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Problems in Greek history

Chapter 5: PREFACE
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This work surveys archaeological and literary evidence to reassess how prehistoric Aegean civilizations relate to the later epic tradition. It synthesizes recent excavations and scholarship to compare material remains—palaces, ornaments, and pottery—with descriptions preserved in the epics, highlighting both continuities and marked differences in technology, burial rites, and maritime activity. Competing explanations are weighed, including migration or disruption, cultural decline, editorial reshaping of oral material, and lacunae in the archaeological record. Trade with eastern Mediterranean cultures, the circulation of luxury goods, and the limits of reconstructing history from poetic sources are examined throughout.

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Title: Problems in Greek history

Author: J. P. Mahaffy

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Language: English

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PROBLEMS IN GREEK HISTORY

 


PROBLEMS

IN

GREEK HISTORY

 

BY

J. P. MAHAFFY, M.A., D.D.

Fellow and Tutor of Trinity College, Dublin; Knight (Gold
Cross) of the Order of the Redeemer; Hon. Fellow of
Queen's College, Oxford; Author of 'Prolegomena
to Ancient History,' 'Social Life in Greece,'
'A History of Classical Greek
Literature,' &c., &c.

 

London
MACMILLAN AND CO.
AND NEW YORK
1892

[All rights reserved]

 


 

Oxford
HORACE HART, PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY

 


PREFACE

Even since the following sheets were printed, the researches into prehistoric Greek life, and its relation both to the East, to the Homeric poems, and to the Greece we know in the 7th century B.C., have progressed, and we are beginning to see some light through the mist. I can refer the reader to two books, of which one has just been published in English. The other, the second edition of Busolt's History of Greece, though still in the press, will be accessible to those that read German in a few weeks. I prefer to cite the former—Schuchardt's account of Schliemann's Excavations—in its English form, as it is there enriched with an Introduction, and apparently a revision of the text, by Mr. Walter Leaf. This is the first systematic attempt to bring into a short compass, with the illustrations, and with some regard to chronology, the great body of facts discovered and hastily consigned to many large volumes by the gifted discoverer. There is, moreover, a separate chapter (vi.) which gathers these facts under a theory, not to speak of the acute and cautious criticism of Mr. Leaf, which will be found in the Introduction to the volume. The Introduction to Busolt's History, of which (by the author's courtesy) I have seen some 130 pages, contains a complete critical discussion of the same evidence.

Here is the general result in Busolt's own exposition (G. G. 2nd ed. pp. 113 sq.): 'The Homeric culture is younger than the Mykenæan, it is also simpler and in better proportion. The former had come to use iron for arms and tools, the latter is strictly in the age of bronze[vi:1]. If the culture of the Epics does show a lower stage of technical development, we perceive also a decline of oriental influences. In many respects, in matters of interment, dress and armour, the epic age contrasts with the Mykenæan, but in many points we find transitions and threads which unite the two civilizations. The Homeric palace shows remarkable agreements with those of Mykenæ and Tiryns. The Homeric heroes fight with sword, spear, and bow, like the Mykenæan. Splendid vases, too, and furniture, such as occur within the range of the Mykenæan culture, agree even in details with the descriptions of the Epos. The Epos, too, knows Mykenæ "rich in gold," and the "wealthy" Odeomenos. In general the homes of the Mykenæan culture are prominent in the Iliad. The splendour of the Mykenæan epoch was therefore still fresh in the memory of the Æolians and Ionians when the Epos arose.

'If the life thus pictured in the Epos thus shows many kindred features to that of Mykenæ, the Doric life of the Peloponnesus stands in harsh contrast. Not in strong fortresses, but in open camps, do we find the Dorian conquerors. The nobles do not fight on chariots in the van, but serried infantry decides the combat[vii:1].

'It was about from 1550 to 1150, that Mykenæan culture prevailed, and was then replaced, as the legends asserted, by the Dorian invaders.'

Let us note that the earlier and ruder civilisation of Troy may be contrasted with that of Mycenæ, though both of them show successive stages—the later stage of the (second) city of Troy approaching to the intermediate stage of Tiryns, and indeed, forming an unbroken chain with this, Mycenæ, and even the later and more finished relics of prehistoric art found at Menidi and at Vaphio (Amyclæ). The whole series is homogeneous. The long-misunderstood palace of Troy is of the same kind in plan and arrangement as that of Tiryns and that of Mycenæ; the gold ornaments of Mycenæ are akin to those of Amyclæ; we stand in the presence of an old and organised civilisation which was broken off or ceased in prehistoric days, and recommenced on a different basis, and upon a somewhat different model, among the historical Greeks. And yet the prehistoric dwellers at Tiryns and Mycenæ had certainly some features in common with the later race. Not to speak of details such as the designs in pottery, or in the architecture of the simpler historic temples, they were a mercantile and a maritime people, receiving the products of far lands, and sending their own abroad; above all, they show that combination of receptivity and originality in their handicrafts which gives a peculiar stamp to their successors. While the ruder Trojan remains are said to show no traces of Phœnician importation, the Mycenæan exhibit objects from Egypt, from northern Syria, and from Phœnicia; while on the other hand all the best authorities now recognise in much of the pottery, and of the other handicrafts, intelligent home production, which can even be traced in exports along a line of islands across the southern Ægean and as far as Egypt. This latter fact, and the closer trade-relations with Hittite Syria than with Egypt or Phœnicia, are brought out by Busolt in his new Introduction.

In what relation do these facts, now reduced to some order, stand to the Homeric poems? According to Schuchardt they vindicate for our Homer an amount of historical value which will astonish the sceptics of our generation. In the first place, however, it is certain that Homer (using the name as a convenient abstraction) has preserved a true tradition of the great seats of culture in prehistoric days. He tells us rightly that Tiryns had gone by when Mycenæ took the lead, and that the civilisation of this great centre of power in Greece was kindred to that of Troy, an equally old and splendid centre, which however was destroyed by fire before it had attained to the perfection of the later stages of Mycenæan art. Homer also implies that seafaring connections existed between Asia Minor and Greece, and that early wars arose from reprisals for piratical raids, as Herodotus confirms.

Some advanced kinds of handicraft, such as the inlaying of metals, which have been brought to light in Mycenæan work, are specially prominent in the Homeric poems. It is hard to conceive the nucleus of the poems having originated elsewhere than in the country where Mycenæan grandeur was still fresh. The legend which brings the rude Dorians into Greece about 1100 B.C. (the date need not be so early) accounts for the disappearance of this splendour, and the migration of the Achæans with their poems to Asia Minor. So far Mr. Leaf agrees, as well as with the theory of Fick, that the earliest poems were composed, not in Ionic, but in the old dialect of Greece, which may be called Æolic, provided (he adds) we do not identify it with the late Æolic to which it has been reduced by Fick. It is added by Schuchardt that the great body of Nostoi seems irreconcilable with E. Curtius' theory that the lays were composed for the early Æolic settlers, who made Asia Minor their permanent home; so that the Trojan War may really have been a mercantile war of Mycenæ against the Trojan pirates, who were outside the zone of the Mycenæan trade-route, but may have seriously injured it. Mr. Leaf justly points out that the obscure islands along this route, Cos, and Carpathus, together with Rhodes, in which Mycenæan wares have been found, are counted by the Homeric Catalogue as Achæan allies of Mycenæ, while the (Carian) Cyclades, though much larger and perhaps more populated, are ignored.

So far the case for the early date and historic basis of Homer seems considerably strengthened by recent research. Nevertheless, the marked contrasts between the Mycenæan Greeks and the society in Homer create a great difficulty. Some of these have been removed by the aid of (perhaps legitimate) ingenuity, but differences of dress, of burial customs, in the use of iron, &c., remain. The seafaring too of the Homeric Greeks does not seem to me at all what we may infer the Mycenæan seafaring to have been. Minos, or somebody else, must have suppressed piracy, and prehistoric trading cannot have been so exclusively in the hands of the Phœnicians. The Old Mycenæans were perfectly ignorant of the art of writing, a fact which seems to preclude any systematic dealing with the Phœnicians, though Busolt rather infers from it a want of personal intercourse with the Hittites, and a mere reception of Asiatic luxuries through rude and semi-hostile Sidonian adventurers. Busolt thinks we can follow down prehistoric art through its various steps to that which leads into the Homeric epoch, but as yet such a gradual transition seems to me not clearly shown; I cannot but feel a gulf between the two. Either therefore the original poets of the Iliad were separated by a considerable gap of time from the life they sought to describe—there may have been a period of decadence before the Dorians appeared—or the Ionic recension was far more trenchant than a mere matter of dialect, and by omission or alteration accommodated the already strange and foreign habits of a bygone age to their own day; or else the Alexandrian editors have destroyed traces of old customs far more than has hitherto been suspected[xi:1].

It does not therefore appear to me that the antiquity of the Homer which we possess is materially established by these newer researches. That the earliest lays embodied in the Iliad were very old has never been doubted by any sane critic, and has always been maintained by me on independent grounds. But I now think it likely that the great man who brought dramatic unity into the Iliad, and who may have lived near 800 B.C., did far more than merely string together, and make intelligible, older poems. He made the old life of Mycenæ into the newer Ionic life of Asia Minor. I am sorry to disagree with Mr. Leaf when he calls that Ionic society 'democratic to the core.' Any one who will read what even Pausanias records of its traditions will see that it was aristocratic to the core, and quite as likely to love heroic legends as any other Greek society of that day.


I must not conclude this Preface without acknowledging the constant help of my younger colleagues in correcting and improving what I write. Of these I will here specify Mr. L. Purser and Mr. Bury.

Trinity College, Dublin,
February, 1892.


FOOTNOTES:

[vi:1] 'In the whole range of the Mykenæan culture, there have only been found in the later graves of the lower city, and in the beehive tomb of Vaphio, remains of some finger-rings of iron, used for ornaments. Iron tools and weapons were unknown to the Mykenæans—in spite of Beloch's opinion to the contrary. In the Iliad bronze is mentioned 279 times, iron 23; in the Odyssey they are named 80 and 25 times respectively, but the use of the later metal was far more diffused than the conventional style of the Epos betrays. Iron weapons are indeed only mentioned in the Iliad IV, 123; VII, 141, 144; and XVIII, 34. Books IV and VII are undoubtedly of later origin. Still the use of iron for tools was known throughout the whole Homeric age, and was gradually increasing during the growth of the Epos.'

[vii:1] Probably, Busolt adds in the sequel, the use of iron weapons by the Dorian invaders may have been one cause of their victory. But it seems to me mainly to have been the victory of infantry over cavalry, and thus a very early type of the decisive day at Orchomenus, when the Spanish infantry of the Grand Catalan Company destroyed Guy de la Roche and his Frankish knights, and seized the country as their spoil.

[xi:1] This last clause is suggested by the fragment of the Iliad, published in my Memoir on the Petrie Papyri, which shows, in thirty-five lines, five unknown to modern texts. Cf. Plate III and p. 34 of that Memoir.


TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER I.
Our Earlier Historians of Greece.
PAGE
Definite and indefinite problems 1
Examples in theology and metaphysics 1
Examples in literature 2
The case of history generally 3
Special claims of Greek history 4
The claims of Rome and of the Jews 4
Greek influences in our religion 4
Increasing materials 5
Plan of this Essay 6
Universal histories 6
Gillies 7
Effects of the French Revolution on the writers of the time 8
Mitford writes a Tory history of Greece 8
He excites splendid refutations 9
Thirlwall: his merits 10
his coldness 11
his fairness and accuracy, but without enthusiasm 11
Clinton's Fasti: his merits 12
Contrast of Grote's life 13
His theory Radicalism 13
The influences of his time 14
To be compared with Gibbon 14
His eloquence; his panegyric on democracy 15
Objections: that democracies are short-lived 16
that the Athenian democrat was a slave-holder and a ruler over subjects 16
The Athenian not the ideal of the Greeks 17
Grote's treatment of the despots 18
Their perpetual recurrence in the Greek world 18
Advantages of despotism 18
Good despots not infrequent 19
Grote a practical politician 20
His treatment of Alexander the Great 20
Contrast of Thirlwall 20
Grote ignores the later federations, and despises their history 21
His treatment of the early legends 22
Even when plausible, they may be fictions 22
Thirlwall's view less extreme 23
Influence of Niebuhr on both historians 23
Neither of them visited Greece, which later historians generally regard as essential 24
Ernst Curtius and Victor Duruy 25
The value of autopsy in verifying old authors 25
Example in the theatre of Athens 25
Its real size 26
No landscape for its background 26
Greek scenery and art now accessible to all 27
 
CHAPTER II.
Recent Treatment of the Greek Myths.
The newer histories 28
Not justifiable without particular reasons 28
Max Duncker 28
Not suited to English readers 29
Busolt and Holm 29
Return to Grote 30
Holm's postulate 30
The modern attitude 31
Pure invention a rare occurrence 31
Plausible fiction therefore not an adequate cause 32
Cases of deliberate invention, at Pergamum, which breed general suspicion of marvellous stories 32
Example of a trustworthy legend from Roman history 33
Niebuhr, Arnold, Mommsen 34
The rex sacrorum at Rome 34
The king-archon at Athens 35
Legends of foreign immigrants 35
Corroborative evidence of art, but not of language 35
Corroboration of legends in architecture 37
Explanation of myths by the solar theory 37
The analogy of Indian and Persian mythology, expounded by Professor Max Müller, founded on very wide learning 38
long since shown inadequate, because it implies sentimental savages, which is contrary to our experience 39
K. O. Müller's contribution 40
The transference of myths 41
Old anecdotes doing fresh duty 41
Example from the Trojan legend 41
but not therefore false 42
The contribution of Dr. Schliemann 42
History not an exact science 43
Historical value of the Homeric poems 44
Mycenæ preserved in legend only 44
General teaching of the epic poems 44
Social life in Greece 45
Alleged artificiality of the poems 45
Examples from the Iliad 45
not corroborated by recent discoveries 46
Fick's account of the Homeric dialect 46
Difficulties in the theory 47
Analogies in its favour 48
Its application to the present argument 48
Illustration from English poetry 49
The use of stock epithets 49
High excellence incompatible with artificiality 50
The Homeric poems therefore mainly natural 50
but only generally true 51
and therefore variously judged by various minds 52
 
CHAPTER III.
Theoretical Chronology.
Transition to early history 53
The Asiatic colonies 53
Late authorities for the details 54
The colonization of the West 54
The original authority 55
What was nobility in early Greece? 55
Macedonian kings 56
Romans 56
Hellenistic cities 56
Glory of short pedigrees 56
The sceptics credulous in chronology 57
The current scheme of early dates 57
The so-called Olympic register 58
Plutarch's account of it 58
The date of Pheidon of Argos 59
revised by E. Curtius 60
since abandoned 60
The authority of Ephorus 61
not first-rate 62
Archias, the founder of Syracuse 62
associated with legends of Corcyra and Croton 63
Thucydides counts downward from this imaginary date 64
Antiochus of Syracuse 64
not trustworthy 65
his dates illusory 66
though supported by Thucydides 66
who is not omniscient 66
Credulity in every sceptic 67
Its probable occurrence in ancient critics 68
Value of Hippias' work 68
Even Eratosthenes counts downward 69
Clinton's warning 69
Summary of the discussion 69
The stage of pre-Homeric remains 70
Prototype of the Greek temple 70
Degrees in this stage 71
Probably not so old as is often supposed 72
Mr. Petrie's evidence 72
The epic stage 72
The earliest historical stage 73
The gap between Homer and Archilochus 73
Old lists suspicious, and often fabricated 74
No chronology of the eighth centuryB.C. to be trusted 75
Cases of real antiquity 76
 
CHAPTER IV.
The Despots; The Democracies.
Brilliant age of the great lyric poets 77
The Sparta of Alcman's time 77
Its exceptional constitution 78
E. Curtius on the age of the despots 78
Grote's view 79
Greek hatred of the despot 80
how far universal in early days 81
Literary portraits of the Greek despot 81
How far exaggerated 82
Reductio ad absurdum of the popular view 82
The real uses to politics of temporary despots 82
Questionable statement of Thucydides 83
The tyrant welds together the opposing parties 84
Cases of an umpire voluntarily appointed 84
Services of the tyrants to art 85
Examples 85
Verdict of the Greek theorists 86
Peisistratus and Solon 86
Contrast of Greek and modern democracy 87
Slave-holding democracies 88
Supported by public duties 89
Athenian leisure 89
The assembly an absolute sovran 89
 
CHAPTER V.
The Great Historians.
Herodotus and Thucydides 91
Herodotus superior in subject 92
Narrow scope of Thucydides 92
His deliberate omissions 93
supplied by inferior historians 93
Diodorus 93
Date of the destruction of Mycenæ 94
Silence of Æschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides 94
Value of Plutarch's Lives 95
The newly-found tract on The Polity of the Athenians 96
Effects of Thucydides' literary genius 97
The Peloponnesian war of no world-wide consequence 97
No representation in Greek assemblies 98
No outlying members save Athenian citizens settled in subject towns 99
Similar defect in the Roman Republic 99
Hence an extended Athenian empire not maintainable 99
The glamour of Thucydides 100
His calmness assumed 101
He is backed by the scholastic interest 101
on account of his grammatical difficulties 102
He remains the special property of critical scholars 102
Herodotus underrated in comparison 103
The critics of Thucydides 103
The Anabasis of Xenophon 104
The weakness of Persia long recognized 105
Reception of the Ten Thousand on their return 105
The army dispersed 106
Xenophon's strategy 106
His real strategy was literary 107
A special favourite of Grote 107
Xenophon on Agesilaus and Epaminondas 108
Injustice of the Hellenica 108
Yet Xenophon is deservedly popular 109
 
CHAPTER VI.
Political Theories and Experiments in the Fourth Century B.C.
Literary verdict of the Greeks against democracy 110
Vacillation of modern critics 111
Grote's estimate of Pericles, compared with Plato's 111
The war policy of Pericles 112
His miscalculations 112
He depended on a city population against an army of yeomen 113
Advantages of mercenaries against citizen troops 114
The smaller States necessarily separatists 114
Attempts at federation 115
The second Athenian Confederacy 116
its details; its defects 116
Political theories in the fourth century 117
Greece and Persia 117
Theoretical politics 117
inestimable even to the practical historian 118
Plato 118
Xenophon 118
Aristotle 118
Sparta ever admired but never imitated 119
Practical legislation wiser in Greece than in modern Europe 119
Sparta a model for the theorists 120
A small State preferred 120
Plato's successors 120
Their general agreement; (1) especially on suffrage 121
even though their suffrage was necessarily restricted 122
(2) Education to be a State affair 122
Polybius' astonishment at the Roman disregard of it 123
The practical result in Rome 123
Can a real democracy ever be sufficiently educated? 124
Christianity gives us a new force 124
Formal religion always demanded by the Greeks 125
Real religion the property of exceptional persons 125
Greek views on music; discussed in my Rambles and Studies in Greece 126
Xenophon's ideal 127
Aristotle's ideal 127
Aristotle's Polities ignore Alexander 128
Evidence of the new Politeia 128
Alexander was to all the theorists an incommensurable quantity 129
Mortality of even perfect constitutions 130
Contrast of Greek and modern anticipations 130
 
CHAPTER VII.
Practical Politics in the Fourth Century.
The practical politicians 131
Isocrates, his anti-Persian policy 131
No large ideas of spreading Hellenic culture 132
Who is to be the leader of Greece? 132
Demosthenes another ideal figure in this history 133
He sees the importance of a foreign policy for Athens 134
against Persia, or Macedonia 134
Grote on Demosthenes 135
A. Schäfer on Demosthenes 135
Very different estimate of the ancients 136
Conditions of the conflict 136
made Philip's victory certain 137
Demosthenes fights a losing game 138
The blunders of his later policy 139
Compared with Phocion 139
Old men often ruinous in politics 139
Hellenism despised 140
The author feels he is fighting a losing game against democracy and its advocates 140
The education of small free States 141
Machiavelli and Aristotle 141
Greek democratic patriotism 141
Its splendid results 142
appear to be essentially transitory 142
from internal causes 143
The case of America 143
The demagogue 144
Internal disease the real cause of decadence 144
The Greek States all in this condition 144
as Phocion saw; but which Demosthenes ignored 145
The dark shadows of his later years 145
His professional character as an advocate 146
The affair of Harpalus 146
Was the verdict against Demosthenes just? 147
The modern ground of acquittal 148
Morality of politicians expounded by Hypereides 148
Modern sentiment at least repudiates these principles 149
As regards practice we have Walpole 149
and the Greek patriots of our own century 150
analogous to the case of Demosthenes 150
The end justified the means 151
Low average of Greek national morality 152
Demosthenes above it 152
Deep effect of his rhetorical earnestness 153
The perfection of his art is to be apparently natural 153
 
CHAPTER VIII.
Alexander the Great.
The further course of Greek history 155
Droysen's Geschichte des Hellenismus 155
This period much neglected by English historians 155
Nature of our authorities 156
Alexander's place in history still disputed 157
Grote's unfairness in accepting evidence against him 157
Droysen's estimate 158
Tendency to attribute calculation to genius 158
Its spontaneity 159
Alexander's military antecedents 159
He learns to respect Persian valour and loyalty 160
He discovers how to fuse the nations in Alexandria 160
His development of commerce 161
Diffusion of gold 161
Development of Alexander's views 162
His romantic imagination 162
No pupil of Aristotle 162
His portentous activity 163
Compared with Napoleon 163
and Cromwell 164
Use of artillery 164
Vain but not envious 165
His assumption of divinity questioned 165
An ordinary matter in those days 166
Perhaps not asserted among the Greeks 166
 
CHAPTER IX.
Post-Alexandrian Greece.
Tumults of the Diadochi: their intricacy 168
their wide area 169
The liberation of Greece 169
Spread of monarchies 169
The three Hellenistic kingdoms 170
New problems 171
Politics abandoned by thinking men 171
except as a purely theoretical question, with some fatal exceptions 172
Dignity and courage of the philosophers 172
shown by suicide 173
Rise of despots on principle 173
Probably not wholly unpopular 174
Contemptible position of Athens and Sparta in politics, except in mischievous opposition to the new federations, whose origin was small and obscure 174
The old plan of a sovran State not successful 176
The leading cities stood aloof from this experiment 176
Athens and the Ætolians, or the Achæans 177
Sparta and the Achæans 178
A larger question 178
What right has a federation to coerce its members? 178
Disputed already in the Delian Confederacy by Athens and the lesser members 179
Duruy's attitude on this question 179
Greek sentiment very different 180
Nature of the Achæan League 180
Statement of the new difficulty 181
In its clearest form never yet settled except by force 182
Case of the American Union 182
Arguments for coercion of the several members 183
Cases of doubtful or enforced adherence 184
Various internal questions 185
Looser bond of the Ætolian League 185
Radical monarchy of Cleomenes 186
 
CHAPTER X.
The Romans in Greece.
Position of Rome towards the Leagues 187
Roman interpretation of the 'liberty of the Greeks' 187
Opposition of the Ætolians 188
Probably not fairly stated by Polybius 189
Rome and the Achæans 189
Mistakes of Philopœmen gave Rome excuses for interference 189
Mommsen takes the Roman side 190
Hertzberg and Freeman on the Achæan question 190
Senility of the Greeks 191
Decay of the mother-country 191
The advocates for union with Rome 192
The advocates of complete independence 192
The party of moderate counsels 193
Money considerations 193
acted upon both extremes 194
Exaggerated statements on both sides 194
The Separatists would not tolerate separation from themselves 195
Democratic tyranny 195
Modern analogies forced upon us 195
and not to be set aside 196
The history of Greece is essentially modern 196 therefore modern parallels are surely admissible, if justly drawn 197
The spiritual history not closed with the Roman conquest 197
The great bequests of the Roman period 199
The Anthology, Lucian, Julian, Plotinus 200
Theological Greek studies 200
Have the Greeks no share in our religion? 201
Or is it altogether Semitic? 201
The language of the New Testament exclusively Greek 202
Saint Paul's teaching 202
Stoic elements in Saint Paul 203
The Stoic sage 203
The Stoic Providence 203
Saint John's Gospel 204
Neo-Platonic doctrine of the Logos 205
The Cynic independence of all men 205
The Epicurean dependence upon friends 206
The university of Athens 206
Greece indestructible 207
Greek political history almost the private property of the English writers, 207
who have themselves lived in practical politics 208
Not so in artistic or literary history 208
where the French and Germans are superior 209
especially in art 209
Importance of studying Greek art 209
Modern revivals of ancient styles,—Gothic, Renaissance 210
Probability of Hellenic revival 211
Greek art only recently understood. Winckelmann, Penrose, Dörpfeld 212
Its effect upon modern art when properly appreciated 212
and upon every detail of our life 212
Greek literature hardly noticed in this Essay 213
Demands a good knowledge and study of the language 213
Other languages must be content to give way to this pursuit 214
The nature and quality of Roman imitations 215
The case of Virgil 215
Theocritus only a late flower in the Greek garden of poetry 216
 
APPENDIX.
On the Authenticity of the Olympian Register 217