FOOTNOTES:
[68] Antonio de Vasconcellos, Anacephalaeoses, id est Svmma Capita Actorum Regum Lusitaniae (Antverpiae, 1621), p. 79.
[69] See also C. V. B., pp. xcv-vi.
[70] An English Crusader writing from Lisbon speaks of inter hos tot linguarum populos (Crucesignati Anglici Epistola de Expugnatione Olisiponis, A.D. 1147).
[71] Colección de Poesías Castellanas (1779), vol. i, p. lvii. The important passages of Santillana’s letter have been so often quoted that the reader may be referred to them, e.g. in the Grundriss, p. 168.
[72] Milá y Fontanals (De los Trobadores, p. 522) lays much stress on the resemblance between Galician and Provençal.
[73] It must be remembered that in the early thirteenth century (1213) the range of the Galician-Portuguese lyric already extended to Navarre (C. V. 937).
[74] Guiraut Riquier and Nat de Mons placed Provençal poems on his lips, which may be taken as an indication that he also wrote in Provençal. As proof that he wrote poems in Castilian we have a single cantiga of eight lines (C. C. B. 363: Señora por amor dios). The other poem of the Cancioneiros in Castilian (with traces of Galician) is by the victor of Salado, Alfonso XI (1312-50), King of Castille and Leon: En un tiempo cogi flores (C. V. 209).
[75] Their antiquarian interest was recognized over three centuries ago. Cf. Argote de Molina, Nobleza de Andalvzia (Seuilla, 1588), f. 151 v.: es un libro de mucha curiosidad assi por la poesia como por los trages de aquella edad ̃q se veen en sus pinturas.
[76] Some of King Alfonso’s Cantigas were recited in the same way. C. M. 172 implies this in the lines:
And of this we made a song for the joglares to sing.
[77] Their popular origin is borne out by the music. See H. Collet et L. Villalba, Contribution à l’étude des Cantigas (1911). Cf. also P. Meyer, Types de quelques chansons de Gautier de Coinci (Romania, vol. xvii (1888), pp. 429-37): paroles pieuses à des mélodies profanes.
[78] Padre Nobrega came upon a crowd of pobres pedintes peregrinos at Santiago feasting merrily and having grandes contendas entre si as to which of them was cleverest at taking people in. The trick of one of them was to declare that, being captive in Turkey, encommendando-me muito á Senhora ... achei-me ao outro dia ao romper da alva em terra de Christãos (Simão de Vasconcellos, Cronica, Lib. I, § 22). Cf. Jeronymo de Mendoça, Jornada de Africa, 1904 ed., ii. 34, and Frei Luis de Sousa, Hist. de S. Domingos, I. i. 5.
[79] i. e. besides the Spanish cantiga (C. C. B. 363), C. C. B. 359, which belongs to the Cantigas de Santa Maria, and C. C. B. 372, which consists of a single line.
[80] El Rei aia tres jograes en sa casa e non mais.
[81] Riquier’s segriers per totas cortz (King Alfonso X (C. M. 194) speaks of a jograr andando pelas cortes). See also C. V. 556. The word probably has no connexion with seguir (to follow). Possibly it was used originally to differentiate singers of profane songs, cantigas profanas e seculares. Frei João Alvarez in his Cronica do Infante Santo has ‘obras ecclesiasticas e segrãaes’; King Duarte counted among os pecados da boca ‘cantar cantigas sagraaes’, The Cancioneiros show that the segrel was far less common than the jogral in the thirteenth century. For segre (= saeculum) see infra, p. 93, n. 2.
[82] For instances see H. R. Lang, The Relations of the Earliest Portuguese Lyric School with the Troubadours and Trouvères (Modern Language Notes (April, 1895), pp. 207-31), and C. D. L., pp. xlviii et seq.
[83] This poet, Fernam Gonçalvez de Seabra or Fernant Gonzalez de Sanabria (C. V. 338; C. C. B. 330-7; C. A. 210-21, 445-7), apparently obtained some fame by his mystification, unless the object of his devotion was as high-placed as the Portuguese princess for love of whom, according to legend, D. Joan Soarez de Paiva died in Galicia. The latter wrote in the first years of the thirteenth century (C. V. 937, Randglosse xi). They are the only two Galician-Portuguese poets—besides King Dinis—mentioned in Santillana’s letter.
[84] Poetica, ll. 126, 130. Much of the information of this Poetica (printed in C. C. B.) may be gleaned from the Cancioneiros, but it shows how carefully the different kinds of poem were distinguished. There were apparently special names for poems to trick and deceive: de logr’ e d’arteiro, and for festive laughter poems: de risadelha (or refestela?) = de riso e mote. Santillana’s mansobre is, it seems, a misprint for mordobre. It occurs again in the Requesta de Ferrant Manuel contra Alfonso Alvarez (Canc. de Baena, 1860 ed., i. 253):
[85] e. g. C. V. 300: Por Deus, se ora, se ora chegasse Con el mui leda seria.
[86] q’coi (C. V. M.), qual cór (C. V. B.). D. Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos proposes quiça (cf. C. V. 1006, I. 8).
[87] Aqueste cantar da egoa que non andou na tregoa (C. V. 956).
[88] Or D. Joan Garcia de Guilhade. See C. A. M. V. ii. 407-15.
[89] C. V. 28-38, 343-61, 1097-1110; C. A. 235-9; C. C. B. 373-6.
[90] A large number of cantigas by the same hand would emphasize the monotony of the kind and provide an unwelcome mirror for contemporary bards. Of Roy Queimado (fl. 1250) other love-lorn poets said that he was always dying of love—in verse.
[91] Soares de Brito in his Theatrum mentions ‘Ferdinandus Garcia Esparavanha, optimus poeta’ (= bom trovador).
[93] See Randglosse xii. An incidental interest belongs to this poem of eighteen dodecasyllabic lines from the fact that in C. V. B. it is printed in thirty-six lines, as a proof of the early predominance of the redondilha.
[94] Cf. the Provençal passage in Milá y Fontanals, De los Trobadores, p. 62.
[95] He thus overlapped Dante’s life by four years at either end.
[96] T. A. Craveiro, Compendio (1833), cap. 5: D. Diniz trouxe a idade de ouro a Portugal.
[97] A late echo of the early (Alfonso X) legislation against the jogral is to be found in King Duarte’s Leal Conselheiro, cap. 70: Dos Pecados da Obra. These include dar aos jograaees. Nunez de Leam translates joglar as truão (1606).
[98] C. V. 80-208 (= C. D. L. 1-75, 77-128, 76) and C. C. B. 406-15 (= C. D. L. 129-38). C. V. 116 = C. V. 174.
[99] Cronica del Rei D. Diniz, 1677 ed., f. 113 v.
[100] Mandou hum livro delles escrito por sua mão a seu avò ... o qual eu vi na livraria do Real Convento do Escurial, em folha de papel grosso, de marca pequena, volume de tres ou quatro dedos de alto, de letra grande, latina, bem legivel, e o que ly era de Louvores a Nossa Senhora, e outras cousas ao divino (Eva e Ave, 1676 ed., pp. 128-9). This interesting passage is not included in those quoted in C. A. M. V. ii. 112-17; it is obviously the source of no. 17. It does not imply that the poems were exclusively religious. Can the book three or four fingers in height have been the Canc. da Ajuda (460 millimètres) from which a section of sacred poems may have been torn? If so the letters Rey Dõ Denis (C. A. M. V. i. 141) would explain the attribution to King Dinis.
[101] The language of C. M. and the Portuguese Cancioneiros was of course the same. Identical phrases occur.
[102] He twice visited Oxford, he says, in order to see the library, which he describes—hũa das grandes cousas do mundo (Eva e Ave, 1676 ed., p. 156). At the Escorial he also examined an original manuscript of St. Augustine (ibid., p. 150).
[103] C. C. B. 406-15.