Pompeii, Its Life and Art

Of extant elegiac poets Ovid, Propertius, and Tibullus are quoted or paraphrased. Among the quotations is the familiar couplet of Propertius: Nunc est ira recens, nunc est discedere tempus; Si dolor afuerit, crede, redibit amor,—

If it was written by a lover after a quarrel, reconciliation was not far off. Another discouraged suitor perhaps consoled himself by writing on the wall of the Basilica this distich from Ovid's "Art of Love," the form of which differs slightly from that given in the manuscripts: Quid pote tam durum saxso aut quid mollius unda? Dura tamen molli saxsa cavantur aqua,—

Amatory inscriptions often have the form of a message or greeting to a loved one, as in this example: Victoria, vale, et ubique es, suaviter sternutes,—'Health to you, Victoria, and wherever you are may you sneeze sweetly,' that is, may good luck follow you. Often the greeting is more ardent, as that to Cestilia: Cestilia, regina Pompeianorum, anima dulcis, vale,—'Cestilia, queen of the Pompeians, sweet soul, greeting to you.'

Sometimes the lover avoided writing the lady's name: Pupa quae bella es, tibi me misit qui tuus est; vale,—'Maiden who are so beautiful, he who is yours sent me to you; good-by.' Now and then we find an inscription of this class that leaves an unfavorable impression. The following is repeated several times on the outside of a house in the first Region: Serenae sodales sal[utem],—'Greeting to Serena, from her companions!'

Spurned lovers also confided their woes to graffiti, sometimes adding an appeal to the obdurate one, as in this wretched couplet, which can scarcely have been taken from a poet; the play upon words in the last clause was apparently intentional: Si quid amor valeat nostei, sei te hominem scis, Commiseresce mihi, da veniam ut veniam,—

It was probably a lover in straits who scratched on the wall a line of the Aeneid (IX. 404) as a prayer to Venus: Tu, dea, tu praesens nostro succurre labori,—

Another unsuccessful suitor found the lines of a single poet inadequate to express his feelings, and joined together a couplet from Ovid (Am. I. viii. 77-78) and one from Propertius (IV. v. 47-48) in order to voice his complaint against a miserly mistress who barred her door upon all except wealthy lovers. But the climax is reached in four lines of irregular verse in which the rejected lover proposes to vent his anger on the goddess of love herself: 'All lovers, come! I purpose to break the ribs of Venus and to smash the small of her back with clubs; if she can bore a hole in my tender breast, why can I not break her head with a cudgel?' From the psychological point of view the complete identification of the goddess with a statue representing her is noteworthy.

Occasionally a pair of lovers left on a wall a record of a meeting; thus, Romula hic cum Staphylo moratur,—'Romula tarried here with Staphylus.' Staphylus, however, was apparently a flirt; in the house of Caecilius Jucundus a similar meeting with another maiden is recorded on a column of the peristyle: Staphilus hic cum Quieta. But Staphylus does not seem to have gained the confidence of the fair sex to the extent that another Pompeian gallant did, of whom we find it written: Restitutus multas decepit saepe puellas,—'Restitutus has many times deceived many girls.'

The names of husband and wife are sometimes joined together, as in a room of a house in the ninth Region: L. Clodius Varus, Pelagia coniunx; there is a similar example in a house ruined by the earthquake of the year 63, [Ba]lbus et Fortunata, duo coiuges.

We find a pleasing instance of marital affection in a graffito in which a lonely wife sends a greeting to an absent husband and other relatives: Hirtia Psacas C. Hostilio Conopi coniugi suo manuductori et clementi monitori et Diodot[a]e sorori et Fortunato fratri et Celeri suis salutem semper ubique plurimam, et Primigeniae suae salutem,—'Hirtia Psacas at all times and in all places sends heartiest greeting to Gaius Hostilius Conops, her husband and guide and gentle adviser, and to her sister Diodota, her brother Fortunatus and her Celer; and she sends a greeting to her Primigenia, too.' The names of both husband and wife are Greek, psacas signifying 'dewdrop,' and conops 'gnat.'

Many happenings are chronicled on the walls; and there are memoranda of every description. The programmes of gladiatorial combats have already been mentioned (p. 223). One man records the result of a trip to Nuceria, where he won at the gaming table—without cheating, he takes pains to add—a sum amounting to $130: Vici Nuceriae in alia (for alea) 𐆖 DCCCLVS, fide bona,—'At Nuceria, I won 855.5 denarii by gaming, fair play.'

Another Pompeian counted the steps as he walked up and down the colonnade at the side of his garden (in the house VII. ii. 41) for exercise; he recorded 640 paces for ten turns back and forth.

In the peristyle of a house in the first Region the advent of young pigs, or of puppies, is noted: XV K[alendas] Nov[embres] Puteolana peperit mascl[os] III, femel[as] II,—'On October 17 Puteolana had a litter consisting of 3 males and 2 females.'

The inscriptions relating to business transactions are reserved for another chapter. We may notice here, however, that memoranda of accounts were sometimes scratched on walls, usually containing only the figures indicating measure or price, as in the shops on the south side of the Macellum. The following is from a bakery in the first Region (I. iii. 27): Oleum, l[ibra], a[ssibus] IV; palea a. V; faenum a. XVI; diaria a. V; furfure a. VI; viria I a. III; oleum a. VI,—'Oil, a pound, 4 asses; straw, 5 asses; hay, 16 asses; a day's wages, 5 asses; bran, 6 asses; one wreath for the neck, 3 asses; oil, 6 asses.' The value of the as varied; in the Early Empire it was nearly equivalent to 1½ pence, or 3 cents.

Children scratched upon walls the alphabet that they were learning. The frequent quotations from Virgil, generally incomplete, are likewise an echo of lessons at school, where this author was carefully studied; we find very often the beginnings of lines at the opening of a book, as Arma virumque cano, or Conticuere omnes. The first word of the poem of Lucretius, Aeneadum, also occurs several times.

Occasionally gnomic quotations are found, in most cases, perhaps, from writers of comedy. Among them is the well-known maxim, Minimum malum fit contemnendo maxumum,—'The smallest evil, if neglected, will reach the greatest proportions.' A proverb more concrete in its form of statement is the following: Moram si quaeres, sparge milium et collige,—'If you want to waste your time, scatter millet and pick it up again.'

CHAPTER LVIII
INSCRIPTIONS RELATING TO BUSINESS AFFAIRS

The most important inscriptions relating to business transactions are the receipts, discovered in 1875, which formed a part of the private accounts of L. Caecilius Jucundus (p. 447). They were written on wax tablets, which were carefully packed in a wooden box. The box, which was in the second story of the house, crumbled to pieces when the volcanic dust about it was removed; but many of the tablets, 154 in number, still retained their shape and were taken to the Naples Museum. The wood of the tablets had turned to charcoal, but the writing has been for the most part deciphered. One receipt dates from 15 A.D., another from the year 27; the rest belong to the decade immediately preceding the earthquake, 52-62 A.D. The documents are of the greatest interest as casting light on the business methods of antiquity.

Most of the tablets are triptychs. The three leaves were tied at the back so as to open like the leaves of a book, making six pages (Fig. 274). The average height is about 5 inches, the width varies from 2 to 4 inches. Pages 1 and 6 served as covers, being left smooth and without writing. Pages 2, 3, and 5 were hollowed out, leaving a polished surface with a raised rim around it. On this surface a thin layer of wax was spread, in which the letters were made with a stylus; the writing could be easily read because the wood, which was of a light color, showed through wherever a scratch was made in the wax coating.

Two pages facing each other, 2 and 3, were devoted to the receipt. Page 4, as shown in Fig. 275, was not hollowed out but was divided into two parts by a broad, flat groove running across the middle. When the document was ready to be sealed, the first two leaves were brought together and tied by a thread which passed around the middle, the ends meeting in the groove on page 4. In this groove at convenient distances melted wax was then dropped, on which the witnesses, ordinarily seven in number, impressed their seals. The names of the witnesses were written with pen and ink in a line with the seals, parallel with the sides of the page, sometimes at the right, as in Fig. 275, sometimes divided, the first name and the gens name being at the left of the seal, the cognomen at the right.

This arrangement made it impossible to consult the receipt without cutting the thread or disturbing the seals of the witnesses. To meet the difficulty a memorandum, which was practically a duplicate receipt, was placed on page 5; this could be read at any time.

The difference in form between the receipt, on pages 2 and 3, and the memorandum will be plain from the examples. The receipt, with few exceptions, is simply a record of an oral acknowledgment in the presence of witnesses that a sum of money was received, accepti latio. In nearly all the tablets this acknowledgment and the names of the witnesses, on page 4, are in the same handwriting, which must have been either that of Jucundus himself or of his secretary. It did not matter who wrote the receipt; in case of a dispute the seals of the witnesses would alone be sufficient to prove its genuineness. The memorandum, however, was ordinarily in a different hand, either that of the person who gave the receipt, or of some one authorized to write for him. As it was not under the seals of witnesses, the handwriting might become a matter of importance if any question should arise in regard to the document.

The entire tablet, with its receipt, memorandum, and names and seals of witnesses was called perscriptio, 'entry of account.' This word appears ordinarily on the edge of the tablet, with the name of the person who gave the receipt in the genitive case.

Nearly all the tablets record transactions connected with auction sales, the person whose effects were thus disposed of giving Jucundus a receipt in full for the proceeds of the sale less a commission, mercede minus. A few contain receipts for rent which Jucundus paid for the use of property belonging to the city—a fullery (p. 394), the rent of which altogether amounted to 1652 sesterces, about $75; a pasture, for the use of which he paid 2675 sesterces, about $130; and a piece of arable land, fundus, on which he paid 6000 sesterces, about $300, in rents.

We present an example of both classes of receipts. The first, which we may call Tablet A, was given by a lady, Umbricia Januaria, for the proceeds of an auction sale; it is dated December 12, A.D. 56. The other, Tablet B, is the receipt for the rent of public pasture land and belongs to the year 59 A.D.

TABLET A

Title

Perscriptio Umbriciae Januariae, 'Entry of account of Umbricia Januaria.'

Receipt.

HS n. CC|ↃↃ ∞ XXXVIIII, quae pecunia in stipulatum L. Caecili Iucundi venit ob auctionem Umbriciae Ianuariae mercede minus persoluta habere se dixit Umbricia Ianuaria ab L. Caecilio Iucundo.

Act[um] Pompeis pr[idie] id[us] Dec[embres] L. Duvio, P. Clodio cos.

'Umbricia Januaria declared that she had received from L. Caecilius Jucundus 11,039 sesterces, which sum came into the hands of L. Caecilius Jucundus by agreement as the proceeds of an auction sale for Umbricia Januaria, the commission due him having been deducted.

'Done at Pompeii on the twelfth day of December, in the consulship of Lucius Duvius and Publius Clodius.'

Names of the Witnesses. Page 4

The seals of the witnesses, nine in number, appear in the groove at the middle of the page. The names are in the genitive case, as if dependent on sigillum, 'seal.'

• Q. Appulei Severi.
• M. Lucreti Leri.
• Ti. Iuli Abascanti.
• M. Iuli Crescentis.
• M. Terenti Primi.
• M. Epidi Hymenaei.
• Q. Grani Lesbi.
• T. Vesoni Le....
• D. Volci Thalli.

'Seal of Quintus Appuleius Severus, Marcus Lucretius Lerus, Tiberius Julius Abascantus, M. Julius Crescens, M. Terentius Primus, M. Epidius Hymenaeus, Q. Granius Lesbus, Titus Vesonius Le..., D. Volcius Thallus.'

Memorandum. Page 5

L. Duvio Avito, P. Clodio Thrasea cos., pr. id. Decembr. D. Volcius Thallus scripsi rogatu Umbriciae Ianuariae eam accepisse ab L. Caecilio Iucundo HS n. XI xxxix ex auctione eius mercede minus ex interrogatione facta tabellarum [signatarum]. Act. Pompeis.

'On December 12, in the consulship of Lucius Duvius Avitus and Publius Clodius Thrasea, I, Decimus Volcius Thallus, having examined the tablets put under seal, at the request of Umbricia Januaria declared in writing that she had received from L. Caecilius Jucundus 11,039 sesterces as the proceeds of an auction sale after deducting his commission. Done at Pompeii.'

Tablet A gives the ordinary form of the receipt and the memorandum. There are occasional variations. A few tablets have only two leaves and four pages. In such cases, the leaves are tied and sealed in the same way as the first two of the triptych, but only half of the fourth page is left for the signatures of the witnesses; the memorandum is written on the other half with pen and ink, and so appears on the outside of the tablet.

In two of the older tablets, dated 27 and 54 A.D., the memorandum, as the receipt, is a record of an oral acknowledgment; it may be that this was the proper legal form in use to the end of the reign of Claudius. In a few of the later examples, as Tablet B, the receipt as well as the memorandum has the form of a voucher in the handwriting of the person who receives the money, or his agent.

TABLET B

Receipt. Pages 2 and 3

L. Veranio Hupsaeo, L. Albucio Iusto duumviris iure dic[undo] XIIII K[alendas] Iulias Privatus coloniae Pompeian[orum] ser[vus] scripsi me accepisse ab L. Caecilio Iucundo sestertios mille sescentos septuaginta quinque nummos, et accepi ante hanc diem, quae dies fuit VIII idus Iunias, sester[tios] mille nummos, ob vectigal publicum pasqua [for pasquorum].

Act[um] Pom[peis] Cn. Fonteio C. Vipstano cos.

'On June 18, in the duumvirate of L. Veranius Hypsaeus and L. Albucius Justus, I, Privatus, slave of the colony of Pompeii, declared in writing that I had received from L. Caecilius Jucundus 1675 sesterces, and previous to this day, on June 6, I received 1000 sesterces, as rent for the public pasture.

'Done at Pompeii in the consulship of Gnaeus Fonteius and Gaius Vipstanus.'

Names of the Witnesses. Page 4

In the groove in the middle of the page are four seals. As the receipt was given for the city, the witnesses were the two duumvirs and the slave Privatus, who received the money. The name of Privatus appears twice with seal, under that of each duumvir. In antiquity municipalities, as well as individuals, owned slaves.

'Seal of Lucius Veranius Hypsaeus; Privatus, slave of the citizens of the colony of Pompeii; L. Albucius Iustus; Privatus, slave of the citizens of the colony of Pompeii.

'Autograph of Privatus, slave of the citizens of the colony of Pompeii.'

Memorandum. Page 5

L. Veranio Hupsaeo L. Albucio Iusto d[uumviris] i[ure] d[icundo] XIV K. Iul. Privatus c. c. V. C. ser. scripsi me accepisse ab L. Caecilio Iucundo HS ∞ DCLXXV et accepi ante hanc diem VIII idus Iunias HS ∞ nummos ob vectigal publicum pasquorum.

Act. Pom. C. Fonteio C. Vips. cos.

The language of the memorandum is so nearly identical with that of the receipt that it is unnecessary to add a translation.

A considerable number of the amphorae found at Pompeii bear inscriptions, generally written with a pen in black ink, but sometimes painted with a brush in red or white. Most of them contained wine. The percentage of Greek inscriptions is large, an evidence of the strength of the Greek population in the region about the city.

The wine underwent fermentation in large round vats of baked clay, dolia, which stood in the wine cellar of the villa, cella vinaria, or in a court (p. 364); from these the amphorae were filled. The vats containing the common wines were ordinarily emptied before the next vintage, when they were needed for the new wine, but the better sorts were allowed to remain in the dolia for a longer time. The wine of one Pompeian amphora was left in the vat till after the harvest of the second year: C. Pomponio C. Anicio cos., ex fund[o] Badiano, diff[usum] id. Aug., bimum,—'Consulship of Gaius Pomponius and Gaius Anicius. From the Badian estate. Poured (into amphorae) August 13. Two years old.' In what year Pomponius and Anicius were consuls we do not know.

The earliest amphora of which the date is certain was filled in 25 A.D.: [Cosso Len]tulo M. Asinio cos. fund. The place from which it came, however, is not so easily determined, since fund. may refer to the town of Fundi, or stand for fundus, 'estate,' the name that followed having been obliterated. The names of two such estates were lately recovered from amphorae in the house of the Vettii, fundus Satrianus and fundus Asinianus.

In addition to the product of Italian vineyards the Pompeians used also imported wines from the coast of Asia Minor and the islands near by. One dealer, M. Fabius Euporus, kept wine from Cnidus, Cnidium. Wine from the island of Cos is frequently mentioned, as in this inscription: Coum vet[us] P. Appulei Bassi,—'Old Coan of Publius Appuleius Bassus.'

Different kinds of wine were sometimes designated by characteristic names. A certain Greek, M. Pomponius Teupon, produced a brand which he called 'Frenzy Wine' (Λύττιος), as if so strong that it would make the drinker frantic. Another Greek, Timarchus, named one of his wines 'White Drink,' Λευκουνάριον.

An amphora in the house of the Vettii was labelled Gustaticium, 'Breakfast Drink'; it no doubt contained mulsum, a kind of mead made by mixing honey with wine, which the ancients drank with the first meal of the day. The word mulsum occurs on another amphora discovered previously.

Fruits and other edibles of all kinds were kept in amphorae. On one was written: Oliva alba dulce (for olivae albae dulces) P. C. E.,—'White sweet olives of P. C. E.'; the name cannot be determined from the initials. On other amphorae the words for bean meal (lomentum), honey, and lentils appear, the last being designated by the Greek word.

A large number of small jars contained the fish sauces,—garum, liquamen, and muria,—of which the ancients were so fond; reference has already been made to Umbricius Scaurus (p. 15), who seems to have had several establishments for the making of the sauces, conducted by slaves, freedmen, and perhaps by members of his family.

The best quality of garum, which was probably a thick preparation, a kind of fish jelly, was designated by the letters g. f., for garum—flos, 'garum blossom,' as in the following inscription: g[arum]—f[los] scombr[i] Scauri ab Eutyche Scauri,—'Scaurus's tunny jelly, blossom brand, put up by Eutyches, slave of Scaurus.' We frequently find liquamen optimum, 'best liquamen.'

The muria was apparently a fish pickle, certain parts of the fish, or certain varieties, being preserved in brine. According to Pliny the Elder some fish sauces were prepared in a special way, to be used by the Jews on fast days; two of these, as already noted, appear in the inscriptions upon Pompeian jars, garum castum and muria casta (p. 18).

In these inscriptions upon jars of various sizes the name of the proprietor is sometimes given, in the genitive case, as M. Caesi Celeris,—'Of M. Caesius Celer.' The name of the man to whom the consignment is made is put in the dative, as Albucio Celso.

The name of the consignor sometimes follows that of the consignee, as liquamen optimum A. Virnio Modesto ab Agathopode,—'Best liquamen, for Aulus Virnius Modestus, from Agathopus.'

An inscription similar to that just mentioned, on an amphora found in the house of Caecilius Jucundus, illustrates the extent to which family pride might assert itself in the naming of children: Caecilio Iucundo ab Sexsto Metello,—'To Caecilius Jucundus from Sextus Metellus.' The sender and the recipient were both sons of Lucius Caecilius Jucundus. According to common usage, one of the sons would have received the name Lucius Caecilius Jucundus, after the father; while the other would have been called Lucius Caecilius, with a cognomen derived perhaps from the name of the mother. But the prosperous Pompeian wished to suggest a relationship with the distinguished family of the Caecilii Metelli, so he named one son Sextus Caecilius Jucundus Metellus, and the other Quintus Caecilius Jucundus, the name Quintus being common in the family of the Caecilii Metelli. The names of the two sons are found together in an election notice: Q. S. Caecili Iucundi,—'Quintus and Sextus Caecilius Jucundus.'

Besides the names of the makers, inscriptions relating to weight and ownership are found on the cups and other objects of the Boscoreale treasure. Thus on the under side of the Alexandria patera (Fig. 187, and p. 380) we find the following record, the letters of which are outlined with points: Phi[ala] et emb[lema] p[endentia] p[ondo libras] II, uncias X, scrupula VI. Phi[ala] p[endens] p[ondo libras] II, uncias II, semunciam; emb[lema] p[endens] p[ondo] uncias VII, semunciam, 'The bowl and the relief medallion' together 'weigh 2 pounds, 10 ounces, and 6 scruples. The bowl weighs 2 pounds, 2½ ounces; the relief medallion weighs 7½ ounces.' In giving the items separately no account was taken of the scruples. Reckoning the Roman pound as 327.453 grammes, the weight of the patera with its relief was 934.608 grammes, or 2.504 Troy pounds. This differs from the present weight by less than a gramme.

Occasionally a name in the genitive case is found with the record of weight, written with the same kind of letters; in such cases it is probably safe to assume that the name is that of the original owner. On the under side of one of the pair of cups ornamented with skeletons (Fig. 217) is the inscription: GAVIAE P·II·S𐆐IIII; a later hand, writing with a fine point, added VAS II in the space after GAVIAE, as if to supply an obvious omission, so that the inscription in full would read, Gaviae. Vas[a] II [pendentia] p[ondo libras] II, uncias VIII, [scrupula] IV, 'The property of Gavia. The two cups weigh 2 pounds, 8 ounces, and 4 scruples' (2.351 Troy pounds).

In some instances the name of a later owner has been scratched on the surface with a pointed tool. The name of a woman, Maxima, written in full or in abbreviation, appears on forty-five of the pieces in the Louvre. We may safely accept the conclusion of De Villefosse, that she is probably the one who made the collection, obtaining her specimens from different sources, and that to her the Boscoreale treasure belonged at the time of the eruption.

Besides the seals which were used in signing documents the Romans had stamps, signacula, which they impressed upon various articles as a means of identification or as an advertisement. Impressions of such stamps are found upon bricks and other objects of clay, and in one or two instances upon loaves of bread. Several charred loaves in the Naples Museum have the stamp: [C]eleris Q. Grani Veri ser.,—'(Made by) Celer, slave of Quintus Granius Verus.'

The names upon stamps appear regularly in the genitive case, as N. Popidi Prisci, spelled backward on the stamp, so that the letters appear in the right order in the impression. Since the time of Fiorelli many houses have been named from the stamps found in them; in the house of the Vettii, for example, two stamps were found with the names of Aulus Vettius Restitutus and Aulus Vettius Conviva.

CONCLUSION

CHAPTER LIX
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE POMPEIAN CULTURE

The ideals of a nation—the true index of its culture—find expression alike in its laws, its literature, its art, and the environment of daily life. They are a common heritage, which one generation passes on to another with its own increment of change, and their influence extends as far as that of the people whose spirit is manifested in them. Thus it happens that the conditions of culture found in a single city, unless that city, as Athens, had an independent development as a state, are not isolated but are determined in the main by general movements and tendencies, and are reproduced, with local differences, in all places having the same racial and political connections. The local element was more pronounced and more characteristic in ancient than in modern cities; yet, unless the surroundings were exceptionably favorable, we should not be warranted in expecting to find in a small city an isolated development of special significance in art or taste. Pompeii forms no exception to the rule.

The situation of Pompeii was unfavorable to the growth of an indigenous culture. Founded by Samnites, a primitive folk, it lay in the overlapping edges of two great zones of influence, Greek and Roman. It was a small town, which never rose to the dignity even of a provincial capital. It was a seaport, which through marine traffic kept in touch with other cities, especially those of the East, from which fashions of art, religion, and life travelled easily westward. The political institutions of the Pompeians were at first those which they shared in common with the Samnite and Oscan cities of the mountains and the Campanian plain, later those imposed upon them by the forceful and levelling administration of Rome. The literature which they read, as we learn from quotations scratched upon the walls, consisted of the Greek and Roman writers of their own or previous periods; not a single line of an Oscan drama or poem has been found. Their art was a reproduction of designs and masterpieces produced elsewhere,—at first under Hellenistic, later under Roman influence,—on a scale commensurate with the limited resources of the place. Finally the countless appliances of everyday life, from the fixed furniture of the atrium to articles of toilet, were not rare and costly objects such as were seen in the wealthy homes of Rome or Alexandria, but those of the commoner sort everywhere in use. Any one of fifty cities might have been overwhelmed in the place of Pompeii, and the results, so far as our knowledge of the ancient culture in its larger aspects is concerned, would not have been essentially different.

The representative rather than exceptional character of the remains at Pompeii makes them either of less or of greater value, according as we look at them from different points of view. If we are seeking for the most perfect examples of ancient art, for masterpieces of the famous artists, we do not find them. Many of the Pompeian paintings appeal to modern taste; yet it would be as unfair to judge of the merits of ancient painting from the specimens which are worked into the decorative designs of Pompeian walls as it would be to base an estimate of the value of modern art upon chromos and wall papers. For the noblest creations of ancient art in any field we must look not to provincial towns, but to the great centres of population and of political administration, where genius found encouragement, inspiration, and adequate means. No large city, fortunately for its inhabitants, was visited by such a disaster as that which befell the Campanian town; and the wealth of artistic types at Pompeii bears witness to the universality of art in the Greco-Roman world.

Since these remains are so broadly typical, they are invaluable for the interpretation of the civilization of which they formed a part. They shed light on countless passages of Greek and Roman writers. Literature, however, ordinarily records only that which is exceptional or striking, while here we find the surroundings of life as a whole, the humblest details being presented to the eye.

Pompeii, as no other source outside the pages of classical authors, helps us to understand the ancient man.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX[4]

CHAPTER I. THE SITUATION OF POMPEII

Physical geography of Campania, Vesuvius: Nissen, Italische Landeskunde, vol. I (Berlin, 1883), pp. 263-272; Phillips, Vesuvius (Oxford, 1869); G. vom Rath, Der Vesuv (Berlin, 1873); Palmieri, Il Vesuvio e la sua storia (Milan, 1880); Judd, Volcanoes (International Scientific Series, New York, 1831); Lobley, Mount Vesuvius—A Descriptive, Historical, and Geological Account of the Volcano and its Surroundings (London, 1889); Ruggiero, Della eruzione del Vesuvio nell' anno LXXIX, in the commemorative volume published under the title Pompei e la regione sotterrata dal Vesuvio nell' anno LXXIX (Naples, 1879), pp. 15-32.

Pompeii as a seaport [p. 3]: Strab. Geog. V. IV. 8 (p. 247).

The seacoast and the Sarno in antiquity [p. 4]: Ruggiero, op. cit., pp. 5-14; Mau, Dell' antico lido del mare, Bull. dell' Inst., 1880, pp. 89-92; F. von Duhn, Der Hafen von Pompei, Rhein. Mus., vol. 36 (1881), pp. 127-130, 632-634; Mau, Der Hafen von Pompeji, Rhein. Mus., vol. 36. pp. 326-328, and vol. 37 (1882), pp. 319-320.

CHAPTER II. POMPEII BEFORE THE ERUPTION

The founding of Pompeii [p. 8]: the question of the origin of the city is closely connected with that of the system of streets, for which see references to Chap. V, p. 517.

Origin of the name [p. 8]: cf. F. von Duhn, Verhandlung der 34^ten Philologen-Versammlung (1880), p. 154; for pompe = quinque, cf. Buck, Der Vocalismus der Oskischen Sprache (Leipzig, 1892), pp. 118-119. The derivation of Pompeii from πομπή (πέμπειν) is assumed by Nissen, Pompejanische Studien (Leipzig, 1877), p. 580; cf. also Sogliano, Rendiconto della Accademia di Archeologia, Nuova Serie, Naples, vol. 15 (1901), p. 115.

The expedition of P. Cornelius [p. 9]: Liv. IX. XXXVIII. 2-3.

The siege of Sulla [p. 10]: Appian. Bel. Civ., I. V. 39, VI. 50; Oros. V. XVIII. 22; Vell. Pater. II. XVI. 2.

The Pompeians and P. Sulla [p. 10]: Cic. Pro P. Sulla, XXI.

Excavations near the Sarno canal [p. 10]: Not. d. scavi, 1880, pp. 494-498; 1881, pp. 25-29, 64-66. For other evidence relating to the suburbs, see Nissen, Pompejanische Studien, p. 379; Mau, Röm. Mitth., vol. 4 (1889), pp. 299-300, 344.

Inscriptions [p. 11]—referring to the Salinenses: C. I. L. IV. 1611; Not. d. scavi, 1884, p. 51. Referring to the Campanienses: C. I. L. IV. 470, 480, 1216, 1293 [quoted p. 492], 2353 [p. 219].

Venus Pompeiana [p. 12]: Museo Borb., vol. 8, pl. 34; Helbig, Wandgemälde der vom Vesuv verschütteten Städte Campaniens (Leipzig, 1868), no. 295; Wissowa, De Veneris simulacris Romanis (Breslau, 1882), pp. 15-21; cf. also Rossbach, Vier Pompejanischen Wandbilder, Jahrb. des Inst. vol. 8 (1893), pp. 57-59 (no. 4).

Name of the Roman colony [p. 12]: known from inscriptions, as that of Holconius Rufus and Egnatius Postumus [p. 85], and the tablets of Caecilius Jucundus, as 3340, CXLIII. in C. I. L. IV. Suppl. 1; with the latter we may compare the abbreviation after the name of Privatus [p. 504].

Civic administration [p. 12]: Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung, vol. 1 (Edit. 2, Leipzig, 1881), pp. 132-215: C. I. L. X. pp. 90-93, IV. pp. 249-255; Willems, Les élections municipales à Pompéi (Paris, 1886), and review of this book by Mau, Röm. Mitth., vol. 4 (1889), pp. 298-302.

Duumvirates of Caligula [p. 14]: C. I. L. X. 901, 902, 904.

Lex Petronia [p. 14]: C. I. L. X. 858 [cf. p. 219]; Marquardt, op. cit. vol. 1, p. 170.

Inscriptions referring to priests [p. 14]: augurs, C. I. L. X. 806, 820, 822; pontifices, C. I. L. X. 788, 789, 791, 851, 859; of Mars, C. I. L. IV. 879; of Ceres, C. I. L. X. 812, 1036, 1074; of Ceres and Venus, Not. d. scavi, 1890, p. 91, and Ephem. Epigr. VIII. p. 86; divinity not mentioned, C. I. L. X. 810-813, 816, 950, 998-999; of Augustus, C. I. L. X. 798, 830, 837-840, 943-948, IV. 1180 (?); of Julia Augusta, C. I. L. X. 961 (?); of Fortuna Augusta, C. I. L. X. 824-828; of Mercury and Maia, C. I. L. X. 884-923; of Nero, C. I. L. IV. 1185 [quoted on p. 222].

Officials of the Pagus Augustus Felix [p. 14]: C. I. L. X. 814, 853, 924, 944, 1027, 1028, 1030, 1042, 1055, 1074; Röm. Mitth., vol. 4 (1889), p. 344.

Pompeian wine [p. 14]: Plin. N. H. XIV. II. 35, III. 38, VI. 70; Columella, De re rust. III. II. 27. For the forms of the amphorae, see the plate at the end of C. I. L. IV. following the map; for the inscriptions, C. I. L. IV. pp. 171-188 and Suppl. 2.

Pompeian cabbage and onions [p. 15]: Plin. N. H. XIX. VIII. 140; Columella, De re rust. X. 135, XII. X. 1.

Volcanic products [p. 15]: pumice stone, Vitr. II. VI. 2; oil mills, Cato, De agri cultura, XXII. 3, 4, CXXXV. 2.

Cicero's Pompeianum [p. 16]: Cic. Acad. pr. II. III. 9, XXV. 80; ad Att. I. XX. 1, V. II. 1, X. XV. 1, XVI. 4, XIII. VIII; ad Fam. VII. III. 1, IV, XII. XX; ad Quint. fr. II. XIV. 1; Plut. Cic. VIII. See also Schmidt, Cicero's Villen—Das Pompeianum, Neue Jahrbücher für das Klassische Altertum, vol. 3 (1899), pp. 489-497, and the review by Mau, Röm. Mitth. vol. 15 (1900), pp. 129-130.

Death of Claudius's Drusus at Pompeii [p. 16]: Suet. Div. Claud. XXVII.

Inscriptions [p. 16]: C. I. L. X. 874, 875; for the Greek inscriptions discovered at Pompeii, cf. C. I. L. IV, Index, p. 264; Kaibel, Inscriptiones Graecae Siciliae et Italiae, pp. 188-189; Dilthey, Dipinti Pompeiani accompagnati d' epigrammi greci, Ann. dell' Inst. vol. 48 (1876), pp. 294-314.

Population of Pompeii [p. 16]: Fiorelli, Gli Scavi di Pompei dal 1861 al 1872, App. 3, pp. 12-14; Nissen, Pomp. Studien, pp. 374-379.

Evidence regarding the existence of a Jewish colony at Pompeii [pp. 17-18]—inscriptions cited: C. I. L. IV, 1507, 2569, 2609, 2611, IV. Suppl. 4976, 5244. Painting with the judgment of Solomon: Lumbroso, Sul dipinto pompeiano in cui si è ravvisato il giudizio di Salomone, Memorie della Acc. dei Lincei, Serie 3, vol. II (1883), pp. 303-305; Samter, Archäologischer Anzeiger, Beiblatt zum Jahr. des Inst., vol. 13 (1898), pp. 49-50. Supposed Christian inscription and the literature relating to it: de Rossi, Una memoria dei Cristiani in Pompei, Bulletino di Archeologia Cristiana, vol. 2 (1864), pp. 69-72, and Dei Giudei Libertini e dei Cristiani in Pompei, ibid. pp. 92-93; C. I. L. IV. 679, and Suppl. p. 461.

CHAPTER III. THE DESTRUCTION OF POMPEII

The particulars of the eruption are treated at length in the works on Vesuvius cited in the note to Chap. I.

Vesuvius before the eruption [p. 19]: Strabo, V. VIII. (p. 247); Diod. Sic. IV. XXI. 5; Vitr. II. VI. 2, 3; Mart. Epigr. IV. XLIV; Palmieri, Del Vesuvio dei tempi di Spartaco e di Strabone e del precipuo cangiamento avvenuto nell' anno 79 dell' era volgare, Pompei e la regione sotterrate dal Vesuvio nell' anno LXXIX, pp. 91-94; see also Lobley, Mount Vesuvius, pp. 95-98 and pl. 8. Representation of Vesuvius in a Pompeian wall painting (discovered in 1879): Not. d. scavi, 1879, p. 285; reproduction, Not. d. scavi, 1880, pl. VII., with a geological analysis by Palmieri, pp. 233-234; reproduced also by de Marchi, Il culto privato di Roma antica, vol. 1 (Milan, 1896), pl. 5 (p. 100).

The earthquake of 63 A.D. [p. 19]: Tac. Ann. XV. XXII (erroneously assigned to 62); Sen. N. Q. VI. I. 1-15, XXVI. 5, XXVII. 1; cf. also the dedicatory inscription of the temple of Isis [p. 170].

Date of the eruption [p. 19]: Mau, Del mese e del giorno dell' eruzione, Bull. dell' Inst. 1880, pp. 92-96; Not. d. scavi, 1889, pp. 407-410; Röm. Mitth., vol. 5 (1890), pp. 282-283.

Ancient sources of our knowledge of the eruption [pp. 19-20]: Plin. Ep. VI. XVI, XX; Dio Cass. LXVI. XXI-XXIII; incidental references, M. Aurel. Anton. IV. XLVIII; Euseb. Chron. ad an. Abr. 2095; Plut. De sera numinis vindicta, XXII. p. 566 E, De Pythiae oraculis, IX. p. 398 E; Tertullian, Apologet. XL, De pallio, II.

Covering of Herculaneum [p. 21]; Ruggiero, Della eruzione del Vesuvio nell' anno LXXIX (see note to Chap. I.), pp. 21-22.

Excavations at Stabiae [p. 21]: see note to Chap. IV.

Commission sent by Titus [p. 23]: Suet. Div. Tit. 8.

CHAPTER IV. THE UNEARTHING

Excavations at Pompeii: Fiorelli, Pompeianarum antiquitatum historia (3 vols., Naples, 1860-1864); Fiorelli, Gli scavi di Pompei dal 1861 al 1872 (Naples, 1873); C. I. L. X. pp. 93-94. Periodical reports of the excavations: Bullettino Archeologico Napolitano pubblicato da Avellino (vols. 1-6, Naples, 1842-1848). Bullettino Archeologico Napolitano, Nuova Serie, edited by Garrucci and Minervini (vols. 1-8, Naples, 1853-1863); Bullettino Archeologico Italiano, edited by Minervini (1861-1862); Giornale degli scavi di Pompei pubblicato da Giuseppe Fiorelli (Naples, 1861-1865, incomplete); Giornale degli scavi di Pompei, Nuova Serie, pubblicata dagli alunni della Scuola archeologica (vols. 1-4, Naples, 1868-1879); since 1876, in the Notizie degli scavi di antichità. The reports on the excavations by Professor Mau were published in the Bullettino dell' Instituto from 1873 to 1885; since 1885 they have appeared in the Römische Mittheilungen.

Excavations at Herculaneum: Ruggiero, Storia degli scavi di Ercolano (Naples, 1885).

Excavations at Stabiae: Ruggiero, Degli scavi di Stabia dal MDCCXLIX al MDCCLXXXII (Naples, 1881).

Inscriptions discovered by Fontana [p. 25]: C. I. L. X. 928, 952.

Time required to complete the excavations [p. 29]: Fiorelli, Gli scavi di Pompei dal 1861 al 1872, App. p. 10.

CHAPTER V. A BIRD'S-EYE VIEW

The system of streets [p. 32]: Nissen, Das Templum (Berlin, 1869), pp. 63-81; Nissen, Pomp. Studien, pp. 572-593; Fiorelli, Gli scavi di Pompei dal 1861 al 1872, App. pp. 10-12; von Bezold, Osservazioni sulla limitazione di Pompei, Bull. dell' Inst. 1880, pp. 151-159; Mau, Osservazioni sulla rete stradale di Pompei, Bull. dell' Inst. 1881, pp. 108-112.

The regions and insulae [p. 34]: Fiorelli, Sulle regioni Pompeiane e della loro antica distribuzione (Naples, 1858); Fiorelli, Descrizione di Pompei (Naples, 1875), pp. 24-25; for the names given to houses, Fiorelli, Gli scavi di Pompei dal 1861 al 1872, App. pp. 18-20. Meaning of the word Insula: Richter, Insula, Hermes, vol. 20 (1885), pp. 91-100.

CHAPTER VI. MATERIALS, CONSTRUCTION, ARCHITECTURAL PERIODS

Materials, construction, periods, systems of measurement: Nissen, Pomp. Studien, pp. 1-97; Fiorelli, Gli scavi di Pompei dal 1861 al 1872, pp. 78-86; Ruggiero, Delia eruzione del Vesuvio nell' anno LXXIX (see note to Chap. I), pp. 5-8; Mau, Pompejanische Beiträge (Berlin, 1879), pp. 1-41, and Röm. Mitth., vol. 4 (1889), pp. 294-298.

Mason's marks: C. I. L. IV. pp. 166-167; Richter, Ueber antike Steinmetz-zeichen (Berlin, 1883), pp. 13-22, summarized by Mau, Röm. Mitth., vol. 4 (1899), pp. 292-294; Mau, Segni di scarpellino di Pompei, Röm. Mitth., vol. 10 (1895), pp. 47-51. Marriott, Facts about Pompeii (London, 1895), pp. 62-85, reviewed by Mau, Röm. Mitth., vol. 10 (1895), pp. 222-224. A complete collection of mason's marks will appear in C. I. L. IV. suppl. 2.

CHAPTER VII. THE FORUM

Excavation (1813-1818), plan, remains: Fiorelli, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 1, pt. 3, pp. 135-212, vol. 3, pp. 1-17; Gell, Pompeiana (Edit. 2, 2 vols., London, 1832), vol. 1, pp. 27-38; Mazois, Les ruines de Pompéi (four parts, cited as vols.; vols. 1 and 2, 1824; vols. 3 and 4, continued by Gau, 1828-1829; Paris), vol. 3, pp. 28-36, plates 13^bis, 14; Nissen, Pomp. Studien, pp. 313-319, 344-374.

Inscriptions relating to the Forum or found in it: C. I. L. X. 787-794, IV. pp. 4, 41, 125-127; inscription of A. Clodius Flaccus [p. 57], X. 1074.

Statues of the Forum [pp. 46-48]: Mau, Die Statuen des Forums von Pompeji, Röm. Mitth., vol. 11 (1896), pp. 150-156.

History of the colonnade [p. 50]: Mau, Il portico del Foro di Pompei, Röm. Mitth., vol. 6 (1891), pp. 168-176.

Paintings illustrating the life of the Forum [p. 55]: Le pitture antiche di Ercolano e contorni (5 vols., Naples, 1757-1779), pp. 213, 221, 227; Helbig, Wandgemälde, nos. 1489-1500; particularly Jahn, Ueber Darstellungen des Handwerks und Handelsverkehrs auf antiken Wandgemälden, Abhandlungen der sächsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, philologisch.-hist. Classe, vol. 5 (1870), pp. 263-318 and pl. 1-3; reproduced also by Baumeister, Denkmäler des klassischen Altertums (3 vols., Munich, 1884-1888), vol. III. Fig. 1653; Schreiber, Atlas of Classical Antiquities (trans. by Anderson; London, 1895), pl. 87, 88, 89.

Shape of a typical forum contrasted with that of the agora [p. 57]: Vitr. V. I. 1-3.

Admission fee, [p. 57]: Friedlaender in Marquardt, Röm. Staatsverwaltung (Edit. 2), vol. 3, pp. 492-493.

Slaves not permitted to witness the games [p. 58]: Cic. De harus. resp. XII. 26.

CHAPTER VIII. THE BUILDINGS AROUND THE FORUM—THE TEMPLE OF JUPITER

Of the Capitolium in Roman colonies generally: Kuhfeldt, De capitoliis imperii Romani (Berlin, 1882); Castan, Les capitaux provinciaux du monde romain (Besançon, 1886); de Rossi and Gatti, I campidogli nelle colonie e nelle altre città del mondo romano, Bull. com., vol. 15 (1887), pp. 66-68; Wissowa, Capitolium (2), Pauly-Wissowa Real-Encyclopädie, vol. 3, pp. 1538-1540.

The temple of Jupiter (excavated in 1816-1818, 1820): Fiorelli, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 1, pt. 3, pp. 185-200, vol. 2, pp. 16-17, vol. 3, p. 13; Mazois, Les ruines de Pompéi, vol. 3, pp. 48-50, pl. 30-36; Nissen, Pomp. Studien, pp. 320-327; Mau, Pomp. Beiträge, pp. 200-209; Weichardt, Pompeji vor der Zerstörung (Leipzig, 1897), pp. 61-78.

Variation of the plan from the Etruscan, union of Greek and Etruscan elements [p. 63]: cf. Vitr. IV. VII. 1, VIII. 5.

Relief in the house of Caecilius Jucundus [p. 64]: Mau, Röm. Mitth., vol. 15 (1900), pp. 115-116.

Decoration of the cella [p. 65]: Mau, Geschichte der decorativen Wandmalerei in Pompeji (Berlin, 1882), pp. 61-62, 248.

Inscriptions found in the cella [p. 66]: C. I. L. X. 796-797.

The Capitolium and the temple of Zeus Milichius [p. 66]: Mau, Röm. Mitth., vol. 11 (1896), pp. 141-149.

Temples of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva in Etruscan and Roman cities [p. 66]: Serv. Com. in Verg. ad Aen. I. 422; Vitr. I. VII. 1.

Capitals of the Ionic columns of the cella, and of the Corinthian columns of the portico [pp. 63-67]: Mazois, Les ruines de Pompéi, vol. 3, pl. 35. The shape of the acanthus leaves is not that characteristic of the pre-Roman period. It is therefore most probable that the temple was built, or at any rate was completed, in the early years of the colony.

The vaults in the podium [p. 67]: Not. d. scavi, 1900, pp. 341-344.

CHAPTER IX. THE BASILICA

Excavation (1813-1816): Fiorelli, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 1, pt. 2, p. 86, pt. 3, pp. 111-179 passim; vol. 2, p. 13.

Inscriptions: C. I. L. X. 805-807, IV. pp. 113-125.

Decoration: Mau, Geschichte der dec. Wandmalerei, pp. 11-17.

Reconstruction: Mau, Röm. Mitth., vol. 3 (1888), pp. 14-46, vol. 6 (1891), pp. 67-71, vol. 8 (1893), pp. 166-171; cf. also Wolters, Das Chalcidicum der Pompejanischen Basilica, Röm. Mitth., vol. 3 (1888), pp. 47-60. Equal height of main room and corridor was first assumed by Mazois (Les ruines de Pompéi, vol. 3, pls. 17, 18), afterward by Mau (Pomp. Beiträge, pp. 156-199). A clerestory was added by Canina (Architettura Antica, vol. 3, pl. 93), and by Lange (Haus und Halle, Leipzig, 1885, pp. 351-372). Schoene (Nissen, Pomp. Studien, pp. 198-201) assumes an equal height for the large columns and the half-columns, with a gallery above the corridor.

The Basilica Porcia [p. 70]: Huelsen, Röm. Mitth., vol. 8 (1893), pp. 84, 91. Other references on the Roman basilicas: Huelsen, Nomenclator topographicus (Kiepert and Huelsen, Formae urbis Romae antiquae, Berlin, 1896), pp. 13-14.

The Basilica at Fano [p. 71]: Vitr. V. I. 6-10; Prestel, Des M. Vitruvius Pollio, Basilica zu Fanum Fortunae (Strassburg, 1900). Reconstruction: Viollet-le-Duc, Entretiens sur l'architecture (2 vols. Paris, 1863, 1872), vol. 1, pp. 150-157, and Atlas, pl. 8-10; translation of vol. 1 by van Brunt (under the title Discourses on Architecture, Boston, 1873), pp. 144-149 and pls. 8-10.

Literature relating to the origin of the Christian basilica: Dehio and von Bezold, Die kirchliche Baukunst des Abendlandes, vol. 1 (Stuttgart, 1892), pp. 62-63, and Lowrie, Monuments of the Early Church (New York, 1901), pp. 420-421; cf. also Holtzinger, Die altchristliche und byzantinische Baukunst (Stuttgart, 1899; in Durm's Handbuch der Architektur), pp. 19-25; Kraus, Realencyclopädie der christl. Alterthümer (2 vols., Freiburg, 1882-1886), vol. I. under Basilica; Lange, Haus und Halle (Leipzig, 1885), pp. 270-326; F. Witting, Die Anfänge christlicher Architektur (Strassburg, 1902).

CHAPTER X. THE TEMPLE OF APOLLO

Excavation (1817-1818), remains, restoration: Fiorelli, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 1, pt. 3, pp. 191, 203-210, vol. 2, pp. 9, 69, vol. 3, pp. 9-16; Gell, Pompeiana (Edit. 3, by Gell and Gandy, London, 1852), pl. 53-54; Mazois, Les ruines de Pompéi, vol. 4, pls. 16-23; Nissen, Pomp. Studien, pp. 213-232; Mau, Pomp. Beiträge, pp. 93-116; Overbeck-Mau, Pompeji (Pompeji in seinen Gebäuden, Alterthümern und Kunstwerken dargestellt von Johannes Overbeck; vierte im Vereine mit August Mau durchgearbeitete und vermehrte Auflage, Leipzig, 1884), pp. 96-104 and 636-637 (Anm. 41-45); Ivanoff, Architektonische Studien, Heft 2 (Berlin, 1895), pl. 1-3; Weichardt, Pompeji vor der Zerstörung, pp. 35-52.

Inscriptions relating to the temple—Oscan [p. 80]: Mau, Bull. dell' Inst, 1882, pp. 189-190, 203, 205-207; Buecheler, Rhein. Mus., vol. 37 (1882), p. 643; Zvetaieff, Inscriptiones Italiae inferioris dialecticae (Moscow, 1886), p. 55 (no. 156 a); von Planta, Grammatik der Oskisch-Umbrischen Dialekte (2 vols.; Strassburg, 1892, 1897), vol. 2, p. 500; Conway, Italic Dialects (2 vols., London, 1897), vol. 1. p. 65. Latin [pp. 85-86]: C. I. L. X. 787, 800-804.

Paintings [pp. 84, 87]: Helbig, Wandgemälde, nos. 266, 395, 1306, 1324, 1325, 1544, and Nachträge, pp. 461-462.

Statues found in the court [p. 87]—Venus: Museo Borb., vol. 14, pl. 23. Artemis and Apollo: Museo Borb., vol. 8, pl. 59, 60. Herm in the Naples Museum formerly thought to be Maia: Patroni, La pretesa Maia, erma del Museo Nazionale di Napoli, Röm. Mitth., vol. 15 (1900), pp. 131-132.

The cult of Mercury and Maia [p. 89]: cf. Samter, Altare di Mercurio e Maia, Röm. Mitth., vol. 8 (1893), pp. 222-225.

Augustus as Mercury [p. 90]: Kiessling, Zu Hor. Od. I. 2, in Philologische Untersuchungen (herausgegeben von Kiessling und U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Berlin), Heft 2 (1881), p. 92. Inscriptions referring to the cult of Mercury and Maia, afterward of Augustus, at Pompeii: C. I. L. X. pp. 109-113. Dendereh inscription (found with a wall painting showing the portrait of an emperor): Duemichen, Baugeschichte des Denderah Tempels (Berlin, 1877), p. 16 and pl. 9; Krall, Wiener Studien, vol. 5 (1883), p. 315, note.

CHAPTER XI. THE BUILDINGS AT THE NORTHWEST CORNER OF THE FORUM—THE TABLE OF STANDARD MEASURES

The table of standard measures [p. 92]: Mancini, La mensa ponderaria di Pompei esistente nel Museo Nazionale di Napoli, Giornale degli scavi di Pompei, Nuova Serie, vol. 2 (1871), pp. 144-161; Nissen, Pomp. Studien, pp. 71-74; Conway, The Italic Dialects, vol. 1, pp. 67-68, vol. 2, pp. 521-523; Zvetaieff, Sylloge inscriptionum Oscarum, pl. 13; C. I. L. X. 793.

Measurements of the cavities by Mr. Bidder: The Academy, April 15, 1895, p. 319.

Other tables of standard measures [p. 93]: at Minturnae, C. I. L. X. 6017; at Tivoli, Not. d. scavi, 1883, pp. 85-86, 172, and Lanciani, Pagan and Christian Rome (Boston, 1892), pp. 40-41; at Selinus, Not. d Scavi. 1884, p. 321; Bregenz, Mitth. der Oesterr. Centralcommission, Neue Folge, vol. 8, p. 99; in Greek lands, Tarbell, A "Mensa Ponderaria" from Assos; American Journal of Archæology, vol. 7 (1891), pp. 440-443, and n. 1 (the Assos table is now in the Boston Museum of Fine Arts); Bacon, Investigations at Assos, Pt. 1 (1902), pp. 71, 73.

CHAPTER XII. THE MACELLUM

Excavation (in 1821-1822), identification, reconstruction: Fiorelli, Pomp. ant. hist., vol. 2, pp. 38-56, vol. 3, pp. 31-32; Gell, Pompeiana (Edit. of 1832), vol. 1, pp. 46-68; Mazois, Les ruines de Pompéi, vol. 3, pp. 59-67, pl. 42-46; Nissen, Pomp. Studien, pp. 275-286; Overbeck-Mau, Pompeji, pp. 120-128; Not. d. scavi, 1898, pp. 333-339.

Other macella [p. 94] in Rome: Huelsen, Nomenclator top. (see note to Chap. IX), p. 44. At Puteoli: Gervasio, Sopra alcune iscrizioni riguardanti il Macello nell' antica Pozzuoli (Naples, 1852); published also in Memorie della regale Accademia ercolanese di archeologia, vol. 6 (1853), pp. 265-283.

The tholus [p. 94]: Varro, apud Non., p. 448. The coin of Nero referred to is described by Eckhel, Doctrina numorum veterum (Edit. 2, 8 vols., Vienna, 1792-1828), vol. 6, p. 273, and figured by Cohen, Description historique des monnaies frappées sous l'empire romain, vol. 1 (Edit. 2, Paris, 1880), p. 288; and Donaldson, Architectura Numismatica, no. LXXII.

Paintings in the Macellum at Pompeii [pp. 96-98]: Helbig, Wandgemälde, see Topogr. Index, p. 476, under Pantheon.

Cupids as bakers and as makers of wreaths [p. 98]: Museo Borb., vol. 4, pl. 47, and vol. 6, pl. 51; Roux, Herculanum et Pompéi (text by Barré; 8 vols., Paris, 1840), vol. 2, pl. 83, 84; Helbig, Wandgemälde, nos. 777, 800; Jahn, Abhandlungen der Königl. sächsichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, philolog-hist. Classe, vol. 5 (1870), pp. 315-318 and pl. 6.

Statues found in the imperial chapel [p. 98]: Mau, Statua di Marcello nipote di Augusto, Atti della reale Accademia di Napoli, vol. 15 (1891), pp. 133-151; Helbig, Osservazioni sopra i ritratti di Fulvia e di Ottavia, Mon. dei Lincei, vol. 1 (1890), pp. 573-590. Both these articles are summarized by Mau, Röm. Mitth., vol. 6 (1891), p. 268, and vol. 7 (1892), pp. 169-171. The statues were published with the names of Livia and Drusus, son of Tiberius, in the Museo Borb., vol. 3, pl. 37, 38; the right hand of Octavia is restored.