FOOTNOTES:
[189] This line is from the Prometheus Loosed (λυόμενος) of Aeschylus which is lost. Prometheus Bound (δεσμώτης) is extant. Hermann is of opinion that the Prometheus Loosed did not belong to the same Tetralogy as the Prometheus Bound.
[190] The Gens to which Pompeius belonged was Plebeian. Cn. Pompeius Strabo, the father of Pompeius Magnus, was consul B.C. 89. Strabo, a name derived like many other Roman names from some personal peculiarity, signifies one who squints, and it was borne by members of other Roman Gentes also, as the Julia, and Fannia. It is said that the father of Pompeius Magnus had a cook Menogenes, who was called Strabo, and that the name was given to Cn. Pompeius because he resembled his cook. However this may be, Cn. Pompeius adopted the name, and it appears on his coins and in the Fasti. He had a bad character and appears to have deserved it. (Drumann, Geschichte Roms, Pompeii, p. 306.) Compare the Life of Sulla, c. 6. Notes.
The latter part of this chapter is somewhat obscure in the original. See the note of Coræs.
[191] L. Marcius Philippus, Consul B.C. 91 with Sextus Julius Cæsar, was a distinguished orator.
[192] Some of the commentators have had strange opinions about the meaning of this passage, which Kaltwasser has mistranslated. It is rightly explained in Schaefer's note, and the learned Lambinus has fully expounded it in a note on Horatius (Od. i. 13): but in place of ἀδήκτος he has a wrong reading ἀδήκτο. Flora was not the only courtesan who received the distinction mentioned in the text. The gilded statue of Phryne, the work of Praxiteles, was placed in the temple at Delphi, presented by the lady herself. (Pausanias, x. 15).
[193] Pompeius Magnus was born B.C. 106. He was younger than Marcus Crassus, of the same age as Cicero, and six years older than the Dictator Cæsar. The event mentioned in the chapter belongs to the year B.C 87, in which his father fought against L. Cinna. Pompeius Strabo died in this year.
[194] This town, now Ascoli on the Tronto, in Picenum, was taken by Pompeius Strabo B.C. 89 in the Marsic war, and burnt. The inhabitants, who had killed the proconsul P. Servilius and other Romans, were severely handled; and Pompeius Strabo had a triumph (December 89) for his success against the Asculani and other inhabitants of Picenum. (Velleius, ii. 21.)
[195] P. Antistius was prætor B.C. 86, the year after the death of Pompeius Strabo.
[196] Compare the Life of Romulus, c. 14.
[197] Cinna was killed in his fourth consulate, B.C. 84. Appianus (Civil Wars, i. 78) states that he was massacred by his soldiers, but his account may be true and that of Plutarch also, which is more particular, (See also Livius, Epit. 83.)
[198] The father of Pompeius had enriched himself during the Social wars.
[199] Now Osimo, was one of the cities of Picenum, south of Ancona. It was a Roman colony.
[200] The three commanders were C. Albius Carinnas, C. Cœlius Caldus and M. Junius Brutus. The word Clœlius in Plutarch may be a mistake of the copyists. Brutus was the father of M. Brutus, one of Cæsar's assassins.
[201] L. Cornelius Scipio, consul B.C. 83. Plutarch speaks of the same event in the Life of Sulla, c. 28, where he states that the soldiers of Scipio came over to Sulla. The two statements are contradictory, Appianus (Civil Wars, i. 85) tells the story of Scipio's army going over to Sulla.
[202] A mistake for Æsis (Esino, or Finmesino), a river which formed the boundary between Umbria and Picenum, and enters the sea north of Ancona. Appianus (Civil Wars, i. 87) states that Metellus defeated Carinnas, the legatus of Carbo, on the Æsis (B.C. 82).
[203] This was Q. Metellus Pius who afterwards commanded in Iberia against Sertorius. See the Life of Sertorius.
[204] The Greek writers often employ similes and metaphors derived from the athletic contests. There were contests both for boys and full-grown men. Compare the Life of Agesilaus, c. 13.
[205] The marriage arrangements mentioned in this chapter took place after the capture of Præneste, B.C. 82. See the Life of Sulla, c. 33. Sulla attempted to make Cæsar also part with his wife (Cæsar, c. 1): but Cæsar would not. Sulla, who was a cunning man, wished to gain over to his side all the young men of promise.
Antistius had been murdered in the Senate-house, by the order of the consul, the younger Marius, who was then blockaded in Præneste. Q. Mucius Scævola, the Pontifex, was murdered at the same time. (Appianus, Civil Wars, i. 88.)
[206] His true name is Perperna. See the Life of Sertorius.
[207] Cn. Papirius Carbo was put to death, B.C. 82, in his third consulship. Compare Appianus, Civil Wars, i. 96, and Life of Sulla, c. 28, Notes. Valerius Maximus, ix. c. 13, gives the story of his begging for a short respite, with some other particulars.
[208] Caius Oppius, an intimate friend of Cæsar. Some persons believed that he was the author of the Books on the Alexandrine, African, and Spanish campaigns, which are printed with the Gallic War of Cæsar. (Suetonius, Cæsar, 56.) Hs wrote various biographies. Oppius is often mentioned by Cicero. There is extant a letter of Cicero to him Ad Diversos, xi. 29); but it is entitled in some editions of Cicero 'To Appius.'
[209] This was Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, the father-in-law of Cinna. He had been consul B.C. 96 with C. Cassius Longinus.
[210] C. Memmius, according to Drumann, the same who afterwards fell in the war against Sertorius. (Life of Sertorius, c. 21.)
[211] The expedition of Pompeius to Africa was in B.C. 81. Iarbas is said to have been a descendant of Massinissa. He escaped from the battle. The scene of the battle and the subsequent movements of Pompeius cannot be collected from Plutarch's narrative, which here, as in the case of military operations generally, is of no value. As to the age of Pompeius, see the note in Clinton's Fasti B.C. 81.
[212] The lion is a native of North Africa, but it is doubtful if the elephant is. The Carthaginians employed many elephants in their armies, which they probably got from the countries south of the great desert. Plutarch evidently considers the elephant as a native of North Africa, or he would not speak of hunting it; yet in chapter 14 he speaks of the elephants as the King's, or the King's elephants, as if the elephants that Pompeius took were merely some that belonged to Iarbas or some of the African kings, and had got loose. Plinius (N.H. viii. 1) speaks of elephants in the forests of Mauritania. They are enumerated by Herodotus (iv. 191) among the beasts of North Africa.
[213] Drumann discusses at some length the question as to the time and occasion on which Pompeius received the appellation: those who are curious may consult his work, Geschichte Roms, Pompeii, p. 335.
[214] M. Valerius Maximus, a brother of Publicola. The allusion is to the secession of the Plebs to the Mons Sacer, B.C. 494, which was followed by the institution of the Tribunitian office. Cicero (Brutus, 14) mentions this Valerius, and the secession to the Mons Sacer. See Livius, ii. 30.
[215] Q. Fabius Maximus Rullus, who was five times consul, and for the last time in B.C. 295. (Livius, x. 22.) He was afterwards Dictator and Censor. It was in his capacity of Censor that he ejected these persons from the Senate, B.C. 304. Compare the Life of Fabius Maximus, c. 1.
[216] Kaltwasser observes that it was not so much a law (lex) as a usage: but Plutarch's words by no means imply that he thought there was a Lex to this effect. Livius (xxxi. c. 20) states that only a dictator, consul, or prætor could have a triumph. The claim of Pompeius was an impudent demand: but he felt his power. The 'first Scipio' is the elder Africanus. See Life of Tiberius Gracchus, c. 1, Notes.
[217] Plutarch may mean that Pompeius really attempted to enter the gate in a chariot drawn by elephants, and finding that he could not do it, he got out and mounted a chariot drawn by horses. This is perhaps nearer the literal version of the passage, and agrees better with Plinius (N. H. viii. 1).
[218] P. Servilius Vatia Isauricus, consul for B.C. 79. Pompeius triumphed B.C. 81, or in the beginning of 80 B.C., the first of the class of Equites who ever had this honour. The review of the Equites, which is spoken of at the end of this chapter, is explained by c. 22.
[219] Compare the Life of Sulla, c. 31, &c. Sulla died in the consulship of M. Æmilius Lepidus and Q. Lutatius Catulus, B.C. 78.
[220] This is the Roman expression, which Plutarch has rendered by οἱ άριστοι. Compare Life of Tib. Gracchus, c. 10.
[221] On the site of Modena. The events of the consulship of Lepidus are very confused. Drumann observes (Pompeii, p. 345) that Plutarch incorrectly tells the story as if Pompeius was not present at the attack of Lepidus on Rome (Appianus, Civil Wars, i. 107; Floras, iii. 23): but Plutarch's narrative does not of necessity imply that Pompeius was not there.
[222] See the Life of Brutus.
[223] See the Life of Sertorius, and as to the conduct of Pompeius in the war more particularly, chapter 12, &c.
[224] Pro Consule was the title of a Roman general who was sent to a province with consular authority. It was not unusual to appoint a man Pro Consule who had not been 'consul.' The point of the reply lies in the form of the expression 'Pro Consule,' which was a title, as contrasted with 'Pro Consulibus,' which means 'instead of the consuls, to displace the consuls.' The expression of L. Philippus is recorded by Cicero (Pro Lege Manilia, c. 21). Pompeius went to Iberia B.C. 76.
[225] The death of Sertorius took place B.C. 72. As to the death of Perperna, see the Life of Sertorius, c. 26. The allusion to Sicily will be explained by referring to c. 10; but there is nothing there stated for which Pompeius needed to show any gratitude to Perperna. We may assume that Perperna left the island, because he could not safely stay.
[226] The war in Spain was not quite settled by the death of Perperna. There was still some work left to do. Several towns held out, particularly in the country of the warlike Arevaci, who were on the east coast of Spain. Pompeius burnt Uxama; and L. Afranius conducted the war with unsparing severity against the Calaguritani who made a desperate resistance. (Floras, iii. 22.) The capture of their town ended the war. Drumann, Geschichte Roms, Pompeii, p. 376.
[227] The history of the Servile war is in the Life of Crassus, c. 11, &c.
[228] This was in B.C. 71. In B.C. 70 Pompeius was consul for the first time with M. Licinius Crassus.
[229] Sulla had not abolished the tribunitian office, but he had deprived the tribunes of the chief part of their power. It does not seem exactly certain what Sulla did. Appianus (Civil Wars, i. 100) says 'that he weakened it very much and carried a law by which no man after being tribune could hold any other office.' Cicero (De Legibus, iii. 9) considers the extension of the tribunitian power as unavoidable, and as effected with the least mischief by being the work of Pompeius.
[230] A Cornelia Lex, passed in the time of Sulla, made the Judices in the Judicia Publica eligible only out of the body of Senators. That the Senators had acted corruptly in the administration of justice, we have the authority of Cicero in one of his Verrine orations (In Verr. A 1, 13 and 16). The measure for restoring the Equites to a share in the judicial functions was proposed by the prætor L. Aurelius Cotta, the uncle of C. Julius Cæsar, with the approbation of Pompeius and Cæsar, who were now acting in concert. The charges of corruption which Cotta made against the Senate are recorded by Cicero (In Verr. iii. 96). The proposed law (rogatio), which was carried, made the Judices eligible out of the Senators, Equites, and Tribuni Ærarii, which three classes are mentioned by Cicero (Ad Atticum, i. 16) as represented by the Judices who sat on the trial of Clodius. The purity of the administration of justice was not hereby improved. Cicero, on the occasion of the trial of Clodius, speaks of all these classes having their dishonest representatives among the judices.
[231] Compare the Life of Crassus, c. 12.
The remarks at the end of the chapter may be useful to some men who would meddle with matters political, when their only training has been in camps. Pompeius was merely a soldier, and had no capacity for civil affairs.
[232] The history of piracy in the Mediterranean goes as far back as the history of navigation. The numerous creeks and islands of this inland sea offer favourable opportunities for piratical posts, and accordingly we read of pirates as early as we read of commerce by sea. (Thucydides, i. 5.) The disturbances in the Roman State had encouraged these freebooters in their depredations. Cæsar, when a young man, fell into their hands (Life of Cæsar, c. 1); and also P. Clodius. The insecure state of Italy is shown by the fact of the pirates even landing on the Italian coast, and seizing the Roman magistrates, Sextilius and Bellienus. Cicero in his oration in favour of the Lex Manilia (c. 12, c. 17, &c.) gives some particulars of the excesses of the pirates. Antonia, whom they carried off, was the daughter of the distinguished orator, Marcus Antonius (Life of Marius, c. 44), who had been sent against the Cilician pirates B.C. 102, and had a triumph for his victory over them. If Cicero alludes (Pro Lege Manilia) to the capture of the daughter of Antonius, that probably took place before B.C. 87, for in that year Antonius was put to death. But Cicero speaks of the daughter of 'a prætor' being carried off from Misenum, and it is not improbable that he alludes to M. Antonius Creticus, prætor B.C. 75. If this explanation is correct, the Antonia was the grand-daughter of the orator Antonius.
[233] στυλίδες. The meaning of this word is uncertain. Στυλίς is a diminutive of στῦλος, and signifies a small pillar, or pole. It may be that which carried the colours. But I do not profess to have translated the word, for I do not know what is meant.
[234] From the places enumerated it appears that the pirates had carried their ravages from the coast of Asia Minor to the shores of Greece and up the Ionian Sea as far as the entrance of the Gulf of Ambracia, now the Gulf of Arta, near the entrance of which Actium was situated on the southern coast, and even to the Italian shores. The temple of Juno Lacinia was on the south-eastern coast of Italy on a promontory, now called Capo delle Colonne, from the ruins of the ancient temple. The noted temples of antiquity were filled with works of art and rich offerings, the gifts of pious devotees. Cicero (Pro Lege Manilia), c. 18) speaks of the pirates as infesting even the Via Appia.
[235] Not the mountain of that name, Kaltwasser remarks, but a town of Lycia in Asia Minor, one of the headquarters of the pirates. Strabo (p. 671) places Olympus in Cilicia. There was both a city and a mountain named Olympus there; and I have accordingly translated 'on Olympus.' (Beaufort, Karamania, p. 46.)
[236] Mithras was a Persian deity, as it appears. The name occurs in many Persian compounds as Mithridates, Ithamitres, and others. Mitra is a Sanscrit name for the Sun. (Wilson, Sanscrit Dictionary.)
[237] The Mediterranean. See the Life of Sertorius, c. 8, note. As to the limits of the command of Pompeius, compare Velleius Paterculus, ii. 31.
[238] Aulus Gabinius, one of the tribunes for the year B.C. 67, proposed the measure. The consuls of this year were C. Calpurnius Piso and M. Acilius Glabrio.
[239] L. Roscius Otho, one of the tribunes, and the proposer of the unpopular law (B.C. 67) which gave the Equites fourteen separate seats at the theatre. (Velleius, ii. 32; Dion Cassius, 36, c. 25.)
[240] Compare the Life of Flaminiaus, c. 10.
[241] ἐκόμιζεν in the text. The reading is perhaps wrong, and the sense is doubtful. Reiske conjectured that it should be ἐκόλαζε.
[242] This place is on the coast of the Rough or Mountainous Cilicia, on a steep rock near the sea. (Strabo, p. 668; Beaufort's Karamania, p. 174.)
[243] Soli was an Achæan and Rhodian colony. After being settled by Pompeius, it received the name of Pompeiopolis, or the city of Pompeius. It is on the coast of the Level Cilicia, twenty miles west of the mouth of the river Cydnus, on which Tarsus stood. Soli was the birthplace of the Stoic Chrysippus, and of Philemon the comic writer. (Strabo, p. 671; Beaufort's Kar., p. 259.)
[244] Compare the Life of Lucullus, c. 26.
[245] One of the towns of Achæa in the Peloponnesus, near the borders of Elis. Pausanias (vii. 17).
As to the number of the pirates who surrendered, see Appianus (Mithridatic War, c. 96).
[246] Q. Cæcilius Metellus Creticus is stated by some modern writers to have been a son of Metellus Dalmaticus; but it is unknown who his father and grandfather were. (Drumann, Geschichte Roms.) He had been consul B.C. 69. (Compare Velleius Paterculus, ii. 32.)
[247] The passage is in the Iliad, xxii. 207.
[248] Or as Plutarch writes it Mallius. The tribune C. Manilius is meant, who carried the Lex Manilia, B.C. 66, which gave Pompeius the command in the Mithridatic war. Cicero supported the law in the speech which is extant, Pro Lege Manilia. It has been proposed to alter Mallius in Plutarch's text into Manilius, but Sintenis refers to Dion Cassius (36. c. 25, 26, 27).
[249] This was Glabrio the consul of B.C. 67 (see note on c. 25), who had been appointed to supersede Lucullus. (Life of Lucullus, c. 34, notes.)
[250] The allusion is to the secession of the Plebs to the Mons Sacer, which is recorded in Livius (2. c. 32).
[251] See the Life of Tib. Gracchus, c. 12, and the note.
[252] Pompeius was appointed to the command in the Mithridatic war B.C. 66, when he was in Cilicia. (Appianus, Mithridatic War, c. 97.)
[253] Compare the Life of Lucullus, c. 35, &c.
[254] As to the events in this chapter, compare Appianus, Mithridatic War, c. 98, &c.
[255] Probably a Greek woman, as we may infer from the name. The king seems to have had a liking for Greek women.
[256] This is probably a corrupted name. It is Sinorega in Appianus (Mithridatic War, c. 101). Coræs proposes Sinora. (Strabo, p. 555.) The place is mentioned by Ammianus (quoted by Sintenis) under the name of Sinhorium or Synorium. Strabo places Sinoria (as it is written in Casaubon's text) on the borders of the Greater Armenia.
[257] Appianus (Mithridatic War, c. 101) describes the course which Mithridates took in his flight. He spent the winter in Dioscuri, as Appianus calls it, or Dioscurias on the east coast of the Euxine; and afterwards entered the countries bordering on the Mæotis or sea of Azoff. (Compare Strabo, p. 555.)
[258] He was the third son of Tigranes by the daughter of Mithridates. The other two had been put to death by their father. The young Tigranes appeared in the triumph of Pompeius at Rome and then was put to death. (Appianus, Mithridatic War, c. 104, 5.)
[259] See the Life of Lucullus, c. 26, notes.
[260] Probably Artaxata is meant, for Appianus (c. 104) says that Pompeius had advanced to the neighbourhood of Artaxata.
Appianus (Mithridatic War, c. 104) places these transactions with Tigranes after the battle with the Iberians which Plutarch describes in c. 34.
[261] Probably a Persian word, with the same meaning as Tiara, the head-dress of the Persians and some other Oriental nations. The kings wore it upright to distinguish them from other people. (Herodotus, vii. 61.)
[262] A part of Armenia between the Antitaurus and the mountain range of Masius. (Strabo, p. 527.)
[263] Appianus (Mithridatic War, c. 104) states that Pompeius received 6000 talents (of silver?) from Tigranes; and he seems to understand it as if the money was for Pompeius. In the other sums he agrees with Plutarch, except as to the tribunes, who received 10,000 drachmæ, or one talent and 4000 drachmæ, or 40 minæ.
On the value of the drachma, see Life of Tib. Gracchus, c. 2.
[264] I.e., to sup with.
[265] This great mountain system lies between the Euxine and the Caspian, and was now entered for the first time by the Roman troops. Colchis was on the west side of the mountains.
[266] The Saturnalia were celebrated in Rome on the 19th of December at this time. (Macrobius, Sat. i. 10; and the Life of Sulla, c. 18.) It was accordingly in the winter of B.C. 66 that Pompeius was in the mountains of the Caucasus. (Dion Cassius, 36. c. 36, 37.)
[267] I have kept the name Cyrnus, as it stands in the text of Plutarch, though it is probably, an error of the transcribers. The real name Cyrus could not be unknown to Plutarch. In the text of Appianus (Mithridatic War, c. 103) the name is erroneously written Cyrtus; in Dion Cassius, it is Cyrnus. The Cyrus, now the Cur, flows from the higher regions of the Caucasus through Iberia and Albania, and is joined by the Araxes, Aras, above the point where the united stream enters the Caspian on the west coast. The twelve mouths are mentioned by Appianus (c. 103). Compare Strabo, p. 491.
[268] In fact the Persians never subdued any of the mountain tribes within the nominal limits of their dominions; and the Caucasus was indeed not even within the nominal limits.
It is true that Alexander soon quitted Hyrkania, which lies on the south-east coast of the Caspian; but when he was in Hyrkania he was still a considerable distance from the Iberians. (Arrianus, iii. 23, &c.)
[269] This is the Faz, or Reone, which enters the south-east angle of the Euxine in the country of the Colchi.
[270] The Abas river is conjectured by some writers to be the Alazonius, which was the boundary between Iberia and Albania, The Abas is mentioned by Dion Cassius, 37. c. 3.
[271] ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ θώρακος ἐπιπτυχήν Apparently some part of the coat of mail where there was a fold to allow of the motion of the body. As to the battle see Dion Cassius, 37. c. 3, &c.
[272] Appianus (Mithridatic War, c. 103) says "Among the hostages and the captives were found many women, who were wounded as much as the men; and they were supposed to be Amazons, whether it is that some nation called Amazons borders on them, and they were then invited to give aid, or that the barbarians in those parts call any warlike women by the name of Amazons." The explanation of Appianus is probably the true explanation. Instances of women serving as soldiers are not uncommon even in modern warfare. The story of a race of fighting women occurs in many ancient writers. The Amazons are first mentioned by Herodotus (iv. 110-116). There is a story of a hundred armed women being presented to Alexander (Arrian, vii. 13, &c., who gives his opinion about them). Strabo (p. 503) says that Theophanes, who accompanied Pompeius in this campaign, places the Gelæ and Legæ between the Albanians and the Amazons. It is probable that the women of the mountain tribes of the Caucasus sometimes served in the field, and this at least may explain the story here told by Plutarch. The chief residence of the Amazons is placed in the plains of Themiscyra on the Thermodon in Cappadocia. Plutarch in his confused notions of geography appears to consider the Thermodon as a Caucasian river. He also places them near the Leges, a name which resembles that of the Lesghians, one of the present warlike tribes of the Caucasus. On antient medals the Amazons are represented with a short vest reaching to the knee, and one breast bare. Their arms were a crescent shield, the bow and arrow, and the double axe, whence the name Amazonia was used as a distinctive appellation for that weapon (Amazonia securis, Horat. Od. iv. 4).
[273] The Caspian sea or lake was also called the Hyrkanian, from the province of Hyrkania which bordered on the south-east coast. The first notice of this great lake is in Herodotus (i. 203).
[274] The Elymæi were mountaineers who occupied the mountainous region between Susiana and Media. Gordyene was in the most south-eastern part of Armenia. Tigranocerta was in Gordyene. Appianus says that in his time Sophene and Gordyene composed the Less Armenia (Mithridatic War, c. 105). In the territory of Arbela, where the town of Arbil now is, Alexander had defeated Darius, the last king of Persia.
[275] Another Greek woman, as we may infer from the name. The story of the surrender of the fort by Stratonike is told by Appianus (Mithridatic War, c. 107) with some additional particulars. Dion Cassius (37. c. 7) names this fort Symphorium.
The narrative of Plutarch omits many circumstances in the campaigns of Pompeius, which Appianus has described (c. 105, 106) a happening between the arrangement with Tigranes and the surrender of the fort by Stratonike. Among these events was the war in Judæa and the capture of Jerusalem. Pompeius entered the Holy of Holies in the Temple, into which only the high priest could enter, and that on certain occasions. Jerusalem was taken B.C. 63 in the consulship of Cicero. The events of this campaign are too confused to be reduced into chronological order. Drumann has attempted it (Geschichte Roms, Pompeii, p. 451, &c.)
[276] Plutarch means the fort which he has mentioned in the preceding chapter without there giving it a name; the Symphorium of Dion. It was on the river Lycus, not quite 200 stadia from Cabira (Strabo, 556), and was an impregnable place.
[277] Ὑπομνήματα: probably written in Greek, with which Mithridates was well acquainted. These valuable memoirs were used by Theophanes in his history of the campaigns of Pompeius. Theophanes was a native of Mitylene in Lesbos and accompanied Pompeius in several of his campaigns. He is often mentioned by Cicero (Cicero, Ad Attic., ii. 4, and the notes in the Variorum edition).
[278] The character of Mithridates is only known to us from his enemies. But his own memoirs, if the truth is here stated, prove his cruel and vindictive character. He spared neither his friends nor his own children. Among others he put to death his son Xiphares by Stratonike to revenge himself on the mother for giving up the fort Kænum.
[279] See the Life of Sulla, c. 6. The registration of dreams and their interpretation, that is the events which followed and were supposed to explain them, were usual among the Greeks. There is still extant one of these curious collections by Artemidorus Daldianus in five books, entitled Oneirocritica, or The Interpretation of Dreams. The fifth book of 'Results' contains ninety-five dreams of individuals and the events which happened.
[280] See the Life of Lucullus, c. 18.
[281] Publius Rutilius Rufus was consul B.C. 105. He was exiled in consequence of being unjustly convicted B.C. 92 at the time when the Judices were chosen from the body of the Equites. He was accused of Repetundæ and convicted and exiled. He retired to Smyrna, where he wrote the history of his own times in Greek. All the authorities state that he was an honest man and was unjustly condemned. (Velleius Paterculus, ii. 13; Tacitus, Agricola, c. 1: and the various passages in Orelli, Onomasticon, P. Rutilius Rufus.)
[282] See the Life of Lucullus, c. 14.