnabazus, who dared not meet him in the field, and feared to trust himself in any of his fortresses, but hovered about the country, taking his valuable property with him, and keeping his place of encampment as secret as he could. The watchful Spithridates, however, at last found an opportunity to attack him, and, with Herippidas the Spartan, took his camp and all his property. On this occasion Herippidas acted with great harshness in ordering all the plunder to be given up to be sold by auction, according to Greek usage. He forced the barbarian allies to disgorge their booty, and searched for all that had been captured in so offensive a manner that Spithridates, in disgust at his conduct, at once went off to Sardis, taking with him the entire Paphlagonian force.
We are told that Agesilaus was terribly chagrined at this. He felt vexed at losing a good friend in Spithridates, and losing, too, a large force with him, while he was ashamed of the character for meanness and avarice which this miserable squabble would gain for Sparta, especially as he had always prided himself on showing a contempt for money both in politics and in private life.
XII. After this, Pharnabazus was desirous of conferring with him, and a meeting was arranged between them by a friend of both, Apollophanes of Kyzikus. Agesilaus arrived first, and sitting down upon some thick grass under the shade of a tree, awaited the coming of Pharnabazus. Presently Pharnabazus arrived, with soft rugs and curiously-wrought carpets, but on seeing Agesilaus simply seated on the ground, he felt ashamed to use them, and sat down on the ground beside him, although he was dressed in a magnificent robe of many colours. They now greeted one another, and Pharnabazus stated his case very fairly, pointing out that he had done much good service to the Lacedæmonians during their war with Athens, and yet that his province was now being laid waste by them. Seeing all the Spartans round him hanging down their heads with shame, and not knowing what to answer because they knew that what Pharnabazus said was true, Agesilaus said: "We Spartans, Pharnabazus, were formerly at peace with your king, and then we respected his territory as that of a friend. Now we are at war with him, and regard all his property as that of an enemy. Now as we see that you still wish to belong to the king, we very naturally endeavour by injuring you to injure him. But from the day on which you shall declare that you will be a friend and ally of the Greeks rather than a slave of the king of Persia, you may regard this fleet and army and all of us, as the guardians of your property, of your liberty, and of all that makes life honourable and enjoyable." In answer to this, Pharnabazus said: "If the king shall send any other general, and put me under him, I will join you. But if he places me in command, I will cheerfully obey him, and will fight you and do you all the mischief in my power."
Agesilaus was struck by the high-minded tone of this reply, and at once rose and took him by the hand, saying, "Would to God, Pharnabazus, that such a man as you might become our friend rather than our enemy."
XIII. As Pharnabazus was retiring with his friends, his son stayed behind, and running up to Agesilaus said with a smile, "Agesilaus, I make you my guest,"[178] and gave him a fine javelin which he carried in his hand.
Agesilaus gladly accepted this offer, and, delighted with the engaging manners and evident friendship of the young man, looked round for some suitable present, and seeing that the horse of his secretary Idæus was adorned with fine trappings, took them off and gave them to the boy. Agesilaus never forgot the connection thus formed between them, but in after days, when the son of Pharnabazus was impoverished and driven into exile by his brother, he welcomed him to the Peloponnese, and provided him with protection and a home. He even went so far as to employ his influence in favour of an Athenian youth to whom the son of Pharnabazus was attached. This boy had outgrown the age and size of the boy-runners in the Olympic stadium, and was consequently refused leave to compete in that race. Upon this the Persian made a special application to Agesilaus on his behalf; and Agesilaus, willing to do anything to please his protégé, with great difficulty and management induced the judges to admit the boy as a competitor. This, indeed, was the character of Agesilaus, disinterested and just in all matters except in furthering the interests of his friends, in which case he seems to have hesitated at nothing. A letter of his to Idrilus, the Karian, runs as follows: "If Nikias be innocent, acquit him; if he be guilty, acquit him for my sake; but in any case acquit him." Such was Agesilaus in most cases where his friends were concerned; although in some few instances he allowed expediency to prevail over affection, and sacrificed his personal friend to the general advantage, as, for example, once, when owing to a sudden alarm the camp was being hurriedly broken up, he left a sick friend behind in spite of his passionate entreaties, observing as he did so, that it is hard to be wise and compassionate at the same time. This anecdote has been preserved by the philosopher Hieronymus.
XIV. Agesilaus was now in the second year of his command in Asia, and had become one of the foremost men of his time, being greatly admired and esteemed for his remarkable sobriety and frugality of life. When away from his headquarters he used to pitch his tent within the precincts of the most sacred temples, thus making the gods witnesses of the most private details of his life. Among thousands of soldiers, moreover, there was scarcely one that used a worse mattress than Agesilaus. With regard to extremes of heat and cold, he seemed so constituted as to be able to enjoy whatever weather the gods might send. It was a pleasant and enjoyable spectacle for the Greek inhabitants of Asia to see their former tyrants, the deputy governors of cities and generals of provinces, who used to be so offensively proud, insolent, and profusely luxurious, now trembling before a man who walked about in a plain cloak, and altering their whole conduct in obedience to his curt Laconian sayings. Many used to quote the proverb of Timotheus, that "Ares alone is king, and Hellas fears not the power of gold."
XV. The whole of Asia Minor was now excited, and ripe for revolt. Agesilaus established order[179] in the cities on the coast by mild measures, without either banishing or putting to death any of the citizens, and next determined to advance farther, and transfer the theatre of war from the Ionic coast to the interior. He hoped thus to force the Persian king to fight for his very existence, and for his pleasant palaces at Susa and Ecbatana, and at any rate to keep him fully employed, so that from henceforth he might have no leisure or means to act as arbitrator between the Greek states in their disputes, and to corrupt their statesmen by bribes. At this crisis, however, there arrived the Spartan Epikydides. He announced that Sparta was involved in an important war with Thebes and other Greek states, and brought an imperative summons from the ephors to Agesilaus to return at once and assist his countrymen at home.
Such miserable, more than Persian woes."
It is pitiable to think of the malevolence and ill-will which produced this war, and arrayed the states of Greece against one another, putting a stop to such a glorious career of conquest at its very outset, exchanging a foreign for a civil war, and recalling the arms which were being used against the Persians to point them at Grecian breasts. I cannot agree with the Corinthian, Demaratus, when he says that those Greeks who did not see Alexander seated upon the throne of Darius lost one of the most delightful spectacles in the world. I think they would have been more likely to weep when they reflected that this conquest was left for Alexander and the Macedonians to effect, by those Greek generals who wasted the resources of their country in the battles of Leuktra and Koronea, Corinth and Mantinea. Still, nothing is more honourable to Agesilaus than the promptitude with which he withdrew from Asia, nor can we easily find another example of straightforward obedience and self-sacrifice in a general. Hannibal was in great difficulties and straits in Italy, and yet yielded a very unwilling obedience when summoned home to protect Carthage, while Alexander merely sneered at the news of the battle between Agis and Antipater, observing, "It appears, my friends, that while we have been conquering Darius here, there has been a battle of mice in Arcadia."
Well then does Sparta deserve to be congratulated on the love for her and the respect for her laws which Agesilaus showed on this occasion, when, as soon as the despatch reached him, he at once stopped his prosperous and victorious career, gave up his soaring hopes of conquest, and marched home, leaving his work unfinished, regretted greatly by all his allies, and having signally confuted the saying of Phæax the son of Erasistratus, that the Lacedæmonians act best as a state, and the Athenians as individuals. He proved himself indeed to be a good king and a good general, but those who know him most intimately prized him more as a friend and companion than as either a king or a soldier.
The Persian gold coins bore the device of an archer: and Agesilaus as he broke up his camp observed that he was being driven out of Asia by ten thousand archers, meaning that so many of these coins had been distributed among the statesmen of Athens and Thebes, to bribe them into forcing those countries to go to war with Sparta.
XVI. He now crossed the Hellespont and proceeded through Thrace. Here he did not ask leave of any of the barbarian tribes to traverse their country, but merely inquired whether they would prefer him to treat them as friends or as enemies during his passage. All the tribes received him in a friendly manner and escorted him through their land, except the Trallians,[180] to whom it is said that Xerxes himself gave presents, who demanded from Agesilaus a hundred talents of silver and a hundred female slaves for his passage. He answered, "Why did they not come at once and take them;" and immediately marched into their country, where he found them strongly posted, and routed them with great slaughter.
He made the same enquiry, about peace or war, of the King of Macedonia, and on receiving the answer that he would consider the question, "Let him consider," said he, "but let us march in the meanwhile." Struck with admiration and fear at his daring, the king bade him pass through as a friend. On reaching the country of Thessaly, he found the Thessalians in alliance with the enemies of Sparta, and laid waste their lands. He sent however Xenokles and Skythes to Larissa, the chief town in Thessaly, to arrange terms of peace. These men were seized upon by the Thessalians and cast into prison, at which the army was greatly excited, thinking that Agesilaus could do no less than besiege and take Larissa. He, on the other hand, said that he valued the lives of either of these two men more than all Thessaly, and obtained their release by negotiation. This ought not to surprise us in Agesilaus, for when he heard of the great battle at Corinth where so many distinguished men fell, and where though many of the enemy perished the Spartan loss was very small, he showed no signs of exultation, but sighed heavily, and said, "Alas for Greece, that she should by her own fault have lost so many men, who if they were alive could conquer all the barbarians in the world."
The Thessalian tribe of the Pharsalians[181] now attacked his army, upon which he charged them with five hundred horse, and having routed them erected a trophy near Mount Narthakius. Agesilaus took great pride in this victory, because in it he had defeated the Thessalian horsemen, supposed to be the best in Greece, with cavalry disciplined by himself in Asia.
XVII. He was here met by Diphridas the Ephor, who brought him orders to invade Bœotia immediately. Although he had intended to make more extensive preparations, he thought it right at once to obey, and informed his friends that the day for which they had marched all the way from Asia would soon be at hand. He also sent for a reinforcement of two moras[182] from the army at Corinth. The Lacedæmonium government at home, also, wishing to do him honour, made proclamation that whosoever would might enrol himself to serve the King. All eagerly gave in their names, and from them the ephors selected fifty of the strongest, whom they sent to Agesilaus as a body-guard. He now marched through Thermopylæ, crossed the friendly country of Phokis, and entered Bœotia near Chæronea. While encamped there, he observed that the sun was eclipsed and became crescent-shaped, and at the same time came the news of the defeat and death of Peisander in a great sea-fight off Knidus, against Pharnabazus and Konon the Athenian. Agesilaus was naturally grieved both at his brother-in-law's death and at the disaster which had befallen Sparta, but as he feared to damp the courage of his soldiers on the eve of battle, he ordered the messengers to spread the contrary intelligence, that the Spartans had been victorious in the sea-fight, and he himself appeared with a garland on his head, offered sacrifice as though he had heard good news, and distributed portions of the meat to his friends, as presents of congratulation.
XVIII. Proceeding on his march through Bœotia he reached Koroneia, where he came into the presence of the enemy, and arrayed his forces for battle, placing the men of Orchomenos[183] on the left wing, while he led the right in person. In the army of the allies the Thebans formed the right, and the Argives the left wing. Xenophon informs us that this battle was the most furiously contested one that ever was known. He himself was an eye-witness of it, as he had served with Agesilaus during his Asiatic campaign, and had accompanied him on his return to Europe. The first shock was not very severe, as the Thebans easily overthrew the Orchomenians, while Agesilaus with equal ease routed the Argives. When, however, each of these victorious bodies heard that their left was hard pressed and retiring, they at once ceased from following up their success and halted where they stood. Agesilaus might now easily have won a partial victory, by allowing the Thebans to pass back again through his own lines and attacking them as they did so. Instead of this, his fierce spirit led him to form his troops in close order and attack them front to front. The Thebans fought with no less courage, and a terrible battle raged all along the line, but most fiercely at the point where the chosen body-guard of fifty men fought round the Spartan king. The courage of these men saved the life of Agesilaus, for they recklessly exposed themselves in his defence, and by their exertions, although they could not prevent his being severely wounded, yet by receiving on their bodies through their shields and armour many blows which were intended for him, they succeeded in dragging him from where he had fallen among the enemy, and formed a bulwark around him, slaying many of the enemy, but with great loss to themselves.
The Lacedæmonians, unable to force back the Thebans, were at length compelled to open their ranks, and let them pass through, which at first they had scorned to do. They then assailed them on the flanks and rear as they passed. Yet they could not boast of having conquered the Thebans, who drew off and rejoined their comrades on Mount Helikon, with the proud conviction that in the battle they at any rate had not been defeated.
XIX. Agesilaus, although suffering from many wounds, refused to go to his tent before he had been carried on men's shoulders round the army, and had seen all the dead brought off the field of battle. He gave orders that some Thebans who had taken refuge in a neighbouring temple should be dismissed unharmed. This was the temple of Athena Itonia, and before it stands a trophy, erected by the Bœotians under Sparton, many years before, in memory of a victory which they had won over the Athenians under Tolmides, who fell in that battle.
Next morning Agesilaus, wishing to discover whether the Thebans would renew the contest, ordered his soldiers to crown themselves with garlands, and the flute-players to play martial music while a trophy was erected in honour of the victory. When the enemy sent to ask for a truce for the burial of their dead, he granted it, and having thus confirmed his victory, caused himself to be carried to Delphi. Here the Pythian games were being celebrated, and Agesilaus not only took part in the procession in honour of the god, but also dedicated to him the tithe of the spoils of his Asiatic campaign, which amounted to one hundred talents.
On his return home, he was loved and admired by all his fellow-countrymen for his simple habits of life; for he did not, like so many generals, return quite a different man, corrupted by foreign manners, and dissatisfied with those of his own country, but, just like those who had never crossed the Eurotas, he loved and respected the old Spartan fashions, and would not alter his dining at the public table, his bath, his domestic life with his wife, his care of his arms, or the furniture of his house, the doors of which we are told by Xenophon, were so old that it was thought that they must be the original ones put up by Aristodemus. Xenophon also tells us that the kanathrum of his daughter was not at all finer than that of other children.
A kanathrum is a fantastic wooden car, shaped like a griffin or an antelope, in which children are carried in sacred processions. Xenophon does not mention the name of Agesilaus's daughter, and Dikæarchus is much grieved at this, observing that we do not know the name either of the daughter of Agesilaus or of the mother of Epameinondas; I, however, have discovered, by consulting Lacedæmonium records, that the wife of Agesilaus was named Kleora, and that she had two daughters, named Eupolia and Prolyta. His spear also may be seen at the present day in Sparta, and differs in no respect from that of any other Lacedæmonium.
XX. Perceiving that many of his countrymen bred horses, and gave themselves great airs in consequence, he induced his sister Kyniske to enter a four-horse chariot for the race at Olympia, to prove to them that the winning of this prize depends not upon a man's courage, but upon his wealth, and the amount of money which he spends upon it. As Xenophon the philosopher was still with him, he advised him to send for his sons and educate them in Lacedæmon, that they might learn the most important of all lessons, to command and to obey.
Lysander was now dead, but Agesilaus found still existing an important conspiracy against himself, which Lysander had set on foot when he returned from Asia. Agesilaus now eagerly undertook to prove what Lysander's true character had been; and having read amongst the papers of the deceased that speech which Kleon of Halikarnassus wrote for him, treating of reforms and alterations of the constitution, which Lysander meant some day to address to the people of Sparta, he wished to make it public. However, one of the senators, after reading the speech, was alarmed at the plausible nature of the argument which it contained, and advised Agesilaus not to dig Lysander out of his grave, but rather to bury the speech with him. This advice caused Agesilaus to desist from his project. He never openly attacked his political enemies, but contrived to get them appointed generals and governors of cities. When they displayed their bad qualities in these posts and were recalled to take their trial he used to come forward as their friend and by his exertions on their behalf make them his active partisans instead of his enemies, so that before long he succeeded in breaking up the party which was opposed to him, and reigned alone without any rival; for the other king, Agesipolis, whose father had been an exile, and who was himself very young, and of a mild and unassuming temper, counted for nothing in the state. Agesilaus won over this man also, and made a friend of him; for the two kings dine at the same phiditium, or public table, when they are at Sparta. Knowing Agesipolis, like himself, to be prone to form attachments to young men, he always led the conversation to this subject, and encouraged the young king in doing so; for these love affairs among Lacedæmonians have in them nothing disgraceful, but produce much modest emulation and desire for glory, as has been explained in the Life of Lykurgus.
XXI. Being now the most powerful man in Sparta, Agesilaus obtained the appointment of admiral of the fleet for Teleutias, his half-brother; and thereupon making an expedition against Corinth, he made himself master of the long walls by land, through the assistance of his brother at sea. Coming thus upon the Argives, who then held Corinth, in the midst of their Isthmian festival, he made them fly just as they had finished the customary sacrifice, and leave all their festive provision behind them. Upon this the Corinthian exiles[184] who were with him begged him to preside over the games, but this he refused to do, ordering them to celebrate the festival, while he took care that they did so without interruption. After he was gone the Argives returned, and celebrated the Isthmian games over again. Some of the winners on the former occasion now won the prize again, while others were defeated. Agesilaus observed that the Argives by this act confessed themselves to be cowards, if they set so high a value on presiding at the games, and yet did not dare to fight for it. With regard to such matters he used to think that a middle course was best, and he always was present at the choruses and games at Sparta, taking great interest in their management, and not even neglecting the races for boys and for girls; but of some other matters in which most men were interested he seemed to be entirely ignorant. For instance Kallipides, who was esteemed the finest tragic actor in Greece, once met him and spoke to him, after which he swaggered along amongst his train, but finding that no notice was taken of him, he at length asked, "Do you not know me, O king?" Agesilaus at this looked carefully at him, and enquired, "Are you not Kallipides the player?" for so the Lacedæmonians name actors. Again, when he was invited to hear some one imitate the nightingale he answered, "I have heard the original."
Menekrates the physician, after having succeeded in curing some cases of sickness which were thought to be desperate, was given the title of Zeus, and used to use this appellation on all occasions in a foolish manner. He even went so far as to write to Agesilaus in the following terms, "Menekrates Zeus wishes King Agesilaus health." To this he answered, "King Agesilaus wishes Menekrates more sense."
XXII. While he was encamped in the temple of Hera, near Corinth, watching the soldiers disposing of the captives which they had taken, ambassadors came from Thebes to treat for peace with him. He always had borne a grudge against that city, and thinking that this would be a good opportunity to indulge his hatred, he pretended neither to see nor to hear them when they addressed him. But he soon paid the penalty of his insolence; for before the Thebans left him news was brought that an entire mora had been cut to pieces by Iphikrates. This was the greatest disaster which had befallen the Spartans for many years; for they lost a large number of brave and well-equipped citizens, all heavy-armed hoplites, and that too at the hands of mere mercenary light troops and peltasts. On hearing this Agesilaus at first leaped up to go to their assistance; but when he heard that they were completely destroyed, he returned to the temple of Hera, and recalling the Bœotian ambassadors, bade them deliver their message. But they now in their turn assumed a haughty demeanour, and made no mention of peace, but merely demanded leave to proceed to Corinth. At this, Agesilaus in a rage answered, "If you wish to go there to see your friends rejoicing over their success, you will be able to do so in safety to-morrow." On the next day he took the ambassadors with him, and marched, laying waste the country as he went, up to the gates of Corinth, where, having thus proved that the Corinthians dared not come out and resent his conduct, he sent the ambassadors into the city. As for himself, he collected the survivors of the mora, and marched back to Lacedæmon, always starting before daybreak, and encamping after sunset, that he might not be insulted by the Arcadians, who bitterly hated the Lacedæmonians and enjoyed their discomfiture. After this at the instance of the Achæans he crossed over into Akarnania with them, where he obtained much plunder, and defeated the Akarnanians in battle. The Achæans now begged him to remain, and so prevent the enemy from sowing their fields in the winter; but he answered that he should do exactly the reverse, because, if the enemy next year had a good prospect of a harvest, they would be much more inclined to keep the peace than if their fields lay fallow. And this opinion of his was justified by the result; for as soon as the Akarnanians heard that another campaign was threatened, they made peace with the Achæans.
XXIII. Konon and Pharnabazus, after their victory in the sea-fight at Knidus, had obtained command of the seas and began to plunder the coast of Laconia, while the Athenian walls likewise were restored, with money supplied by Pharnabazus for that purpose.
These circumstances disposed the Lacedæmonians to make peace with the king of Persia. They consequently sent Antalkidas to Tiribazus to arrange terms, and most basely and wickedly gave up to the king those Greek cities in Asia on behalf of which Agesilaus had fought. Antalkidas, indeed, was his enemy, and his great reason for concluding a peace on any terms was, that war was certain to increase the reputation and glory of Agesilaus. Yet when some one reproached Agesilaus, saying that the Lacedæmonians were Medising,[185] he answered, "Nay, say, rather, the Medes (Persians) are Laconising."
By threats of war he compelled those Greek states who were unwilling to do so to accept the terms of the peace, especially the Thebans; for one of the articles of the peace was, that the Thebans should leave the rest of Bœotia independent, by which of course they were greatly weakened. This was proved by subsequent events. When Phœbidas, in defiance of law and decency, seized the Kadmeia, or citadel of Thebes, in time of peace, all Greeks cried shame on him, and the Spartans felt especial annoyance at it. The enemies of Agesilaus now angrily enquired of Phœbidas who ordered him to do so, and as his answers hinted at Agesilaus as having suggested the deed, Agesilaus openly declared himself to be on Phœbidas's side, and said that the only thing to be considered was, whether it was advantageous to Sparta or not; for it was always lawful to render good service to the state, even impromptu and without previous orders. Yet in his talk Agesilaus always set a high value upon justice, calling it the first of all virtues; for he argued that courage would be useless without justice; while if all men were just, there would be no need of courage. When he was informed, "The pleasure of the great king is so-and-so," he was wont to answer, "How can he be greater than I, unless he be juster?"—thus truly pointing out that justice is the real measure of the greatness of kings. When the king of Persia sent him a letter during the peace, offering to become his guest[186] and friend, he refused to open it, saying that he was satisfied with the friendship existing between the two states, and that while that lasted he required no private bond of union with the king of Persia. However, in his actions he was far from carrying out these professions, but was frequently led into unjust acts by his ambition. In this instance he not only shielded Phœbidas from punishment for what he had done at Thebes, but persuaded Sparta to adopt his crime as its own, and continue to hold the Kadmeia, appointing as the chiefs of the garrison Archias and Leontidas,[187] by whose means Phœbidas made his way into the citadel.
XXIV. This at once gave rise to a suspicion that Phœbidas was merely an agent, and that the whole plot originated with Agesilaus himself, and subsequent events confirmed this view; for as soon as the Thebans drove out the garrison and set free their city, Agesilaus made war upon them to avenge the murder of Archias and Leontidas, who had been nominally polemarchs, but in reality despots of Thebes. At this period Agesipolis was dead, and his successor Kleombrotus was despatched into Bœotia with an army; for Agesilaus excused himself from serving in that campaign on the ground of age, as it was forty years since he had first borne arms, and he was consequently exempt by law. The real reason was that he was ashamed, having so lately been engaged in a war to restore the exiled popular party at Phlius, to be seen now attacking the Thebans in the cause of despotism.
There was a Lacedæmonium named Sphodrias, one of the faction opposed to Agesilaus, who was established as Spartan governor of the town of Thespiæ, a daring and ambitious man, but hot-headed, and prone to act without due calculation. This man, who longed to achieve distinction, and who perceived that Phœbidas had made a name throughout Greece by his exploit at Thebes, persuaded himself that it would be a much more glorious deed if he were to make himself master of the Peiræus, and so by a sudden attack cut off the Athenians from the sea. It is said that this attempt originated with the Bœotarchs, Pelopidas and Mellon, who sent emissaries to Sphodrias to praise and flatter him, and point out that he alone was capable of conducting so bold an adventure. By this language, and an affectation of sympathy with Lacedæmon, these men at length prevailed on him to attempt a most unrighteous deed, and one which required considerable boldness and good fortune to ensure its success. Daylight, however, overtook Sphodrias before he had crossed the Thriasian plain, near Eleusis. All hope of surprising Peiræus by a night attack was now gone, and it is said, also, that the soldiers were alarmed and terror-stricken by certain lights which gleamed from the temples at Eleusis. Sphodrias himself, now that his enterprise had so manifestly failed, lost heart, and after hurriedly seizing some unimportant plunder, led his men back to Thespiæ. Upon this an embassy was sent from Athens to Sparta to complain of the acts of Sphodrias; but on the arrival of the ambassadors at Sparta they found that the government there were in no need of encouragement from without to proceed against Sphodrias, for they had already summoned him home to be tried for his life. Sphodrias durst not venture to return to Sparta, for he saw that his fellow-countrymen were angry with him and ashamed of his conduct towards the Athenians, and that they wished rather to be thought fellow-sufferers by his crime than accomplices in it.
XXV. Sphodrias had a son, named Kleonymus, who was still quite a youth, and who was beloved by Archidamus, the son of Agesilaus. He now assisted this youth, who was pleading his father's cause as best he might, but he could not do so openly, because Sphodrias belonged to the party which was opposed to Agesilaus. When, however, Kleonymus came to him, and besought him with tears and piteous entreaties to appease Agesilaus, because the party of Sphodrias dreaded him more than any one else, the young man, after two or three days' hesitation, at length, as the day fixed for the trial approached, mustered up courage to speak to his father on the subject, telling him that Kleonymus had begged him to intercede for his father.
Agesilaus was well aware of his son's intimacy with Kleonymus, which he had never discouraged; for Kleonymus promised to become as distinguished a man as any in Sparta. He did not on this occasion, however, hold out to his son any hopes of a satisfactory termination of the affair, but said that he would consider what would be the most fitting and honourable course to pursue. After this reply, Archidamus had not the heart to meet Kleonymus, although he had before been accustomed to see him several times daily. This conduct of his plunged the friends of Sphodrias into yet deeper despair of his cause, until Etymokles, one of the friends of Agesilaus, in a conference with them, explained that what Agesilaus really thought about the matter was, that the action itself deserved the greatest censure; but yet that Sphodrias was a brave energetic man, whom Sparta could not afford to lose.
Agesilaus used this language out of a desire to gratify his son, and from it Kleonymus soon perceived that Archidamus had been true to him in using his interest with his father; while the friends of Sphodrias became much more forward in his defence. Indeed Agesilaus was remarkably fond of children, and an anecdote is related of him, that when his children were very little he was fond of playing with them, and would bestride a reed as if it were a horse for their amusement. When one of his friends found him at this sport, he bade him mention it to no one before he himself became the father of a family.
XXVI. Sphodrias was acquitted by the court; and the Athenians, as soon as they learned this, prepared for war. Agesilaus was now greatly blamed, and was charged with having obstructed the course of justice, and having made Sparta responsible for an outrage upon a friendly Greek state, merely in order to gratify the childish caprice of his son. As he perceived that Kleombrotus was unwilling to attack the Thebans, he himself invaded Bœotia, disregarding the law under which on a former occasion he had pleaded exemption from military service on account of his age. Here he fought the Thebans with varying success; for once, when he was being borne out of action wounded, Antalkidas observed to him, "A fine return you are getting from the Thebans for having taught them how to fight against their will." Indeed, the military power of the Thebans at that time was at its height, having as it were been exercised and practised by the many campaigns undertaken against them by the Lacedæmonians. This was why Lykurgus of old, in his three celebrated rhetras, forbade the Lacedæmonians to fight often with the same people, lest by constant practice they should teach them how to fight. Agesilaus was also disliked by the allies of the Lacedæmonians, because of his hatred of Thebes and his desire to destroy that state, not on any public grounds, but merely on account of his own bitter personal dislike to the Thebans. The allies complained grievously that they, who composed the greater part of the Lacedæmonium force, should every year be led hither and thither, and exposed to great risks and dangers, merely to satisfy one man's personal pique. Hereupon we are told that Agesilaus, desiring to prove that this argument about their composing so large a part of the army was not founded on fact, made use of the following device:—He ordered all the allies to sit down in one body, and made the Lacedæmonians sit down separately. Next he gave orders, first that all the potters should stand up; and when they had risen, he ordered the smiths, carpenters, masons, and all the other tradesmen successively to do so. When then nearly all the allies had risen to their feet, the Spartans all remained seated, for they were forbidden to learn or to practise any mechanical art. At this Agesilaus smiled, and said, "You see, my men, how many more soldiers we send out than you do."
XXVII. On his return from his campaign against the Thebans, Agesilaus, while passing through Megara, was seized with violent pain in his sound leg, just as he was entering the town-hall in the Acropolis of that city. After this it became greatly swelled and full of blood, and seemed to be dangerously inflamed. A Syracusan physician opened a vein near the ankle, which relieved the pain, but the flow of blood was excessive, and could not be checked, so that he fainted away from weakness, and was in a very dangerous condition. At length the bleeding stopped, and he was conveyed home to Lacedæmon, but he remained ill, and unable to serve in the wars for a long time.
During his illness many disasters befel the Spartans both by land and by sea. Of these, the most important was the defeat at Tegyra, where for the first time they were beaten in a fair fight by the Thebans. The Lacedæmonians were now eager to make peace with all the Greek cities, and ambassadors from all parts of Greece met at Sparta to arrange terms. Among them was Epameinondas, a man who was renowned for his culture and learning, but who had not hitherto given any proof of his great military genius. This man, perceiving that all the other ambassadors were sedulously paying their court to Agesilaus, assumed an independent attitude, and in a speech delivered before the congress declared that nothing kept the war alive except the unjust pretensions of Sparta, who gained strength from the sufferings of the other states, and that no peace could be durable unless such pretensions were laid aside, and Sparta reduced to the equality with the rest of the cities of Greece.
XXVIII. Agesilaus, observing that all the representatives of the Greek states were filled with admiration at this language, and manifested strong sympathy with the speaker, enquired whether he thought it right and just that the cities of Bœotia[188] should be left independent.
Epameinondas quickly and boldly enquired in answer, whether he thought it right to leave each of the towns in Laconia independent. At this Agesilaus leaped to his feet in a rage, and asked him to state clearly whether he meant to leave Bœotia independent. As Epameinondas in reply merely repeated his question, as to whether Agesilaus meant to leave Laconia independent, Agesilaus became furious, eagerly seized the opportunity to strike the name of Thebes out of the roll of cities with whom peace was being made, and declared war against it. He ratified a treaty of peace with the other Greek cities, and bade their representatives begone, with the remark, that such of their disputes as admitted of settlement must be arranged by peaceful negotiation, and such as could not must be decided by war; but that it was too much trouble for him to act as arbitrator between them in their manifold quarrels and disagreements.