FOOTNOTES
[1] Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, p. 268: “Cum igitur in Pontivo apud Abbatisvillam, cum sui similibus iuvenibus … moraretur … audito nuntio excessus patris, confestim veniens Rotomagum, ipsam civitatem et totum ducatum sine ulla contradictione suscepit”; Chronicon, in Liber de Hyda, p. 298; cf. Ordericus, ii, p. 374; iii, p. 256; A.-S. C., a. 1086.
[2] “Omnesque thesauros suos ecclesiis et pauperibus Deique ministris distribui praecepit. Quantum vero singulis dari voluit, callide taxavit, et coram se describi a notariis imperavit.” Ordericus, iii, p. 228.
[3] Ibid., p. 245.
[4] “Rotbertus in Normanniam reversus, thesauros quos invenerat monasteriis, ecclesiis, pauperibus, pro anima patris sui, largiter divisit; et Ulfum, Haroldi quondam regis Anglorum filium, Duneschaldumque, regis Scottorum Malcolmi filium, a custodia laxatos, et armis militaribus honoratos, abire permisit.” Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 21.
[5] “Donum de manerio de Vain quod idem pater meus in infirmitate qua defunctus est eidem ecclesie fecit.” Haskins, p. 285, no. 1.
[6] Ibid., pp. 287-288, no. 4 a.
[7] “Mors Guillelmi regis ipso eodem die, quo Rotomagi defunctus est, in urbe Roma et in Calabria quibusdam exheredatis nunciata est, ut ab ipsis postmodum veraciter in Normannia relatum est.” Ordericus, iii, p. 249.
[8] Ibid., p. 261.
[9] Ibid., pp. 261-262.
[10] Ordericus, iii, p. 256; cf. pp. 262-263.
[11] Ibid., pp. 245-248.
[12] “Postquam de carcere liber egressus est, totum in Normannia pristinum honorem adeptus est, et consiliarius ducis, videlicet nepotis sui, factus est.” Ibid., p. 263; William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 360.
[13] Ibid.; cf. Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 21; Henry of Huntingdon, p. 211.
[14] Ordericus, iii, pp. 268-269. The speech is doubtless imaginary, but the argument must surely be contemporary.
[15] Ibid., p. 269; William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 360.
[16] Cf. E. A. Freeman, The Reign of William Rufus (London, 1882), i, pp. 9 ff.
[17] Ordericus (iii, pp. 268-270) speaks as though the conspiracy was started late in 1087, but his account lacks convincing precision and definiteness; and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (a. 1087 for 1088) which is followed by Florence of Worcester (ii, p. 22), makes the positive statement that the plot was formed during Lent. Further, we know from Henry of Huntingdon (p. 211) that the bishop of Bayeux was present at the king’s Christmas court in 1087.
[18] A.-S. C., a. 1087.
[19] Ordericus Vitalis (iii, pp. 268-270) seems to indicate that it was begun in Normandy at some sort of a secret gathering of the barons; but the English writers convey the impression that it originated in England. Cf. William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 360; Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 21; Henry of Huntingdon, p. 214. It may, of course, have had a double origin.
[20] Henry of Huntingdon, p. 211.
[21] William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 360; cf. Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 21; Ordericus, iii, p. 270; Freeman, William Rufus, ii, pp. 466-467.
[22] William of Malmesbury G. R., ii, p. 360.
[23] The early writers are sharply divided in their account of William of Saint-Calais in connection with the rebellion of 1088. The southern English writers believed him guilty of treason. A.-S. C., a. 1087; Florence of Worcester, ii, pp. 21-22; Henry of Huntingdon, p. 214; William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 360. But a contemporary narrative by a Durham writer, who was an eyewitness of the bishop’s trial, represents him as the persecuted victim of malicious enemies who had poisoned the king’s mind against him. De Iniusta Vexatione Willelmi Episcopi Primi, in Simeon of Durham, Opera Omnia, ed. Thomas Arnold (London, 1882-85), i, pp. 170-195. And it should be remembered that his condemnation by the curia regis was not for the treason with which he was charged, but for his refusal to acknowledge the jurisdiction of the court. On the treatise De Iniusta Vexatione see Appendix B.
[24] The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (a. 1087) and Florence of Worcester (ii, p. 22) make the positive statement that the revolt broke out after Easter (16 April); but we know from a more reliable source that William Rufus took the first active measures against the bishop of Durham on 12 March, and it is clear that the rebellion was already under way at this time. De Iniusta Vexatione, in Simeon, Opera, i, p. 171; cf. p. 189.
[25] Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 21: “pars etenim nobiliorum Normannorum favebat regi Willelmo, sed minima; pars vero altera favebat Rotberto comiti Normannorum, et maxima”; A.-S. C., a. 1087; Henry of Huntingdon, p. 214. In general on the rebellion of 1088 and all the problems connected with it see Freeman, William Rufus, i, pp. 22 ff.; ii, appendices b, c, d, e.
[26] Ordericus, iii, p. 272.
[27] Pevensey, of course, was fundamental because on the coast where Robert’s fleet was expected to make land.
[28] “Per angelos Dei, si ego essem in Alexandria, expectarent me Angli, nec ante adventum meum regem sibi facere auderent. Ipse etiam Willelmus frater meus, quod eum presumpsisse dicitis, pro capite suo sine mea permissione minime attentaret.” Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, p. 268.
[29] “Haec primo dicebat, sed, postquam rei gestae ordinem rescivit, non minima discordia inter se et fratrem suum Willelmum emersit.” Ibid.
[30] This is the plain inference from both the Norman and the English writers. E.g., Ordericus, iii, pp. 269-270; Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 22.
[31] Ordericus, iii, pp. 269-270.
[32] A.-S. C., a. 1087; Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 22; Henry of Huntingdon p. 215; cf. William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, pp. 362, 468; Ordericus, iii, pp. 272-273; Simeon, H. R., p. 216; Des miracles advenus en l’église de Fécamp, ed. R. N. Sauvage, in Société de l’Histoire de Normandie, Mélanges, 2d series (Rouen, 1893), p. 29.
[33] Ordericus, iii, p. 244; Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, pp. 268-269; A.-S. C., a. 1086; cf. William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, pp. 468, 337, where it is said that the Conqueror bequeathed to Henry “maternas possessiones.”
[34] Ordericus, iii, p. 244.
[35] William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 468.
[36] Ibid.
[37] Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, p. 268. His presence is further proved by his attestation of charters, e.g., 30 March 1088, charter by Ralph Fitz Anseré in favor of Jumièges (Haskins, pp. 290-291, no. 6; also in Chartes de l’abbaye de Jumièges, ed. J.-J. Vernier, Paris, 1916, i, no. 37); 7 July 1088, charter by the duke in favor of the abbey of Fécamp (Haskins, pp. 287-289, no. 4 a); shortly after September 1087, charter by the duke in favor of Saint-Étienne of Caen (ibid., p. 285, no. 1).
[38] Ordericus, iii, p. 267; Henry of Huntingdon, p. 211. Robert of Torigny raises a question as to whether Robert conveyed the Cotentin to Henry outright or whether he only pledged it to him as surety for a loan. Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, p. 269.
[39] A.-S. C., a. 1087; Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 23; Simeon, H. R., p. 215; William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, pp. 361, 362; Ordericus, iii, pp. 273, 277-278.
[40] A.-S. C., a. 1087; Florence of Worcester, ii, pp. 22, 23; William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 362; Henry of Huntingdon, pp. 214-215; Simeon, H. R., pp. 215-216.
[41] “Tunc temporis ultra quam virum deceat in Normannia deliciabatur.” Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, p. 270.
[42] Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 22; Simeon, H. R., p. 216; Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, pp. 269-270.
[43] A.-S. C., a. 1087; Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 23; Simeon, H. R., p. 216; Henry of Huntingdon, p. 215.
[44] A.-S. C., a. 1087; Simeon, H. R., p. 216; Henry of Huntingdon, p. 215; William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, pp. 362-363.
[45] A.-S. C., a. 1087; Simeon, H. R., p. 216; Henry of Huntingdon, p. 215; William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 362.
[46] Supra, p. 47.
[47] A.-S. C., a. 1087; Simeon, H. R., p. 216; William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 362; Henry of Huntingdon, p. 215; De Iniusta Vexatione, in Simeon, Opera, i, p. 191. At the trial of William of Saint-Calais the king says: “Bene scias, episcope, quod nunquam transfretabis, donec castellum tuum habeam. Episcopus enim Baiocensis inde me castigavit…”
[48] A.-S. C., a. 1087; William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 362.
[49] A.-S. C., a. 1087; Simeon, H. R., p. 216; William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 362; Henry of Huntingdon, p. 215. Ordericus Vitalis (iii, pp. 273-278) gives a highly embroidered account of the siege of Rochester and of its surrender, making it the outstanding event of the period—he knows nothing of the six weeks’ siege of Pevensey—but Simeon of Durham says that Rochester surrendered “parvo peracto spatio.”
[50] He returned to Normandy and to his see at Bayeux. Ordericus, iii, p. 278; A.-S. C., a. 1087; William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 362; Henry of Huntingdon, p. 215. According to Simeon of Durham (H. R., p. 216) he was intrusted by Duke Robert with the administration of the duchy, but this is an error. See Appendix B, infra, pp. 214-215.
[51] A.-S. C., a. 1087; Simeon, H. R., p. 116.
[52] William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 362: “Ceteri omnes in fidem recepti”; Ordericus, iii, pp. 279-280; cf. pp. 276, 291. We are without specific information as to the date of the surrender of Rochester. According to Ordericus (iii, p. 279), it took place “in initio aestatis.” A charter by Duke Robert in favor of La Trinité of Fécamp is dated 7 July 1088, “quando in Angliam transire debui.” Haskins, p. 288.
[53] At the trial of Bishop William of Durham before the curia regis at Salisbury, 2 November 1088, the king refused to allow the bishop to depart from the kingdom unless he gave pledges “quod naves meas, quas sibi inveniam, non detinebit frater meus, vel aliquis suorum, ad dampnum meum.” De Iniusta Vexatione, in Simeon, Opera, i, p. 190. Some color seems to be given to the king’s fears by a statement in Des miracles advenus en l’église de Fécamp: “Adhibuit etiam mari custodes, quos illi piratas vocant, qui naves ab Anglia venientes caperent, captos si redderent, capturam suis usibus manciparent.” Société de l’Histoire de Normandie, Mélanges, 2d series, p. 29.
[54] Ordericus, iii, p. 291. William of Malmesbury (G. R., ii, 468) is not in agreement, but the statement of Ordericus seems fully confirmed by the fact that Henry attested a charter by William Rufus in favor of the church of St. Andrew at Rochester: “This grant was made to repair the damage which the king did to the church of St. Andrew, when he obtained a victory over his enemies who had unjustly gathered against him in the city of Rochester.” Davis, Regesta, no. 301.
[55] “In autumno,” according to Ordericus, iii, p. 291.
[56] Ordericus, iii, pp. 291-292; cf. William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 468; Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, p. 269. According to Ordericus, Henry’s place of confinement was Bayeux, under the custody of Bishop Odo; according to William of Malmesbury and Robert of Torigny it was Rouen.
[57] Ordericus, iii, p. 305; William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 468. Ordericus Vitalis recounts the event as if it came just after the death of Abbot Durand of Troarn, 11 February 1088. Cf. Ordericus, iii, p. 303; R. N. Sauvage, L’abbaye de Saint-Martin de Troarn (Caen, 1911), p. 288. But Ordericus has already spoken of Henry’s captivity as beginning “in autumno,” 1088. Supra, n. 55. According to William of Malmesbury, he was released after a half-year’s detention. If we could rely upon this statement, and couple it with the earlier statement of Ordericus that the imprisonment began in the autumn of 1088, we could assign Henry’s release to the late winter or spring following (1089).
[58] Infra, n. 62.
[59] Ordericus, iii, p. 316. The English writers make no mention of the Winchester council. Ordericus indicates that appeals had been coming to William Rufus from the Norman church: “Ecce lacrymabilem querimoniam sancta ecclesia de transmarinis partibus ad me dirigit, quia valde moesta quotidianis fletibus madescit, quod iusto defensore et patrono carens, inter malignantes quasi ovis inter lupos consistit.” And in a later connection (iii, p. 421) he says specifically that Abbot Roger of Saint-Évroul sought aid from William Rufus.
[60] Freeman, William Rufus, i, pp. 225-226.
[61] A.-S. C., a. 1090; Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 26; William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 363; Ordericus, iii, p. 319.
[62] Ibid., pp. 319-320; De Controversia Guillelmi Rotomagensis Archiepiscopi, in H. F., xiv, p. 68, and in Gallia Christiana, xi, instr., col. 18. The work of corrupting the Norman baronage and winning them away from their allegiance to the duke was accomplished in 1089-90. Freeman assumes the Winchester assembly above mentioned to have been the Easter Gemot of 1090. William Rufus, i, pp. 222, and n. 1. But Ordericus seems to assign it to 1089—he records the death of William of Warenne, 24 June 1089, immediately after it—and we know from the De Controversia Guillelmi that the struggle had already begun in Normandy in 1089, when Robert Curthose and King Philip besieged La Ferté-en-Bray. Further, the siege of Eu by Duke Robert in 1089 is probably to be connected in some way with the activities of William Rufus against him. Davis, Regesta, no. 310.
[63] Ordericus, iii, p. 320.
[64] Davis, Regesta, no. 310, a charter of confirmation by Duke Robert for Bishop Odo of Bayeux, dated 1089, “secundo anno principatus Roberti Guillelmi regis filii ac Normanniae comitis, dum idem Robertus esset ad obsidionem Auci ea die qua idem castrum sibi redditum est.” This would necessarily be not later than September.
[65] Ibid., no. 308, a confirmation by Duke Robert in favor of Bayeux cathedral, dated 24 April 1089, “dum esset idem Robertus comes apud Vernonem … iturus in expeditionem in Franciam.”
[66] The De Controversia Guillelmi gives the specific date 1089. H. F., xiv, p. 68. William of Malmesbury, though vague, is in agreement. G. R., ii, p. 363. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (a. 1090) and Florence of Worcester (ii, p. 26) assign King Philip’s intervention vaguely to 1090.
[67] We learn the name of the castle from the De Controversia Guillelmi, in H. F., xiv, p. 68. The Chronicle (a. 1090) and Florence (ii, p. 26) both refer to it without name.
[68] Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 27; A.-S. C., a. 1090; cf. William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 363.
[69] Ordericus, iii, p. 351; William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 469.
[70] The name is found in the record of a suit before the court of Henry I in 1111: “in urbe Rothomagensi gravis dissensio inter partes Pilatensium scilicet et Calloensium exorta est que multa civitatem strage vexavit et multos nobilium utriusque partis gladio prostravit.” Haskins, pp. 91-92. Ordericus (iii, p. 252) indicates that the loyalists were clearly outnumbered by the rebels.
[71] Ordericus, iii, pp. 351-353.
[72] This, at any rate, is the account given by Ordericus Vitalis, who seems, however, at this point to feel rather more than his usual rancor towards the duke.
[73] Ordericus, iii, pp. 352-357; William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 469.
[74] Ordericus, iii, pp. 344-346.
[75] According to Ordericus (iii, pp. 365, 377) the crossing was made in the week of 19-25 January 1091; the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (a. 1091) dates it 2 February, while Florence of Worcester (ii, p. 27) more vaguely says “mense Februario.” William Rufus dated a charter at Dover 27 January 1091, probably soon before sailing for Normandy. Davis, Regesta, no. 315. The dating clause of this charter, “anno Dominicae incarnationis mill. xc, regni vero mei iiii, indictione xiii, vi kal. Feb., luna iii,” is not consistent throughout; but the year of the reign and of the lunation both compel us to assign it to 1091. Moreover, Ralph, bishop of Chichester, and Herbert, bishop of Thetford, both of whom attest, were not raised to their sees till 1091. Cf. Freeman, William Rufus, ii, pp. 484-485. Ralph appears to have been consecrated 6 January 1091. Stubbs, Registrum Sacrum Anglicanum.
[76] Ordericus, iii, pp. 365-366, 377; Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, p. 270; cf. A.-S. C., a. 1091; Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 27; William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 363.
[77] Ordericus, iii, pp. 365-366, 377.
[78] Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, p. 270.
[79] According to Robert of Torigny (loc. cit.), “adminiculante Philippo rege Francorum.” It is a plausible hypothesis that William of Saint-Calais, the exiled bishop of Durham, played a part in these peace negotiations. Upon his expulsion from England, between 27 November 1088 and 3 January 1089, he went to Normandy and was received by Duke Robert “rather as a father than as an exile” (Simeon, H. D. E., p. 128) and had the administration of the duchy committed to his charge (De Iniusta Vexatione, in Simeon, Opera, i, p. 194); and he remained in Normandy and enjoyed a position of honor for three years. In 1089 he attested two of Duke Robert’s charters (Davis, Regesta, nos. 308, 310), and he also attested with the duke a charter by Hugh Painel [1089-91] (Haskins, p. 69, no. 16). Then in the third year of his expulsion, when the king’s men were being besieged in a ‘certain castle in Normandy’ and were on the point of being taken, he saved them from their peril, and by his counsel the siege was raised (Simeon, H. D. E., p. 128. Can this refer to the siege of Eu and to the pacification of February (?) 1091?) See Appendix B, infra, p. 215 and n. 14.
[80] Ordericus, iii, p. 366. Robert of Torigny gives Caen as the meeting place. Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, p. 270. But may he not have confused the peace negotiations with the general inquest into ducal rights and customs which the brothers held at Caen on 18 July of the same year? For this inquest see Haskins, pp. 277-278.
[81] The date of the treaty is not given specifically, but according to Ordericus Vitalis (iii, p. 378) William and Robert, after they had made peace, besieged Henry at Mont-Saint-Michel for two weeks in the middle of Lent—according to Florence of Worcester (ii, p. 27), during the whole of Lent. The treaty, therefore, could hardly have been concluded later than the end of February.
[82] Ordericus, iii, p. 366.
[83] A.-S. C., a. 1091; Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 27; William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 363; Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, p. 270.
[84] Ordericus, iii, p. 366; Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, p. 270; A.-S. C., a. 1091; Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 27.
[85] Ordericus, iii, p. 366.
[86] Specific mention of all the lordships which we know to have been won over by the king is not made in our accounts of the treaty, but they are all covered by general statements. Henry of Huntingdon, pp. 215-216; and the references given in nn. 83, 84, supra.
[87] Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 27; A.-S. C., a. 1091.
[88] A.-S. C., a. 1091; Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 27; William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 363.
[89] A.-S. C., a. 1091; Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 27; Henry of Huntingdon, pp. 215-216.
[90] A.-S. C., a. 1091; Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 27. Florence and the Chronicle both add here a puzzling provision which seems to indicate that the king undertook to compensate Robert for his losses in Normandy with lands in England: “et tantum terrae in Anglia quantum conventionis inter eos fuerat comiti daret.”
[91] A.-S. C., a. 1091; Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 27; Henry of Huntingdon, p. 216.
[92] A.-S. C., a. 1091; Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 27; William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 363; Henry of Huntingdon, p. 216.
[93] G. R., ii, pp. 363-364; Annales de Wintonia, in Annales Monastici, ii, p. 36.
[94] Supra, p. 52.
[95] Henry of Huntingdon, p. 211; Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, p. 269; William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 468; cf. Ordericus, iii, p. 350.
[96] William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 468.
[97] “Comes Henricus pedagium accepit de Chetelhulmo et de omni Constantino et super hoc facit operari homines Sancte Trinitatis de eadem villa et patria ad castella suorum hominum.” Cartulary of La Trinité of Caen, extract, in Haskins, p. 63.
[98] Ordericus, iii, pp. 350-351, 378.
[99] Ibid., p. 350; cf. pp. 318, 378; cf. also William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 468.
[100] Ibid.
[101] Ordericus, iii, p. 378; William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 363-364; Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 27; Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, p. 270.
[102] Ordericus, iii, p. 378.
[103] William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 364; Ordericus, iii, p. 378; Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 27.
[104] Ordericus, iii, p. 378.
[105] Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 27.
[106] Ordericus, iii, p. 378. Lent in 1091 extended from 26 February to 13 April. According to Florence of Worcester (ii, p. 27) the siege continued through the whole of Lent.
[107] Ordericus, iii, p. 378; Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, pp. 270-271; Annales de Mont-Saint-Michel, in Chronique de Robert de Torigni, ed. Léopold Delisle (Rouen, 1872-73), ii, pp. 222, 232; William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, pp. 364, 469-470; Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 27; Annales de Wintonia, in Annales Monastici, ii, p. 36; Wace, Roman de Rou, ed. Andresen, ii, p. 409.
[108] Ibid. Freeman remarks, “We may trust the topography of the Jerseyman.” William Rufus, i, p. 286, n. 1.
[109] Wace, Roman de Rou, ii, p. 409; cf. Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 27.
[110] William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 364; Wace, Roman de Rou, ii, p. 410.
[111] William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 365; Wace, Roman de Rou, ii, p. 411.
[112] Ibid.
[113] William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 365; Wace, Roman de Rou, ii, p. 412; Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, p. 271; cf. Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 27. These sources do indeed indicate an abandonment of the siege before its object was accomplished; but against them stands the very positive statement of Ordericus Vitalis, which is confirmed by the Annals of Winchester (infra, n. 114). Robert and William evidently did not enjoy a very complete triumph. Still there seems no doubt of Henry’s expulsion from the Cotentin.
[114] Ordericus, iii, pp. 378-379; Annales de Wintonia, in Annales Monastici, ii, p. 36; Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, p. 271.
[115] Ordericus, iii, p. 379.
[116] William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 365. He attests a charter of confirmation by William Rufus for the bishop of Durham, evidently while on the Scottish expedition late in 1091. Davis, Regesta, no. 318.
[117] “Fereque duobus annis a bellis Normannia quievit.” Ordericus, iii, p. 379.
[118] Haskins, pp. 277-284.
[119] William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 365; Ordericus, iii, pp. 381,394; A.-S. C., a. 1091; Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 28; Henry of Huntingdon, p. 216.
[120] Florence of Worcester (ii, p. 28) gives the date of the crossing as “mense Augusto”; and Ordericus Vitalis (iii, pp. 366, 377) indicates that 1 August was the date. Roger du Sap was elected abbot of Saint-Évroul on 21 July. Apparently he went immediately to the duke to seek investiture and found that the latter had already departed. Ibid., p. 381. The Rotulus Primus Monasterii Sancti Ebrulfi dates the crossing of William and Robert in 1090. Ibid., v, p. 189. But this is evidently the error of a copyist.
[121] Supra, p. 65, and n. 116.
[122] “Ambo fratres de Neustria in Angliam ex insperato tranfretaverant, mirantibus cunctis.” Ordericus, iii, p. 381.
[123] William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 365. Freeman rejects the testimony of William of Malmesbury regarding this Welsh campaign of 1091. William Rufus, ii, pp. 78-79. But I see no reason for so doing—especially since the statements coupled with it regarding Henry and the Scottish expedition are demonstrably accurate—; and how else explain the lateness of the Scottish campaign? William of Malmesbury says specifically: “Statimque primo contra Walenses, post in Scottos expeditionem movens.”
[124] Ordericus, iii, p. 394; Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 28; A.-S. C., a. 1091.
[125] Ibid.
[126] See Appendix B, infra, pp. 215-216.
[127] De Iniusta Vexatione, in Simeon, Opera, i, p. 195. The bishop was believed to have regained the king’s favor through services which he rendered him in Normandy. Simeon, H. D. E., p. 128. In any case, under the amnesty provision of the treaty between Robert Curthose and William Rufus he was entitled to a restoration of his estates and honors in England.
[128] A.-S. C., a. 1091; Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 28. For the reading ‘Lothian,’ instead of Leeds, see Freeman, William Rufus, ii, p. 541. Ordericus (iii, p. 394), in an obviously embroidered account, represents the two kings as facing one another from opposite sides of the Firth of Forth. But the English writers say specifically that Malcolm had advanced into Lothian to meet the English forces.
[129] Supra, p. 31.
[130] A.-S. C., a. 1091; Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 28; William of Malmesbury, G. R., ii, p. 366; Ordericus, iii, pp. 394-395.
[131] We have no other record of this homage. Can it have taken place in 1080, when Malcolm made his submission to Robert, who was then leading the Conqueror’s army against him?
[132] Ordericus, iii, pp. 394-396.
[133] Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 28; A.-S. C., a. 1091.
[134] Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 29; A.-S. C., a. 1091. At some point on the homeward march the three brothers joined with a distinguished company of nobles and prelates in the attestation of a charter of the lately restored Bishop William of Durham. Davis, Regesta, no. 318; cf. Freeman, William Rufus, i, p. 305; ii, p. 535.
[135] Henry of Huntingdon, p. 216.
[136] A.-S. C., a. 1091; Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 29.
[137] “In illis namque diebus, Willelmus, Anglorum rex strenuus, mortuus est, eiusque morte tota Cenomannorum regio perturbata.” Actus Pontificum, p. 385.
[138] Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, p. 273: “Unde factum est, ut paulo post mortem ipsius regis idem dux Robertus, de quo nunc sermo est, in principio sui ducatus, iam tunc rebellionis contumaciam attentantes in ipsis suis finibus ducto exercitu Normannorum, eos compescuit”; Ordericus, iii, p. 327: “ipso [i.e., the Conqueror] mortuo statim de rebellione machinari coeperunt.” The statement of the Actus Pontificum (supra, n. 137) is not convincing because the next sentence opens with the rebellion of 1090. Robert of Torigny shows himself poorly informed in these matters. The statement of Ordericus is vague, and his record elsewhere does not point to any serious disturbances till later in the reign.
[139] Ordericus, iii, pp. 293, 296.
[140] Ibid., pp. 289, 292.
[141] Ibid., p. 293.
[142] Ordericus, iii, p. 296. The fragment of a charter by Robert “Normannie princeps et Cenomannorum comes,” granting the tithe of his customs and rents at Fresnay to Saint-Vincent of Le Mans, should probably be assigned to this visit. Cartulaire de S.-Vincent, no. 532.
[143] Ordericus, iii, p. 269.
[144] Osmond de Gaprée was killed at the siege on 1 September. Ordericus, iii, p. 297: Ordericus was probably well informed, since Osmond was buried at Saint-Évroul. This date makes it possible to say definitely that this expedition into Maine did not take place in 1087, for William the Conqueror did not die till 9 September of that year. It is not so clear that it did not take place after 1088; yet between this and the successful rebellion of 1090 there were the threatened disturbances which Fulk is said to have repressed for a year. Cf. Latouche, Maine, p. 40, n. 2.
[145] Ordericus, iii, pp. 296-297.
[146] Ibid., iii, p. 297.
[147] Supra, p. 55.
[148] Ordericus, iii, p. 320.
[149] Ibid., pp. 320-323.
[150] He granted Bavent, Noyon-sur-Andelle, Gacé, and Gravençon to William of Évreux, and Pont-Saint-Pierre to William of Breteuil, his nephew. Ordericus, iii, pp. 321-322.
[151] Ordericus, iii, pp. 327-332; Actus Pontificum, pp. 385 ff.; Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, pp. 272-273.
[152] Actus Pontificum, p. 385.
[153] Ordericus, iii, pp. 328-329; Actus Pontificum, pp. 385-386.
[154] He was the son of Azzo II, marquis of Este, and Gersent, eldest daughter of Herbert Éveille-Chien.
[155] Actus Pontificum, p. 386; Ordericus, iii, pp. 327-328.
[156] “Ipse autem Rotbertus, ultra modum inertie et voluptati deditus, nichil dignum ratione respondens, que Cenomannenses fecerant, pro eo quod inepto homini nimis honerosi viderentur, non multum sibi displicuisse monstravit.” Actus Pontificum, p. 386. This is a remarkable corroboration of Ordericus Vitalis in his view of Robert’s character.
[157] Actus Pontificum, pp. 387-390. Hoël’s presence in England early in 1091 is proved by his attestation of two charters by William Rufus, at Dover (27 January) and at Hastings. Davis, Regesta, nos. 315, 319. It is not unlikely that Hoël returned to Normandy with the king, who was evidently about to sail at the time the Dover charter was issued.
[158] Actus Pontificum, pp. 391-392. He celebrated Easter (13 April) and Pentecost (1 June) at Solesmes; and arriving at La Couture 28 June, he observed the day of the Apostles on the 29th; and the ceremony in the cathedral church took place the day following. Chartularium Insignis Ecclesiae Cenomanensis quod dicitur Liber Albus Capituli (Le Mans, 1869), no. 178; cf. Cartulaire de S.-Vincent, no. 117. The year in which these events occurred requires some further discussion. Latouche, though admitting with Ordericus Vitalis (iii, p. 327) that the revolt began in 1090, still believes that Hugh did not arrive in Maine until after Easter 1091, that Hoël was in England from November to March 1091-92, and that his return and reconciliation with Hugh took place at the end of June 1092. Maine, pp. 41-44. Latouche bases his chronological deductions upon a charter by Hugh in favor of Marmoutier, given at Tours, according to Latouche, on 13 April 1091. Bibliothèque Nationale MSS., Collection Baluze, 76, fol. 14. Since Hugh does not bear the title of count in this document, Latouche argues that he had not yet arrived in Maine, and, therefore, that the subsequent events of the revolution must be carried forward through 1091 into 1092. The dating clause of the charter in question, as kindly furnished me by M. Henri Omont, is as follows: “Factum hoc mᵒ anno et lxxxxi. ab incarnatione Domini, indictione xiiii. anno xxxiiii. Philippi regis, primo anno R. archiepiscopatus, secundi Aurelianensis. Aderbal scolae minister secundarius scriptsit.” Granting that this is a document of the year 1091—which is by no means likely, in view of the year of the reign and of Ralph, archbishop of Tours—there still appears to be no reason why Latouche should assign it to the Easter date (13 April); and upon other evidence it is clear that Hugh arrived in Maine at a much earlier period: (1) It is not clear from the Actus Pontificum (pp. 386-387), as Latouche supposes (p. 42, n. 6), that Hoël was already in Normandy upon Hugh’s arrival in Maine, but quite the contrary. (2) Ordericus Vitalis (iii, pp. 328, 330) indicates that Hugh was induced to come to Maine because Robert Curthose and William Rufus were at war, and that a strong argument in favor of his return to Italy was the fact that they had recently made peace and were meditating an attack upon Maine. This we know to have been in the spring and summer of 1091, and not in 1092 after William Rufus had returned to England. (3) A charter by William Rufus proves the presence of Hoël in England 27 January 1091, and not November-March 1091-92, as Latouche supposes. Davis, Regesta, no. 315. (4) Finally, two charters in favor of Saint-Julien of Tours, dated 11 November 1091, prove that Helias was already at that time count of Maine with Hoël’s approval, and incidentally show that Hoël was not then in England. Charles de S.-Julien de Tours, nos. 43, 44.
[159] Ordericus, iii, pp. 329-330; cf Actus Pontificum, p. 393.
[160] Ordericus, iii, p. 330. This gives an important synchronism for dating.
[161] Ibid., iii, pp. 331-332; Actus Pontificum, p. 393; Cartulaire de S.-Vincent, no. 117.
[162] Bishop Hoël and Count Helias join in confirming a charter by Alberic de la Milesse, 11 November 1091. Chartes de S.-Julien de Tours, nos. 43, 44. Count Helias attests a confirmation by Fulk le Réchin, 27 July 1092. Halphen, Anjou, p. 320, no. 262.
[163] Supra, pp. 66-67.
[164] Davis, Regesta, nos. 308, 310, 324; Haskins, p. 285, no. 1.
[165] Supra, p. 43.
[166] Ordericus, iii, p. 263; Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, p. 288.
[167] Ordericus, iii, pp. 321-322.
[168] Ibid., pp. 297-298.
[169] Castle of Montaigu. Ibid., p. 420.
[170] Ibid., p. 333.
[171] Castles of Saint-Saëns, Arques, and Bures. Ibid., p. 320. These grants to Helias proved to be a source of strength rather than of weakness.
[172] Ordericus, iii, pp. 291-296.
[173] “Verum deficiente alimonia castrum captum est, et praefatus municeps iussu irati ducis protinus oculis privatus est. Aliis quoque pluribus, qui contumaciter ibidem restiterant principi Normanniae, debilitatio membrorum inflicta est ex sententia curiae.” Ibid., p. 297. This is the only instance I have met with where Robert might be charged with cruelty. The distinction between the blinding of Robert Quarrel by the duke’s command and the mutilation of others by sentence of the curia is curious.
[174] Ibid., pp. 337-342.
[175] See, e.g., Ordericus, iii, p. 299.
[176] Ordericus, iii, p. 299.
[177] Ibid., pp. 299-300.
[178] Ibid., p. 358.
[179] Ibid., pp. 301-302.
[180] Ibid., pp. 333-334.
[181] Ibid., pp. 361-366.
[182] Ibid., pp. 417-420.
[183] Ibid., v, p. 4.
[184] Ordericus, ii, p. 469; iii, pp. 332-333, 335-336, 412-416.
[185] Ibid., iii, pp. 332-333, 412.
[186] Ibid., pp. 415-416. Robert of Torigny calls this “quamdam rem dignam memoria.” Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, p. 290.
[187] Ordericus, iii, pp. 344-348; supra, p. 58.
[188] Ordericus, iii, pp. 384-385; Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, p. 271; Wace, Roman de Rou, ii, p. 413.
[189] Ibid., p. 414; Ordericus, iii, p. 418.
[190] “Ille vero contra Rodbertum, Normanniae comitem, viriliter arma sumpsit, incendiis et rapinis expulsionis suae iniuriam vindicavit, multosque cepit et carceri mancipavit.” Ordericus, iii, p. 385.
[191] Interpolations de Robert de Torigny, in William of Jumièges, pp. 271-272.
[192] Ordericus, iii, pp. 289, 303, 332, 357.
[193] Haskins, pp. 63-64.
[194] Cartulaire de S.-Vincent, no. 532.
[195] Ordericus, iii, pp. 297, 303, 381; Milo Crispin, Vita Willelmi Abbatis Beccensis Tertii, in Migne, cl, col. 717.
[196] Round, C. D. F., no. 1115; Davis, Regesta, no. 342; Haskins, p. 70, no. 36.
[197] Haskins, pp. 66-70.
[198] Supra, p. 65.
[199] Ordericus, iii, p. 420; Charter by Duke Robert in favor of La Trinité of Fécamp, in Haskins, p. 289, no. 4 c.
[200] For a full discussion of Robert’s government, see Haskins, pp. 62-78.
[201] Gallia Christiana, xi, instr., col. 221.
[202] H. F., xiv, p. 68.
[203] Ordericus, iii, p. 379.
[204] Ibid., p. 381.
[205] Eadmer, Historia Novorum in Anglia, ed. Martin Rule (London, 1884), p. 37; Epistolae Anselmi, bk. iii, no. 10, in Migne, clix, col. 31.
[206] Epistolae Anselmi, bk. iii, no. 15, in Migne, clix, col. 39; cf. ibid., nos. 8, 14; Milo Crispin, Vita Willelmi Abbatis, in Migne, cl, col. 717.
[207] De Controversia Guillelmi, in H. F., xiv, pp. 68-69; Heinrich Böhmer, Kirche und Staat in England und in der Normandie im xi. und xii. Jahrhundert (Leipsic, 1899), p. 146. According to Böhmer, the suspension of Archbishop William took place towards the end of 1093. There is an unpublished tract by the ‘Anonymous of York’ upon the exemption of the monastery of Fécamp in Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, MS. 415, pp. 264-265. Cf. Karl Hampe, in Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde, xxii (1897), pp. 669-672; Böhmer, op. cit., pp. 177, 180.
[208] Supra, p. 68.
[209] “This power he reserves for his brother, King William, as well as for himself.” Davis, Regesta, no. 327.
[210] A.-S. C., a. 1094; cf. Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 33, MS. C, in note; Henry of Huntingdon, p. 217.
[211] Eadmer, p. 43.
[212] A.-S. C., a. 1094; Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 33, MS. C, in note; cf. Eadmer, p. 47.
[213] Ibid., cf. Davis, Regesta, nos. 347, 348.
[214] A.-S. C., a. 1094; Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 33, MS. C, in note. In 1094 Lent extended from 22 February to 9 April. If by ‘Midlent’ an exact day is designated, it was probably Sunday, 19 March.
[215] A.-S. C., a. 1094; Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 33, and MS. C, in note; Henry of Huntingdon, p. 217. Florence of Worcester is the sole authority for ‘Campus Martius’ and for the fact that after the conferences Robert went to Rouen and William Rufus to Eu. Henry of Huntingdon mentions only the final meeting. A phrase in a letter of Bishop Ivo of Chartres makes it not improbable that King Philip was present at this conference: “iturus vobiscum ad placitum quod futurum est inter regem Anglorum et comitem Normannorum.” H. F., xv, p. 82, no. 28; cf. Fliche, Philippe Iᵉʳ, p. 299. But the letter is undated, and proof is lacking that it refers to the conference of 1094. There is no basis for Fliche’s assumption that the meeting between William and Robert took place at Pontoise or at Chaumont-en-Vexin. Ivo’s letter contains no such evidence. The above mentioned places are named only as a rendezvous for Philip and Ivo preparatory to proceeding to the meeting between Robert and William.
[216] Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 34.
[217] A.-S. C., a. 1094; Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 34; Henry of Huntingdon, p. 217.
[218] References as in n. 217, supra.
[219] Argentan is pretty clearly, though not certainly, the place designated. Florence of Worcester (ii, p. 34), who seems generally best informed on these events, has “Argentinum,” about which there can be no question. The readings of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (a. 1094) and of Henry of Huntingdon (p. 217) are “castel aet Argentses” and “Argentes,” which might refer to Argentan or Argences. Thomas Stapleton says that the place in question was Argentan. Magni Rotuli Scaccarii Normaniae sub Regibus Angliae (London, 1840-44), ii, p. xxx. I cannot discover that there was any castle at Argences in the eleventh century.
[220] Florence of Worcester, ii, pp. 34-35; A.-S. C., a. 1094; Henry of Huntingdon, p. 217.
[221] A.-S. C., a. 1094; Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 35; Henry of Huntingdon, p. 217.
[222] According to Henry of Huntingdon (p. 217), they actually besieged Eu.
[223] A.-S. C., a. 1094.
[224] Ibid., a. 1094; Henry of Huntingdon, p. 217.
[225] Fliche sets forth the extraordinary hypothesis that there was no war between William Rufus and Robert Curthose in 1094, though he admits the meeting between them and the unsuccessful attempt at a reconciliation. He bases his hypothesis upon the fact that Ordericus Vitalis makes no mention of the war of 1094, and that the account of the campaign of 1094 as set forth in the English sources bears certain resemblances to that of 1091. He argues that the English writers in their confusion have assigned events to 1094 which really belong to 1091—in brief, that there was only one campaign, that of 1091: “Et alors ne faudrait-il pas reporter toute la campagne racontée ici à l’année 1090-1091?” Philippe Iᵉʳ, pp. 298-300. In point of fact there is far less duplication between the events of 1090-91 and 1094 than Fliche supposes, and such resemblances as exist are readily accounted for by the fact that William Rufus had his headquarters at Eu on both occasions and pursued the same general policy throughout his dealings with Robert Curthose and King Philip. It may be admitted as extraordinary that the events of 1094 have escaped the attention of Ordericus Vitalis; but to reject the highly circumstantial accounts of the English writers is to betray a strange lack of appreciation of the range and accuracy of their information.
[226] A.-S. C., a. 1094.
[227] Ibid. According to Henry of Huntingdon (p. 218), the king’s original order had been to proceed to London.
[228] Eadmer, p. 52.
[229] A.-S. C., a. 1095; Florence of Worcester, ii, p. 35.
[230] A.-S. C., a. 1095; Henry of Huntingdon, p. 218.