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Riches and Poverty (1910)

Chapter 2: PREFACE TO THE TENTH (REVISED) EDITION, 1910
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About This Book

The author reassesses national income distribution around 1908 by combining Income Tax returns, estate-duty records, and other statistics to measure aggregate product and its allocation among social groups. He classifies the population into rich, comfortable, and poor cohorts and quantifies the disproportionate share taken by a small minority versus the mass of wage-earners. The analysis highlights rising inequality, stagnant nominal wages contrasted with higher living costs, and the growing collective power of employers as capital concentrates. Chapters explain methodology, present income and estate aggregates, and use official evidence to argue that contemporary statistical records understate the extent of maldistribution.

PREFACE TO THE TENTH (REVISED) EDITION, 1910

THE present edition of "Riches and Poverty" revises my estimates of the distribution of the wealth of the United Kingdom down to the year 1908. The effect of the revision is to show that in the five years that have elapsed since this work was first published, the distribution of wealth has grown even more unequal. The comparative stationariness of money wages of late years is a fact upon which the labourers themselves, and not less the nation of which they form by far the greater part, are to be commiserated. I write at a time when a great deal of discontent is becoming evident amongst large masses of the population; it may be well for those, and they are many, who have written in condemnation of that discontent, to ponder the following pages, and in particular to compare the profits recorded by the Inland Revenue Commissioners with the evidence as to wages collected by the Labour Department of the Board of Trade.

My own view of the subject is, that the massing of capital in large units has so considerably strengthened the hand of capital in its dealings with labour that in recent years Trade Unions have comparatively lost much ground. To-day the masters in many of our industries can exercise collective powers much more effectively than Trade Unions. Combination amongst employers in some trades has reached a point at which it has become possible to rule alike the price of products and the price of labour.

While since 1900 nominal or money wages have been at a standstill, the cost of living has continued to rise. The retail cost of food in London rose 9 per cent. in 1900-1908. Therefore British real or commodity wages have fallen heavily since 1900. A London platelayer, when he has the privilege of working seven days a week, can earn 21s. a week in 1910 as in 1900, but the real value of the 21s. has fallen by about 9 per cent.; in effect, that is, he earns 1s. 10d. a week less than in 1900. Now 19s. 2d. is not a just wage for a London platelayer.

The statements which were made in the 1905 edition of "Riches and Poverty" proved to be uncomfortable reading for many, and I have now a great many books on my shelves in which they have been discussed. The attempts to refute them have entirely failed. It is now generally accepted that the number of Income Tax payers is approximately what I stated it to be, and the increase of Income Tax assessments indicates that my estimates of the income of the rich did not err on the side of liberality.

Work such as is attempted in these pages ought, of course, to be entrusted to the hands of a permanent Census Department, empowered to collect information, and instructed to analyse and diffuse it. In the absence of such a Department, and in the lamentable condition of our national statistical records, the conclusions of a private investigator are only too likely to be called in question by those who do not stomach what he has to say. It may be said that the disagreeable estimates I have presented in the frontispiece of this volume rest upon private authority, and that they cannot be accepted without great reservation. I should like to direct attention, therefore, to a series of facts which are official, which cannot be denied, and which rest upon the basis that they represent masses of property actually taxed.

I refer to the estates which pass at death in the United Kingdom year by year, and which are valued for the purposes of the death duties. The following facts, to which I called attention for the first time in "Riches and Poverty," can be easily memorized, and every one ought to know them.

Year by year, as regularly as the seasons, properties pass at death in the United Kingdom, free of all debts, absolutely net, to the value of, in round figures, £300,000,000. Of this £300,000,000, the aggregate of approximately 80,000 separate estates, as much as £200,000,000, or thereabouts, is left by about FOUR THOUSAND (4000) PERSONS.

I repeat that these figures are not my estimates, but the official figures ascertained and published by the Inland Revenue Commissioners. They can be verified by any reader of this book by reference to the latest Official Report of the Commissioners of His Majesty's Inland Revenue (Cd. 4868. Price 1s. 7d.).

Those who are acquainted with the facts know, as Mr Balfour recognized in reply to me in a debate in the House of Commons on September 13th, 1909, that the official figures I have quoted would be larger but for the passing of property inter vivos in avoidance of the death duties. But, to take the figures as they are, an under statement of the wealth of the rich, I put this question to those who come to consider the estimates I have made:

If, in the United Kingdom, out of £300,000,000 a year passing at death, as much as £200,000,000, or two-thirds of the whole, is left by only 4000 persons, does it not follow, as the night the day, that the distribution of the national income must necessarily proceed on some such lines as those estimated in the frontispiece to this volume?

And with that question I once more issue these pages to the public.

L. G. CHIOZZA MONEY
Chaldon, Surrey
October 1910

CONTENTS

PAGE
BOOK I
THE ERROR OF DISTRIBUTION
CHAPTER I
Thoughts arising out of a Great Controversy
The false assumption that customs duties can determine prosperity 3
Evidences of riches and poverty as "arguments" 4
"Thirty per cent. of our population underfed" 5
A question of distribution 7
CHAPTER II
The National Income
The total product consists of goods and services 8
The exchanged product can be measured 9
Income Tax assessments; my 1905 estimate confirmed 11
The income eluding taxation 13
Income from abroad 15
Aggregate of incomes exceeding £160 per annum 16
Growth of Income Tax income in five years 17
Aggregate of small incomes lying between Income Tax payers and wage-earning classes 20
Aggregate of incomes of manual workers 29
Aggregate of the national income 31
The Income Tax exemption limit bisects the total product 31
CHAPTER III
Distribution of the National Income
The average family income 32
Investigation of number of Income Tax payers 33
Number of incomes under £700 39
Number of incomes over £700 measured by number of large houses 43
Approximate number of Income Tax payers 44
Persons with respectively more and less than £160 per annum 47
One-half of entire product taken by 12 per cent. of the population 47
One-third of entire product taken by one-thirtieth of population 48
A poor people thinly veneered by the well-to-do 49
The movement in 1903-1908 50
CHAPTER IV
The Estates of Rich and Poor
The graduated Estate Duty of Sir William Harcourt 51
Deaths per annum in the United Kingdom 54
Numbers and values of estates passing at death in recent years 55
Savings of the poor 57
Rich and poor estates in an average year 59
CHAPTER V
The National Accumulation
Estimate of the accumulated wealth of the United Kingdom 62
Public property, Imperial and local 65
The national and local debts private mortgages upon public assets 67
British wealth in private hands 68
Foreign wealth in British hands 71
Average wealth per head 71
CHAPTER VI
The Monopoly of Capital
Living property owners estimated from Death Duty records 73
Growing avoidance of Death Duties 77
120,000 persons own two-thirds of the national capital 79
The alleged "capital" of the working classes 80
Those rule who own 80
CHAPTER VII
The Area of the United Kingdom
Area the fundamental attribute of land 81
Almost the entire area in private hands 82
One-half the area owned by 2,500 persons 83
The number of landlords 84
Estimate of land rents 86
Why the aggregate of land rents is relatively small 87
The cheapening of food 87
The small areas of the town 88
The rent-charge formed by local rates 90
CHAPTER VIII
Those who Work and whose who Wait
Effect of congestion of capital upon distribution 93
Practical examples of the distributive process 94
Capital largely divorced from business ability 99
Schedule D profits compared with paid-up capitals 100
Effect of appreciation of securities upon position of the wage-earners 101
Railway profits and railway wages 102
Calculating the labour factor 103
Capital takes the lion's share 106
CHAPTER IX
Profits, Bad Trade and Unemployment
Growth of profits in recent years 107
Rise and fall of wages in recent years 108
Growth of profits compared with rise and fall in wages 110
Labour bears the brunt of depression 115
Records of unemployment of Trade Union members 116
The Trade Union unemployment rate probably representative 119
How Trade Unions keep the tools sharpened 121
The great majority of the British people lack security of tenure of employment 122
"Remedies" for unemployment 123
Insurance against unemployment 123
Labour Exchanges no remedy 124
CHAPTER X
Part of their Wages
Accident and disease concomitants of wages 125
Laxity of factory inspection 127
Accidents in factories and workshops 127
Diseases of occupations in factories and workshops 129
Accidents in mines and quarries 130
Accidents on railways 136
Accidents on ships 137
Accidents in certain engineering works 137
Aggregate of reported accidents and cases of industrial disease 138
Phthisis as an industrial disease 139
Physical deterioration not an accident 140
CHAPTER XI
Consequences
The governance of the rich 141
The direction of life and labour through expenditure 143
The cotton trade and the fate of its products 144
The demand for woollens 145
The call for boots 147
The waste of labour of nominally useful workmen 149
The parable of the temporary supper-room 149
The parable of the Ascot frock 151
Mr Rowntree's primary poverty line 153
The possible call for commodities by the poor 154
The agricultural labourer's call 155
The boot employee as a customer for the textile employee 156
The Error of Distribution connotes the misdirection and degradation of labour 156
CHAPTER XII
The Waste of Capital
The national accumulations small in relation to the national income 159
More evidences of poverty than of wealth 159
The moral of oversea investments 160
Six thousand millions of capital wasted in forty years 163
The demand for luxuries misdirects capital 164
The waste of capital in the game of competition 166
The waste of capital in weak and bogus company promotion 166
BOOK II
TOWARDS ORGANIZATION
CHAPTER XIII
The Golden Key
More trade and a better distribution 171
The social problem must be discussed with reference to the Error of Distribution 172
CHAPTER XIV
The Nation's Children
The renewal of the race 173
The verdict of anthropology 173
Injustice before birth and after 176
The innocence of the Factory Act 178
The Physical Deterioration Committee on reasonable care of the infant 180
The mothers of the future 181
The mothers of the present 181
Women health inspectors 182
The public medical service 183
The small cost of a public maternity fund 184
A Jewish example 185
The birth of a child a matter of national moment 187
Neglectful parents must be punished 187
The segregation of the unfit 187
Twenty-five million births in twenty years 189
CHAPTER XV
The School
The Error of Distribution and the heritage of the child 191
The nation loses the bulk of its intelligence and genius 191
The school must be a preparation for life 192
The doctor in the school 193
The school children of Bradford 194
"The child has got to be fed" 196
Observation and expression 199
The study of systematized knowledge 202
The teaching of hygiene and temperance 204
Compulsory continuation schools for both boys and girls 204
Can we afford to make our schools what we desire them to be? 207
CHAPTER XVI
The Home
An increasing population in a diminishing number of centres 209
Our many poorhouses 210
The years taken from the lives of the poor 211
Crowding and overcrowding 212
Tenement statistics 212
Overcrowding on area has increased 213
Not only death and disease but ugliness to be fought 215
Where further building should be prevented 217
The housing question as a land question and as a capital question 218
The community should be landlord 218
The taxation of land on its selling value would assist in municipalizing area 219
The small area needed to rehouse our city populations 220
The municipality must plan its extensions in advance 221
Some examples from Germany 222
An example in the United Kingdom 223
How land and capital enter into the housing problem 229
National housing loans needed 231
CHAPTER XVII
The Empty Country
The migration from the country to the towns 234
The decrease in agricultural employment and its causes 240
Agriculture must be an increasingly limited field for employment 240
The cheap land outside the towns 243
Is control of area worth half a year's income? 243
The community can acquire cheap land and make it valuable 244
Rising food prices 247
Neglected afforestation 248
Imperial questions must be treated on an Imperial scale 249
CHAPTER XVIII
Organization
An insufficient production of ponderable commodities 250
The small stream of ponderable things is made the subject of unnecessary services 251
Present production is wasteful 252
The waste of labour in competition 252
The waste of labour in distribution, etc 253
So called "natural" monopolies 255
Monopoly necessary if labour is to be fully economized 256
Power distribution and public control 256
The problem of monopoly illustrated by the milk trade 259
The milk trade typical of many other services 262
Municipal and joint-stock direction contrasted 263
The management of our railway companies 263
The prevalence of nepotism in private enterprise 264
The Belgian State railways 265
Coal production and distribution 267
The private trust the only alternative to public ownership 269
Public ownership of capital the only remedy for unemployment 270
Those govern who employ 271
CHAPTER XIX
The Aged Poor
Two million persons over 65 years of age and most of them poor 272
Mr Thomas Burt's return of aged paupers 273
Mr Ritchie's return of number of paupers relieved during a year 275
Of the population aged 65 and over, one in three is a pauper 277
Probable number of aged paupers 278
Length of the working life 280
The Charity Organization Society and cost 283
Mr Asquith's Old Age Pension Act 284
First year's working of Old Age Pensions 285
Old Age Pensions at 65 286
286
CHAPTER XX
Adam Smith's First Maxim of Taxation
The famous first maxim self-contradictory 287
Taxation in relation to the Error of Distribution 288
The doctrine of equality of sacrifice 288
An unanswerable case for repeal of all food duties 289
The duties on liquors and tobacco should remain 289
CHAPTER XXI
The Main Instrument of Taxation
Through an Income Tax taxation can be applied according to "ability" 291
The British Income Tax an ancient impost 291
The so-called "Land" Tax of 1692 was an income tax 292
The "Land" Tax of 1692 and the present Income Tax compared 295
A graduated Income Tax taxes unearned increment 296
The Income Tax in 1905 described 297
The "Abatements" 297
Schedule A described 298
Schedule B described 299
Schedule C described 300
Schedule D described 300
Schedule E described 302
The Inhabited House Duty a second Income Tax 302
The Finance Act of 1907 introduced differentiation between earned and unearned income 303
The Finance Act of 1909. Mr Lloyd George's reform of the Income Tax 303
Mr Asquith's differentiation illustrated 304
The Super-Tax 305
The Super-Tax as it really is 305
The Income Tax summarized 306
The Income Tax in effect 307
The Inhabited House Duty should be abolished 308
Simplification needed 308
Without a Census of Income the Income Tax cannot be properly enforced 310
Masters compelled to reveal employees' incomes 311
Taxation at the source might remain 312
The family man's allowance 314
Is an annual Budget debate necessary? 315
Mill and Bentham on Ethics of Taxation 317
A Plain Bill for the citizens' subscription to the National Club 318
CHAPTER XXII
The Death Duties
The Death Duty Reforms of 1907-9 320
My suggestions of 1905 now law 321
The plain justice of the Lloyd George Scale 322
The alleged burden of the Death Duties 323
Do our Death Duties waste the national capital? 323
Gifts inter vivos 324
President Taft on the dangers of wealth monopoly 324
CHAPTER XXIII
Of Revenue without Taxation
A source of revenue not necessarily a source of taxation 326
A State without revenue 327
Socialism and revenue and taxation 327
The German Governments rich are Governments 328
Half the revenue of Prussia is derived from Socialism 328
Yield of Prussian State Railways 329
CHAPTER XXIV
Conclusion
Progress in 40 years 330
Some items in material progress, 1867-1903 332
What Dudley Baxter wrote in 1867 333
The poor within our borders to-day are as large in number as the entire population in 1867 338
The employer the effective schoolmaster 340
A poor government is a weak government 341
Sir Robert Giffen on taxation 341
We must have regard to both palliatives and remedies 342
Public ownership of capital must replace private ownership 343
The substitution of the public shareholder for the private shareholder not difficult 344
The uplifting of work through the reduction of toil 345
The statesman must take up the tools of the scientist 346
The appeal to the few 348
The appeal to the people 348
Index 351