Failing of his quest in Italy, Robert seems to have returned to France, and to the satisfaction of his desires among baser associates. Long banishment and vagabondage had brought on deterioration of character and led him into habits of loose living[94] from which the Conqueror was notably free. At some time during his long exile, he became the father of several illegitimate children. Ordericus Vitalis puts the story as baldly as possible, asserting that he became enamored of the handsome concubine of an aged priest somewhere on the borders of France and had two sons by her.[95] Both were destined to a tragic death before their father. One of them, Richard, fell a victim to the evil spell which lay upon the New Forest, being accidentally slain by an arrow while hunting there in the year 1100.[96] The other, William, after his father’s final defeat at Tinchebray in 1106, went to Jerusalem and died fighting in the holy wars.[97] Robert also had an illegitimate daughter, who lived to become the wife of Helias of Saint-Saëns, most sturdy and loyal of all the supporters of Robert Curthose in the victorious days of Henry I.[98]
Whatever the field of Robert’s obscure wanderings and whatever the vicissitudes through which he passed, he returned eventually to France, where he enjoyed the friendship and support of King Philip.[99] The king of France had momentarily fought upon the side of the Conqueror at Gerberoy in 1079; but such an alliance was unnatural and could not last. Hostility between the two kings was inevitable; and almost the last act of the Conqueror’s life was a revival of the ancient feud and an attempt to take vengeance upon the hated overlord who had given asylum and succor to his rebellious son.[100]
The struggle this time raged over the debatable ground of the Vexin. In the late summer of 1087 King William assembled his forces and appeared suddenly before the gates of Mantes. The inhabitants and the garrison, scattered about the countryside, were taken completely by surprise; and as they fled in wild confusion back within the walls, the king and his men rushed in after them, plundered the town, and burned it to the ground.[101]
But from that day of vengeance and destruction the Conqueror returned to Rouen a dying man. There, lingering for some weeks at the priory of Saint-Gervais outside the city, he made his final earthly dispositions. Robert, his undutiful son, was still in France and at war against him.[102] Whether from conviction of his incompetence or from resentment at his treason, the king had arrived at the unalterable decision that Robert, his firstborn, should not succeed him in England. For that honor he recommended William Rufus, his second son. Indeed, the dying king, it seems, would gladly have disinherited his eldest son altogether.[103] But there were grave difficulties in the way of such a course. Robert had been formally and repeatedly designated as his heir and successor.[104] In the last awful moments of his earthly existence the Conqueror recognized that he did not hold the English kingdom by hereditary right; he had received it through the favor of God and victorious battle with Harold.[105] Robert, his heir, therefore—so he is said to have reasoned—had no claim upon England. But Normandy he had definitely conceded to him; and Robert had received the homage of the baronage. The grant thus made and ratified he could not annul.[106] Moreover, there were men of weight and influence present at the royal bedside to plead the exile’s cause. Fearing lest their lord should die with wrath in his heart against the son who had injured him so deeply, the assembled prelates and barons, Archbishop William being their spokesman, endeavored to turn the king’s heart into the way of forgiveness. At first he was bitter and seemed to be recounting to himself the manifold injuries that Robert had done him; he had sinned against him grievously and brought down his gray hairs to the grave. But finally, yielding to persuasion and making the supreme effort of self-conquest, the king called on God and the assembled magnates to witness that he forgave Robert all his offences and renewed to him the grant of Normandy[107] and Maine.[108] A messenger was despatched to France to bear to Robert the tidings of paternal forgiveness and of his succession to the duchy.[109] And with these and other final dispositions, William the Conqueror ended his career upon earth (9 September 1087). His undutiful and rebellious son was not present at the royal bedside at the end,[110] nor later at the burial in the church of St. Stephen at Caen.[111]
FOOTNOTES
[1] “Inter bellicas patris alas excrevit primaevo tirocinio, parenti morem in omnibus gerens.” G. R., ii, p. 459.
[2] Practically all the sources bear witness to Robert’s courage and special prowess in arms. E.g., Ordericus, ii, p. 295; iii, p. 262; William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, pp. 459-460, 463; Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, pp. 267, 284; Guibert of Nogent, in H. C. Oc., iv, p. 149. For the exaggerations to which this was carried in later tradition see infra, pp. 190-197.
[3] These qualities will become more evident in the sequel. Stenton characterizes Robert as “a gross anticipation of the chivalrous knight of later times.” William the Conqueror, p. 349.
[4] William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 459; Ordericus, ii, p. 295; iii, p. 262.
[5] The inimitable characterization of Ordericus Vitalis is worthy of reproduction in full. “Omnes ducem Rodbertum mollem esse desidemque cognoscebant… Erat quippe idem dux audax et validus, multaque laude dignus; eloquio facundus, sed in regimine sui suorumque inconsideratus, in erogando prodigus, in promittendo diffusus, ad mentiendum levis et incautus, misericors supplicibus, ad iustitiam super iniquo faciendam mollis et mansuetus, in definitione mutabilis, in conversatione omnibus nimis blandus et tractabilis, ideoque perversis et insipientibus despicabilis; corpore autem brevis et grossus, ideoque Brevis Ocrea a patre est cognominatus. Ipse cunctis placere studebat, cunctisque quod petebant aut dabat, aut promittebat, vel concedebat. Prodigus, dominium patrum suorum quotidie imminuebat, insipienter tribuens unicuique quod petebat, et ipse pauperescebat, unde alios contra se roborabat.” Ibid., iii, pp. 262-263. Cf. Ralph of Caen in H. C. Oc., iii, pp. 616, 642; William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, pp. 459-463.
[6] Two charters dated 24 May 1096 at Bayeux, ‘xviiii. anno principatus domni Roberti Willelmi regis Anglorum filii ducis Normannie,’ the one by Robert himself and the other by Odo of Bayeux and attested by Robert. Haskins, pp. 66-67, nos. 3, 4, and n. 19. The style here employed of dating the reign from 1077-78 is unusual. It is ordinarily dated from Robert’s actual accession to the duchy upon the death of the Conqueror in 1087. Cf., e.g., Davis, Regesta, nos. 308, 310.
[7] Ordericus Vitalis makes Robert say: “Quid ergo faciam, vel quid meis clientibus tribuam?… Mercenarius tuus semper esse nolo. Aliquando rem familiarem volo habere, ut mihi famulantibus digna possim stipendia retribuere.” Ordericus, ii, p. 378. Cf. Achille Luchaire, La société française au temps de Philippe-Auguste (Paris, 1909), pp. 280-282, where it is pointed out that such demands and the quarrels and the open warfare which frequently resulted from them were perfectly characteristic of the feudal age.
[8] Ordericus, ii, pp. 294, 377 ff.; William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 459; Registers of Gregory VII, bk. vii, no. 27, in Bibliotheca Rerum Germanicarum, ed. Philipp Jaffé (Berlin, 1864-73), ii, pp. 420-421.
[9] The date at which the quarrel began is uncertain. It must have been after 13 September 1077, when Robert was present with his parents and William Rufus at the dedication of Saint-Étienne at Caen. Supra, p. 16. The siege of Gerberoy, which marks its termination, took place in December and January 1078-79. Infra, n. 38.
[10] William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, pp. 316-317, 459-460; A.-S.C., a. 1079; Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 12; Chronicon Monasterii de Hyda, in Liber Monasterii de Hyda, ed. Edward Edwards (London, 1866), p. 297; Ordericus, ii, pp. 294-295, 377 ff.; Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, p. 268; Registers of Gregory VII, bk. vii, no. 27, in Jaffé, Bibliotheca, ii, pp. 420-421.
[11] Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, p. 268; cf. Ordericus, ii, pp. 294-295, 389.
[12] Ordericus Vitalis is the only early writer who treats in detail of the quarrels between Robert and the Conqueror. He discusses them at length in two places (ii, pp. 294-298, 377-390), but unfortunately his accounts are confused and very difficult to disentangle. There clearly were two quarrels and two periods during which Robert was in exile. Ordericus himself (ii, p. 390) is specific with regard to this; and we know independently that the first quarrel—followed by a relatively short period of exile—ended in the reconciliation after the siege of Gerberoy (1079) and that Robert was again in exile at the time of the Conqueror’s death (1087). Pretty clearly the second exile was for a longer period than the first. But the two accounts of Ordericus do not deal each with one of these quarrels. Rather they both purport to relate to the earlier quarrel and to the banishment which followed it. Yet it is obvious that Ordericus, lacking contemporary knowledge of the events, has confused the two episodes and has related incidents of the latter as if they belonged to the former. For example (ii, p. 381), he represents Robert as wandering in exile for a period of five years. Clearly this was not after the first quarrel, to which he relates it, since that could have been followed by no such extended banishment. In the narrative detail which follows I have attempted to disentangle the accounts of Ordericus Vitalis conjecturally, striving to preserve something of the vivacity of style of the original, without supposing that I have been able to arrive at rigorous historical accuracy. Ordericus’s own narrative is obviously in a high degree a work of imagination.
[13] Ordericus, ii, pp. 294-295.
[14] Ibid., pp. 378-380.
[15] Ibid., pp. 294-295.
[16] Ordericus, ii, pp. 295-296.
[17] Ivo and Alberic of Grandmesnil are mentioned by name.
[18] Ordericus, ii, pp. 295-296.
[19] Ordericus, ii, p. 296.
[20] Ibid., pp. 296-298. Elsewhere Ordericus gives another list as follows: Robert of Bellême, William of Breteuil, Roger de Bienfaite, Robert Mowbray, William de Moulins, and William de Rupierre. Ibid., pp. 380-381. Robert of Bellême is the only one appearing in both lists, and it would be rash to assume that all the foregoing supported Robert Curthose against the king in his first rebellion. But if Ordericus Vitalis is to be trusted, they were all at one time or another associated in Robert’s treason.
[21] Ibid., p. 297.
[22] Ibid., p. 295; cf. p. 297: “cum Rotrone Mauritaniensi comite pacem fecit.”
[23] Ordericus, ii, pp. 297-298.
[24] Ibid., p. 298. Freeman’s interpretation of this passage regarding Aimeric de Villeray and the dapifer of the king of France, which differs greatly from that which I have given, appears to be based upon a careless and absolutely wrong reading of the Latin text. Norman Conquest, iv, pp. 639-640.
[25] This hypothesis would help to explain the vague statement of Ordericus Vitalis: “Galli et Britones, Cenomanni et Andegavenses, aliique populi fluctuabant, et quem merito sequi deberent ignorabant.” Ordericus, ii, p. 297.
[26] A.-S. C., a. 1077: “This year a peace was made between the king of France and William king of England, but it lasted only a little while.” Henry of Huntingdon, Historia Anglorum, ed. Thomas Arnold (London, 1879), p. 206; cf. Fliche, Philippe Iᵉʳ, p. 274.
[27] “Philippum … semper infidum habuit, quod scilicet ille tantam gloriam viro invideret quem et patris sui et suum hominem esse constaret.” William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 316.
[28] Ordericus, ii, p. 386.
[29] A. 1079.
[30] Ordericus, ii, p. 381. Bishop Odo died 11 November 1078. Ordericus is in error in saying that he was the brother of Robert the Frisian.
[31] Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 12: “Franciam adiit, et auxilio Philippi regis in Normannia magnam frequenter praedam agebat, villas comburebat, homines perimebat”; Chronicon, in Liber de Hyda, p. 297.
[32] Ordericus, ii, pp. 381-382.
[33] Supra, n. 12.
[34] William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 331: “aliquantula simultas inter eos innata extremis annis fuerit pro Roberto filio, cui mater militarem manum ex fisci redditibus sufficere dicebatur”; Ordericus (ii, pp. 382-383) is much more detailed.
[35] Ordericus, ii, pp. 382-383.
[36] Ibid., pp. 386-387.
[37] Ordericus, ii, pp. 386-387; cf. Florence of Worcester, ii, pp. 12-13.
[38] The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle seems to place the siege at the end of 1079, but this is an error. A.-S. C., a. 1079. The siege took place after Christmas 1078 and in the early weeks of 1079. Ordericus, ii, p. 387. This is made certain by a charter of Philip I in favor of Saint-Quentin of Beauvais, dated “in obsidione … circa Gerborredum, anno … millesimo septuagesimo viiiiⁿᵒ anno vero regni Philippi regis Francorum ixⁿᵒ xᵐᵒ.” Recueil des actes de Philippe Iᵉʳ, roi de France, ed. Maurice Prou (Paris, 1908), no. 94. Freeman, though having this charter in hand, still dates the siege in 1079-80. Norman Conquest, iv, pp. 642-643. But Prou has shown conclusively that Freeman is in error and that the correct date is unquestionably January 1079. Op. cit., p. 242, n. 1.
[39] Ordericus, ii, pp. 387-388.
[40] A.-S. C., a. 1079; Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 13.
[41] A.-S. C., a. 1079; Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 13; William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 317; Henry of Huntingdon, p. 206. According to the Chronicle the king was wounded in the hand, according to Florence in the arm. The Chronicon in Liber de Hyda, p. 279, is still different, stating that the king was wounded in the foot by an arrow.
[42] A.-S. C., a. 1079. Freeman with patriotic pride makes much of this exploit of Tokig the Englishman; but there appears to be no valid reason for accepting, as Freeman does, this version from the Chronicle and rejecting the different version of Florence of Worcester. Norman Conquest, iv, pp. 643-644; cf. pp. 850-852.
[43] Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 13.
[44] William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 317; A.-S. C., a. 1079; Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 13; Henry of Huntingdon, pp. 206-207.
[45] Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 13.
[46] G. R., ii, p. 317.
[47] Henry of Huntingdon, p. 207: “Maledixit autem rex Roberto filio suo”; Chronicon, in Liber de Hyda, p. 297: “Cumque sanguinem defluere cerneret, terribiliter imprecatus est ne unquam Robertus filius suus haereditatis suae iura perciperet”; Annales de Wintonia, in Annales Monastici, ii, p. 32; cf. William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 460.
[48] Prou, Actes de Philippe Iᵉʳ, no. 94.
[49] Friendly relations between the Conqueror and Philip are implied in the statement of Ordericus (ii, p. 390) that the king of France sent ambassadors to urge a reconciliation between William and Robert. Infra, p. 29.
[50] Ordericus, ii, p. 388.
[51] A.-S. C., a. 1079.
[52] Vita Beati Simonis Comitis Crespeiensis Auctore Synchrono, in Migne, clvi, col. 1219. We have here chronological data of some importance. St. Simon was present at Compiègne at the translation of the Holy Shroud from its ivory casket to the magnificent golden reliquary which Queen Matilda had presented to the church of Saint-Corneille; and on the next day (in crastino itaque solemnitate peracta) he proceeded to Normandy, where he acted as mediator between the Conqueror and his rebellious son. A charter by Philip I informs us that the translation of the Holy Shroud at Compiègne took place on the fourth Sunday of Lent. Prou, Actes de Philippe Iᵉʳ, no. 126. St. Simon, therefore, left Compiègne for Normandy on the Monday after Midlent. The year, however, remains in doubt. Presumably it was 1079 or 1080, probably the latter. Philip’s charter (dated 1092) refers to the translation only incidently and gives no information as to the year in which it occurred. Ordericus Vitalis (ii, p. 389) indicates that the peace negotiations were protracted: “Frequenti colloquio Normannici proceres regem allocuti sunt.” It cannot certainly be said that the reconciliation had been consummated earlier than Easter (12 April) 1080, on which date Robert joined with the king in the attestation of a charter. Davis, Regesta, no. 123. Gregory VII, writing on 8 May 1080, speaks of it as a recent event. Infra, n. 55. Émile Morel, editor of Cartulaire de l’abbaye de Saint-Corneille de Compiègne (Montdidier, 1904-09), i, p. 53, says that the translation of the relic took place on 3 April 1082, but he cites no authority, and I have been able to find none. Jean Pillet says: “Il est constant par des manuscrits qui parlent de cette translation, qu’elle a été faite … en 1081.” Histoire du château et de la ville de Gerberoy (Rouen, 1679), p. 85. But he does not indicate where these ‘manuscripts’ are to be found, and his method of dealing with chronological problems is so arbitrary as to inspire little confidence.
[53] Ordericus, ii, pp. 388-390.
[54] Supra, n. 52. It may also be noted that the raid of King Malcolm, though it occurred in 1079, did not cause the king to go to England until 1080. Infra, p. 31.
[55] Registers of Gregory VII, bk. vii, no. 27, in Jaffé, Bibliotheca, ii, pp. 420-421. The letter is of more than passing interest, since it throws much light upon the matters which had been in controversy and is strongly confirmatory of the narrative sources. “Insuper monemus et paterne precamur, ut menti tuae semper sit infixum, quam forti manu, quam divulgata gloria, quicquid pater tuus possideat, ab ore inimicorum extraxerit; sciens tamen, se non in perpetuum vivere, sed ad hoc tam viriliter insistere, ut eredi alicui sua dimitteret. Caveas ergo, fili dilectissime, admonemus, ne abhinc pravorum consiliis adquiescas, quibus patrem offendas et matrem contristeris… Pravorum consilia ex officio nostro praecipimus penitus dimittas, patris voluntati in omnibus adquiescas. Data Rome 8 idus Maii, indictione 3.”
It may also be noted that on the same day Gregory wrote letters of courtesy to William and Matilda. But in both he confined himself to generalities and said nothing of consequence, tactfully avoiding all reference to Robert or to the recent family discord. Ibid., nos. 25, 26.
[56] E.g., 1080, April 12, [Rouen?] (Davis, Regesta, no. 123); 1080, July 14, Caen (ibid., no. 125); 1080, [presumably in Normandy] (ibid., nos. 126, 127); 1081, February, [London] (ibid., no. 135); [1078-83, perhaps 1081], February 2, Salisbury (Historia et Cartularium Monasterii S. Petri Gloucestriae, ed. W. H. Hart, London, 1863-67, i, no. 411); 1081, Winchester (Davis, Regesta, no. 140); 1082, June 24, Oissel (ibid., nos. 145, 146); 1082, Downton (ibid., no. 147); 1082 (ibid., nos. 149, 150); [c. 1082] (ibid., no. 158); 1083, July 18 (ibid., no. 182); 1083 (Chartes de S.-Julien de Tours, no. 37); [1079-82] (Davis, Regesta, nos. 168-173); cf. ibid., 165, 175, 183a.
[57] A.-S.C., a. 1079; Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 13.
[58] Presumably they went over together, though we have no record of their actual crossing. They were still at Caen in Normandy 14 July 1080. Davis, Regesta, no. 125.
[59] Chronicon Monasterii de Abingdon, ed. Joseph Stevenson (London, 1858), ii, p. 9; Simeon, H. R., p. 211.
[60] Chronicon de Abingdon, ii, p. 9.
[61] Simeon, H. R., p. 211.
[62] “Proinde ut regno Angliae principatus Scotiae subactus foret, obsides tribuit.” Chronicon de Abingdon, pp. 9-10. Simeon of Durham says rather contemptuously that Robert returned from Eccles “nullo confecto negotio.” H. R., p. 211. But this statement is hardly inconsistent with the Abingdon account. A Durham writer, thirsting for vengeance, might very well use it in spite of the results accomplished by Robert’s peaceful negotiations. William of Malmesbury uses very similar language of the expedition of William Rufus eleven years later: “Statimque primo contra Walenses, post in Scottos expeditionem movens, nihil magnificentia sua dignum exhibuit.” G. R., ii, p. 365. The Abingdon account is circumstantial, and the presence of the abbot indicates a sure source of information, though perhaps a biassed one.
[63] Simeon, H. R., p. 211.
[64] Chronicon de Abingdon, ii, p. 10.
[65] Davis, Regesta, nos. 135, 140; cf. Hist. et Cart. S. Petri Gloucestriae, i, no. 411, a charter of 1078-83, perhaps of 1081.
[66] Supra, p. 14.
[67] On the date (September-October 1076) see Halphen, Anjou, p. 182; Prou, Actes de Philippe Iᵉʳ, nos. 83, 84; Annales dites de Renaud, in Recueil d’annales angevines et vendômoises, ed. Louis Halphen (Paris, 1903), p. 88.
[68] Ibid. On the Norman siege of Dol in general see Fliche, Philippe Iᵉʳ, pp. 271-272.
[69] Ordericus, ii, p. 256.
[70] “Turbulentis tempestatibus, quas a Cenomannensibus et Normannis permotas esse diximus, fomes (ut ferunt) et causa fuit Rodbertus regis filius.” Ibid., p. 294; cf. p. 297.
[71] Halphen, relying upon the Annales de Saint-Aubin, has assigned Fulk’s first attack upon La Flèche to 1076, suggesting that Fulk launched it while the Conqueror was engaged in the north at the siege of Dol. Anjou, pp. 182-183. These conclusions, however, seem too dogmatic. There is no evidence which indicates a connection between the attack upon La Flèche and the king’s Breton enterprise; and it seems hardly likely that Fulk would have entered upon an undertaking against La Flèche which proved beyond his powers, while he was also operating against the Conqueror in Brittany. Further, the date 1076 from the Annales de Saint-Aubin (Halphen, Annales, p. 5) is not to be relied upon: because (1) the numeral “mlxxvi” is entered twice in the MS., the entry concerning La Flèche being the second of the two, and no such repetition appears elsewhere in these annals. We are, therefore, forewarned of a scribal error. And (2) the probability of such an error is made stronger by the fact that MSS. C, A, and B all read “mlxxvii,” while the Annales de Saint-Florent (ibid., p. 119) read “mlxxviii.” Having no other chronological data than are furnished by these meagre and uncertain annals, it is impossible to fix the date of the first attack upon La Flèche. It may have taken place in 1076, 1077, or 1078. On the whole, one of the later dates seems more probable than 1076, in view of the vague indications of some connection with Robert’s rebellion (supra, n. 70), and in view of the fact that Fulk was involved in Breton affairs in 1076.
[72] Ordericus, ii, p. 256. Ordericus says that Fulk had the support of Hoël, duke of Brittany; but his narrative is confused—he apparently puts together the first and second sieges of La Flèche and treats them as one—and it is impossible to say whether Breton aid was given during Fulk’s first or second expedition.
[73] “Blessé grièvement à la jambe, à la suite d’un accident de cheval, et quittant le siège de la Flèche pour se faire transporter par eau à Angers.” Halphen, Anjou, p. 311, no. 233—from an eighteenth century copy of an undated notice in the cartulary of Saint-Nicolas of Angers.
[74] “Eo tempore quo Willelmus rex Anglorum cum Fulcone Andegavensi comite iuxta castellum Vallium treviam accepit.” Cartulaire de Saint-Vincent, no. 99. The document is undated, but it is witnessed by Abbot William of Saint-Vincent, who was appointed bishop of Durham 5 November 1080 and consecrated 3 January 1081. The ‘trevia’ of this document, therefore, cannot refer to the treaty of La Bruère (1081) and it seems probable that it refers to a truce concluded after the failure of the first attack upon La Flèche.
[75] “MLXXXI… Fulcho Rechim castrum Fisse cepit et succendit.” Annales de Saint-Aubin, in Halphen, Annales p. 5. “MLXXXI. In hoc anno … comes Andecavorum Fulcho iunior obsedit castrum quoddam quod Fissa Iohannis dicitur atque cepit necnon succendit.” Annales dites de Renaud, ibid., p. 88. Ordericus Vitalis does not admit that La Flèche was taken, doubtless because of the confusion which he makes between the two sieges. Ordericus, ii, p. 256.
[76] On the exaggeration of numbers by mediaeval chroniclers, see J. H. Ramsay, “Chroniclers’ Estimates of Numbers and Official Records,” in E. H. R., xviii (1903), pp. 625-629; and cf. the same, “The Strength of English Armies in the Middle Ages,” ibid., xxix (1914), pp. 221-227.
[77] Ordericus (ii, pp. 256-257) has given a spirited account; but he manifestly wrote without any clear conception of the geographical or topographical setting of the proposed engagement, and all efforts to render his account intelligible have proved in vain. For a discussion of the problems involved and of the conjectures which have been made, see Halphen, Anjou, p. 184.
[78] Freeman conjectures that this is the “ubiquitous Hubert,” cardinal legate of Gregory VII. Norman Conquest, iv, p. 562.
[79] Ordericus, ii, pp. 257-258.
[80] “Qui et ipse a Fulcone bello lacessitus, obsidibus pacis pro fide datis fratre suo, consule videlicet Mauritanie, et filio suo et multis aliis, recessit.” Halphen, Annales, p. 88.
[81] “Haec nimirum pax, quae inter regem et praefatum comitem in loco, qui vulgo Blancalanda vel Brueria dicitur, facta est, omni vita regis ad profectum utriusque provinciae permansit.” Ordericus, ii, p. 258.
[82] Halphen, Anjou, pp. 185-186; Latouche, Maine, p. 79.
[83] Halphen, Anjou, p. 186; Latouche, Maine, p. 39.
[84] Davis, Regesta, nos. 145, 146; cf. nos. 149, 150, 158.
[85] Ibid., no. 147.
[86] Ibid., no. 182. He also attests with the king, queen, and William Rufus, in 1083, a charter in favor of Saint-Julien of Tours. Chartes de S.-Julien de Tours, no. 37.
Davis cites a “confirmation by William I” in favor of the abbey of Lessay, which is attested by Robert, along with King William, Bishop Odo of Bayeux, Henry “the king’s son,” and others, and which he assigns to 1084, remarking, “The appearance of Bishop Odo is strange, considering that he was at this time in captivity.” Regesta, no. 199. It cannot, of course, be supposed that the Conqueror really gave a confirmation in company with Odo of Bayeux while he was holding the latter in close confinement as a most bitter and dangerous enemy; and some other explanation of the apparent inconsistency must be found. A glance at the document as printed in full in Gallia Christiana (xi, instr., cols. 228-229) makes it clear that we have to do here not with a single diploma of known date, but rather with a list of notices of gifts. At the head of the list stands the record of a grant by Roger d’Aubigny, dated 1084, and accompanied by a list of witnesses. Then follow no less than six separate notices of grants, each with its own witnesses; and finally come the attestations of King William, Bishop Odo, Henry the king’s son, Count Robert, and others. There is no reason to suppose that these attestations are of the year 1084—a date which applies certainly only to the first grant in the list—and they are evidently of a later period, perhaps of the year 1091, when the abbey of Lessay might naturally seek a confirmation from the three brothers after the pacification which followed the siege of Mont-Saint-Michel. The king in question, therefore, is probably William Rufus rather than the Conqueror. The style of Henry “filii regis” is certainly surprising, but it can be matched in another document, also probably of the year 1091. Davis, Regesta, no. 320; cf. The New Palaeographical Society, Facsimiles of Ancient Manuscripts, etc. (London, 1903-), 1st series, pt. 2, plate 45a and text.
[87] Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, pp. 265, 267-268; William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 332; Ordericus, iii, p. 268.
[88] “Serenitas pacis diu quaesitae inter regem et filium eius celeriter obnubilata est. Protervus enim iuvenis patrem sequi, vel ei obedire dedignatus est. Animosus vero princeps ob ignaviam eius crebris eum redargutionibus et conviciis palam iniuriatus est. Unde denuo post aliquod tempus, paucis sodalibus fretus, a patre recessit, nec postea rediit; donec pater moriens Albericum comitem, ut ducatum Neustriae reciperet, in Galliam ad eum direxit.” Ordericus, ii, p. 390.
[89] Ibid., p. 380.
[90] Robert appears in no reliable charter between the queen’s death and his own accession to the duchy.
[91] Because of the extended period during which he is not to be found in the charters, and because Ordericus (ii, p. 381) speaks of his being in exile “ferme quinque annis.” Cf. supra, n. 12.
[92] Ordericus, ii, p. 381.
[93] “Robertus, patre adhuc vivente, Normanniam sibi negari aegre ferens, in Italiam obstinatus abiit, ut, filia Bonifacii marchionis sumpta, patri partibus illis adiutus adversaretur: sed, petitionis huiusce cassus, Philippum Francorum regem contra patriam excitavit.” William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 332.
[94] “Porro ille, quae ab amicis liberalibus ad subsidium sui accipiebat, histrionibus et parasitis ac meretricibus insipienter distribuebat; quibus improvide distractis, egestate gravi compressus mendicabat, et aes alienum ab externis foeneratoribus exul egenus quaeritabat.” Ordericus, ii, p. 382. Ordericus reserves his worst criticisms for Robert’s later life, but doubtless the moral decay set in early. Cf. ibid., iv, pp. 105-106.
[95] Ibid., iv, pp. 81-82. The author embellishes his account with a further tale of how the boys were brought up in obscurity by their mother, who in later years took them to Robert, then become duke, and proved their parentage by undergoing the ordeal of hot iron.
[96] Ordericus, iv, p. 82; Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 45; William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 333.
[97] Ordericus, ii, p. 82.
[98] Ibid., iii, p. 320.
[99] Ibid., ii, p. 390; iii, p. 228; William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 338.
[100] It is clear that the war grew out of the inevitable antagonism between the interests of the two monarchs, and particularly out of the determination on King William’s part to reassert the Norman claim to the Vexin. Ordericus, iii, pp. 222-225. As to the immediate provocation, Ordericus explains that the Conqueror’s attack upon Mantes was in retaliation for predatory incursions which certain lawless inhabitants of the city had been making across the border into Normandy (ibid., p. 222); William of Malmesbury attributes it to an insulting jest which Philip had made about William’s obesity (G. R., ii, p. 336); while Robert of Torigny ascribes it to the aid which Philip had been giving Robert Curthose against his father (Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, p. 265).
[101] Ordericus, iii, pp. 222-226; William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 336; A.-S. C., a. 1086; Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 20; Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, p. 265.
[102] William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, pp. 332, 338; Ordericus, iii, p. 228; cf. Chronicon in Liber de Hyda, p. 298. Robert of Torigny is more specific: “Cum igitur in Pontivo apud Abbatisvillam, cum sui similibus iuvenibus, filiis scilicet satraparum Normanniae, qui ei, quasi suo domino futuro, specie tenus obsequebantur, re autem vera novarum rerum cupiditate illecti, moraretur et ducatum Normanniae, maxime in margine, excursionibus et rapinis demoliretur.” Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, p. 268.
[103] This is the plain inference from Ordericus, iii, p. 242; William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, pp. 332,337; De Obitu Willelmi, in William of Jumièges, pp. 146-147.
[104] That is, (1) before the Conquest (supra, p. 12), (2) after the Conquest on the occasion of the king’s illness at Bonneville (supra, p. 15), (3) at the reconciliation after the siege of Gerberoy (supra, p. 29). Cf. also the charter of Stigand de Mézidon, 1063, in Le Prévost, Eure, i, p. 562.
[105] Ordericus, iii, pp. 239, 242-243.
[106] Ibid., p. 242.
[107] De Obitu Willelmi, in William of Jumièges, pp. 146-147.
[108] That Maine was included is clear from the fact that Robert’s right to rule there was not questioned. Wace, too, is specific:
Roman de Rou, ed. Hugo Andresen (Heilbronn, 1877-79), ii, p. 416. The Annales de Wintonia are clearly wrong in stating that the Conqueror left Maine to Henry. Annales Monastici, ii, p. 35.
[109] Ordericus, ii, p. 390: “pater moriens Albericum comitem, ut ducatum Neustriae reciperet, in Galliam ad eum direxit”; Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, p. 268.
[110] William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 338.
[111] Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, p. 265.
CHAPTER III
INDEPENDENT RULE, 1087-95
While William Rufus was hurrying to England to claim the royal crown, and the young Prince Henry was piously attending his father’s funeral at Caen, Robert Curthose, hearing the news of the Conqueror’s death, hastily returned from his long exile, and upon arriving at Rouen took possession of his inheritance without encountering any opposition.[1] At last the duchy of Normandy and the county of Maine, so long denied him by his imperious father, were within his grasp. No doubt the news of the king’s death was very welcome to the incorrigible exile; yet it is pleasant to learn that Robert, upon entering into his inheritance, was not neglectful of filial duty toward his father’s memory or of those charitable acts which were regarded as necessary for the weal of the departed soul. The Conqueror upon his deathbed had made provision for the distribution of his treasures[2] and for the release of prisoners from his gaols.[3] These dispositions the duke was careful to carry out, making bounteous distribution of such treasure as he found to monasteries and churches and to the poor; while two captives of royal descent—Wulf, son of King Harold, and Duncan, son of King Malcolm—he not only allowed to go their way in peace, but honored with the arms of knighthood.[4] Filial piety and the chivalrous impulses of Robert Curthose were never more happily united. Some of the rare charters of the duke’s early reign are also indicative of a similar spirit. Thus we find him confirming to Saint-Étienne of Caen a grant of the manor of Vains which the Conqueror had made during his last illness.[5] Perhaps not quite the same motive, though assuredly no spirit of rancor, led him on 7 July 1088 to restore to La Trinité of Fécamp the lands which his father had taken away in his wrath.[6]
The news of the Conqueror’s death spread with incredible swiftness,[7] and the new duke can hardly have reached Rouen before a new era (nimia rerum mutatio) had dawned in Normandy.[8] The days of stern government, of enforced peace, of castles garrisoned and controlled by the duke had passed—at least until Normandy should again be brought under the heavy hand of an English king. Robert of Bellême was on his way to the royal bedside, and had got as far as Brionne, when the news of the king’s death reached him. Instantly he wheeled his horse, and, galloping back to Alençon, he took the royal garrison by surprise, drove it out, and established his own retainers in the castle. Then, pressing on, he repeated this performance at Bellême and at other of his strongholds. He also turned upon his weaker neighbors, and either expelled their garrisons and installed his own troops in their stead, or razed their castles to the ground in order that none might stand against him. So, too, William of Évreux, William of Breteuil, Ralph of Conches, and other lords—most of them old friends and supporters of Robert Curthose in rebellious days—expelled the garrisons of King William from their fortresses and took them into their own hands.[9] Already the stage was set for the private warfare, the pillage, and the harrying that were to reduce Normandy to the verge of chaos. The monk of Saint-Évroul, whose house was unfortunately located amid the very worst dens of iniquity, sends up a wail of lamentation. Robert was duke of Normandy and prince of the Manceaux in name, indeed; but so sunk was he in sloth and idleness that his government knew neither virtue nor justice.[10] But to these things it will be necessary to recur in another connection. It was, in any event, clear from the beginning that the barons were to enjoy a position of influence, independence, and power under the new régime such as had been denied them by the Conqueror.
For some four years before the death of the late king, Bishop Odo of Bayeux had been held a royal prisoner in the castle of Rouen. Very reluctantly had the Conqueror, as he lay upon his deathbed, been prevailed upon to release him.[11] But under the new duke the fortunes of the bishop again rose rapidly. Not only did he enjoy freedom, but all his former possessions and honors in Normandy were restored to him, and he took his place among the duke’s chief counsellors.[12] Soon afterwards he crossed over to England, and was reëstablished in his former earldom of Kent.[13] And then, with vaulting ambition, he began to plot the overthrow of William Rufus and the reuniting of England and Normandy under the rule of Robert Curthose.
The position of Odo of Bayeux, with his broad holdings and honors on both sides of the Channel, was typical of that of many of the Anglo-Norman barons. They had been held by William the Conqueror under a tight rein, but at least they had had a single master. Now, however, the two realms were divided, and the service of two lords presented grave inconveniences. “If we do our duty to Robert, the duke of Normandy,” they said, “we shall offend his brother William, and so lose our great revenues and high honors in England. On the other hand, if we keep our fealty to King William, Duke Robert will take from us our patrimonial estates in Normandy.”[14] Further, the accession of two young and inexperienced princes, after the stern rule and rigorous repression of the preceding reign, offered a peculiarly tempting opportunity for rebellion. And as between the two princes, there could be little doubt on which side the support of most of the barons would be thrown. Robert was affable, mild, and pliable—for the turbulent nobles of the eleventh century such a ruler as they most desired. William, on the other hand, was arrogant and terrible and likely to be a harsh, unbending master. Moreover, Robert, as the eldest son, was deemed to have the better right.[15] William Rufus had gained the kingdom largely by virtue of his own decisive action and the support of Archbishop Lanfranc. Though publicly acknowledged, his tenure of the English crown was by no means unreservedly accepted by the baronage in England.[16] Accordingly, late in 1087, or more probably early in the spring of 1088,[17] a conspiracy with wide ramifications was formed for his overthrow and for the transfer of the kingdom to Robert Curthose. “In this year,” says the Chronicler, “this land was much disturbed and filled with great treason, so that the most powerful Frenchmen that were in this land would betray their lord the king, and would have for king his brother Robert who was count of Normandy.”[18]
The beginnings of this treasonable enterprise are obscure, and it is impossible to say with certainty on which side of the Channel the plot was hatched.[19] Bishop Odo of Bayeux was unquestionably its prime mover, and of his activities we have some knowledge. Having risen to honor and power in Normandy, he had crossed over to England before the end of 1087 and was in attendance at the king’s Christmas court,[20] apparently in the full enjoyment of his English earldom.[21] But he may even then have been contemplating treason. Certainly the inception of the great conspiracy both in England and in Normandy can hardly have been delayed long afterwards. During the early spring secret negotiations were active, and frequent messages must have been exchanged between England and the Continent.[22] One after another the great nobles and prelates were won over. Even William of Saint-Calais, bishop of Durham, who had been raised by William Rufus to the position of chief trust in the kingdom, was widely believed to have joined the conspiracy.[23] Before the close of Lent[24] the greater part of the Anglo-Norman baronage had strengthened the defences of their castles and broken into open revolt. The rebellion extended from the south coast to Northumberland and from East Anglia to the Welsh border.[25] But the centre and heart of the movement, so far, at any rate, as it concerns the life of Robert Curthose, lay in the southeast of England, where Bishop Odo and his immediate supporters had established themselves in strategic positions in the strongholds of Rochester[26] and Pevensey.[27]
Duke Robert’s connection with the great rebellion of 1088 in its early stages is by no means clear. According to one of the later writers, upon learning that his brother had gone to England to claim the royal crown, Robert had sworn a great oath by the angels of God, declaring that though he were in distant Alexandria, the English would await his coming and make him king.[28] Actually, however, he seems to have reconciled himself to the accomplished fact,[29] and not to have contemplated an attack upon England until the barons, taking the initiative, informed him of their plan for the overthrow of William Rufus.[30] Upon hearing this good news, however, he promptly approved the project and promised the conspirators every possible aid and support.[31] As an earnest of his intention, he sent Eustace of Boulogne and Robert of Bellême with their retainers on in advance to England, where they were installed by Bishop Odo in the great fortress of Rochester. Meanwhile, he undertook to collect a fleet and to prepare for an invasion in force.[32]
But the levy and equipment of an expedition for a second Norman conquest of England was an undertaking for which the resources of the duke were little able to provide. Careless, prodigal, incurably fond of good living, Robert was by nature impecunious. The unsettling transformation that had come over the duchy upon his accession was little likely to recruit his financial resources. The sudden increase in the power and independence of the nobility, the disturbed state of the country, the lavish grant of emoluments to all who asked, the charitable distribution of the Conqueror’s treasure to religious houses, all these things inevitably depleted the ducal resources. And further, under the terms of the late king’s will, 5000 livres had been paid out to make provision for Prince Henry.[33]
As compared with Robert, who had squandered his treasure in reckless extravagance, Prince Henry enjoyed a certain opulence. Pious attendance at the Conqueror’s obsequies had not prevented his having his treasure weighed out to the last farthing, “in order that nothing should be lacking,” and putting it in a place of security among friends upon whom he could rely.[34] Without land which he could call his own, and placed in a somewhat difficult position between the rival interests of his brothers, he had stood carefully upon his guard, frugally husbanding his resources, and holding himself in readiness to take sides with either of his brothers, or with neither, as his own interests should decide.[35] He was more drawn to Robert, however, because of his mildness and good nature,[36] and for a time he remained with him in Normandy.[37] To Henry, accordingly, Robert appealed in 1088 for funds to be used in the invasion of England. But gifts without reward Henry would not give. Soon, however, fresh messengers from the duke brought the welcome news that Robert was willing to sell him a part of his lands; whereupon Henry became more pliable, and a bargain was soon struck. For 3000 livres the duke handed over to him the whole of the Cotentin, Avranches, and Mont-Saint-Michel, together with the great Norman lordship of Earl Hugh of Chester.[38] Thus Robert obtained a supply of ready cash to equip his forces for the invasion of England, though at the expense of alienating a part of his birthright. This was but the beginning of a policy of short-sighted expedients in lieu of effective government, which in the end was to prove fatal to his rule.
Meanwhile, the rebellion had taken a course which was disastrous for Robert’s cause in England. William Rufus, finding that the greater part of the Anglo-Norman baronage had deserted him, turned for support to his native English subjects, and his appeal to them was not made in vain.[39] Gathering together such forces as he could, he marched straight upon Tunbridge and took the place by storm. Then he pushed on towards Rochester, expecting to find Odo of Bayeux and the main body of the rebel forces. But the bishop had learned of his coming and had slipped out of Rochester and gone to Pevensey, where he joined Robert of Mortain in the defence of the castle, while they awaited the arrival of Robert Curthose with the expedition from Normandy. But the king was informed of the bishop’s movement, and, abandoning his proposed attack upon Rochester, he marched southward upon Pevensey and began a protracted siege of the castle.[40]
Meanwhile, the long expected fleet from Normandy did not appear. One writer complains that the duke dallied away his time with amusements ill befitting a man.[41] Indeed, so widespread was the English rebellion that the kingdom appeared to be almost within his grasp, if only he had bestirred himself to seize it.[42] Yet with William Rufus loyally supported by an English army and pushing his campaign with the utmost vigor, everything depended upon the promptness with which the duke could land troops in England to support the rebels. It was doubtless the knowledge of this pressing need which induced Robert to send forward a part of his forces in advance, while he himself remained in Normandy to make more extended preparations.[43] But the vanguard of the ducal fleet met with a disaster which proved fatal to the whole insurrectionary movement. While William Rufus himself maintained a close investment of Pevensey, he had sent his ships to sea to ward off the threatened attack. And as the Norman fleet approached the English coast, the rival forces joined in battle, and the invaders were overwhelmingly defeated. To add to the catastrophe, a sudden calm cut off every possibility of escape to the Norman forces. According to contemporary writers the multitude that perished was beyond all reckoning.[44]