Promises of providing for these cadets had been wrung from Carellie by his anxious father, but these promises he showed himself in no haste to keep, and Sophie appealed, on their behalf to Rupert. He showed himself ready to assist them, and demanded a concise account of the whole busiess, in order that he might be qualified to interfere.[29] "Not that he thinks the Elector will break his sacred promise to his father,"[30] declared Sophie. Nevertheless she urged the eldest Raugraf, Karl Ludwig, or "Carllutz," who had shortly before visited Rupert in England, to write very affectionately to his uncle, in gratitude for the interest shown in them.[31] But, unfortunately for the Raugräfen, Rupert did not long survive his brother; and only a few months later Sophie wrote to one of her nieces: "You have lost a great friend in my brother Prince Rupert. I am very much troubled and overwhelmed with the unexpected loss. I know the Electress Dowager will also bewail him."[32]
Considering that for more than twenty years Sophie had not seen her brother, her grief seems a little excessive, but doubtless she lamented him for many reasons. The memory of old days dwelt with her all the more as she advanced in years, and latterly she had drawn nearer to her brother. By his means a marriage had been projected between Sophie's eldest son George and the Princess Anne, the second daughter of the Duke of York. During the progress of this negotiation, Sophie sent George over to England, on a visit to his uncle. She had some misgivings about his reception, for, as she confessed, George was not "assez beau" to resemble a Palatine in any way, though her second son Friedrich, or "Gustien," as she called him, was tall and handsome,—"the very image of Rupert" (Rupert tout crâché).[33] Gustien had, moreover, not only Rupert's handsome face and gigantic stature, but also his resolute character. "If he would have changed his religion, he might have succeeded well at the Imperial Court," wrote his mother; "but he has too much of his uncle Rupert not to be firm in his religion."[34]
However, George, if less favoured by nature, was still the eldest son, and therefore of necessity the bridegroom elect. Notwithstanding his want of good looks he was very kindly received, both by King Charles and Rupert. The King declared that he would treat him "en cousin," and lodged him in Whitehall. Rupert paid him daily visits when his health allowed of it, but he was very ill, and often confined to his bed. "I went to visit Prince Rupert, who received me in bed," wrote George to his mother; "he has a malady in his leg, which makes him very often keep his bed; it appears that it is so, without any pretext, and that he has to take care of himself. He had not failed one day of coming to see me."[35]
But though entertained with "extraordinary magnificence,"[36] the Hanoverian was not favourably impressed with either England or the Princess Anne. The country was in a ferment over the alleged discovery of the Popish Plot, and George regarded the judicial murders then perpetrated with astonished disgust. "They cut off the head of Lord Stafford yesterday, and made no more ado than if they had chopped off the head of a pullet," he told his mother.[37]
But notwithstanding the averseness of the intended bridegroom, the project was not at once renounced; and Rupert's last letter to Sophie, written shortly before his death, contained definite proposals on the subject. "En ma dernière, chère soeur, je vous ai informé que cette poste je pourrai dire plus de nouvelles assurées de l'affaire en question. Saches done, en peu de mots, on offre 40 mille livres sterl. assigné caution marchande, et 10 mille livres sterl. par an, durant la vie de M. le Duc, votre mari; et on souhaite que donerez liberté a M votre fils de demeurer quelques temps en ce pays là, fin d'aprendre la langue, et faire connaître au peuple, ce qu'on trouve nécessaire en tout cas. Voyez ce que j'ai ordre de vous dire, et de demander un réponse pour savoir si l'affaire vous agrée; si vous avez pour agréable, quelle en face, il sera nécessaire que M. le Duc m'envoie un homme d'affaires, avec ses instructions, et ses assurées que sera bien ... de celui qui est à vous; Rupert.
"Il faut vous dire si 1'affaire se fait ou non vous avez fort grand obligation à la Duchesse de Portchmouth;[38] elle vous assure de toutes ses services en cette affaire."[39]
Apparently the offered terms were not acceptable to the Hanoverians, for the negotiation closed with Rupert's death.
Rupert died, to all appearance, unmarried, but he left two children, a son and a daughter. More than once he had seriously contemplated matrimony. In 1653 it had been rumoured that he was about to wed his cousin Mary, the Princess Royal, widow of the Prince of Orange.[40] In 1664 he made proposals for a Royal lady of France, but the said lady objected that he had been "too long and too deeply attached to a certain Duchess."[41] That obstacle was removed in the same year by the Duchess of Richmond's clandestine love-match with Thomas Howard; but the French lady was long in coming to a decision, and in the meantime the young Francesca Bard crossed Rupert's path.
Francesca was the eldest daughter of Sir Henry Bard, one of the wilder Cavaliers, who had been raised to the Irish peerage as Viscount Bellamont; the same who had pleaded so earnestly with Rupert for Windebank's life in 1645. He had died during the exile, when on a mission to Persia; and Francesca, on the death of her only brother, assumed the family title, as Lady Bellamont. Except a title her father had nothing to bequeath, and it was probably the urgent petitions for the relief of their poverty, addressed by the family to the King, that first brought Francesca into contact with Rupert.[42]
The Prince loved Francesca Bard, renounced his French alliance, and thenceforth turned a deaf ear to all entreaties that he would marry. A son was born to him, and christened "Dudley." Rupert seems to have cared for the boy, and he certainly conducted his education with anxious solicitude. He sent him first to school at Eton, where he could himself watch over him from Windsor. At Eton the boy was distinguished for his "gentleness of temper," and "the aimiableness of his behaviour," characteristics which he certainly did not inherit from his father. Nevertheless he had Rupert's martial spirit, and like his father before him, he early showed an aversion to study, and a passion for arms. Rupert observing this and remembering his own boyhood, removed his son from Eton and placed him under the care of Sir Jonas Moore at the Tower, in order that he might receive instructions in mathematics and other subjects necessary for a military profession.[43]
To Dudley, at his death, the Prince left his house and estate at Rhenen, the debts still due to him from the Emperor, from the Elector Palatine, and from all persons not natural born subjects of England. The English debts, which were considerably less, he destined to be divided amongst his servants.[44]
"Der armer Dodley,"[45] as his Aunt Sophie called him, went to Germany to secure his property, and was received with great kindness by the Palatines, though there was a difficulty about the house at Rhenen, that being entailed property.[46] In 1685 he was back again in England, fighting loyally for King James, as his father would have approved. In the battle of Norton St. Philip, where Monmouth fought an indecisive battle with Grafton, Churchill and Feversham, we find "Captain Rupert, the Prince's son," in command of the musketeers, and playing a prominent part.[47] But when the rebellion had been suppressed, Dudley returned to Germany, seeking employment in the wars waged by the Empire against the Turks. He had all his father's active spirit and dauntless courage, but he had not also his enchanted life. In August 1686 young Dudley fell, in a desperate attempt made by some English volunteers to scale the walls of Buda. His death is mentioned with deep regret in several contemporary letters and diaries. Though so young—he was only nineteen—he had already become famous for his valour, and exceedingly popular on account of his lovable character.[48]
Many believed him to have been Rupert's lawful son, and there seem to have been some grounds for the belief. He was universally known as "Dudley Rupert", and his mother maintained to the end of her days that she had been Rupert's wife. Her claim was practically acknowledged in Germany, where morganatic marriages were already in fashion; and even in England rumours of it were rife. "Some say Prince Rupert, in his last sickness, owned his marriage," says a letter in the Verney Correspondence, "if so, his son is next heir, after him, to the Palsgrave.[49] But no public acknowledgment ever took place, and Rupert styled the boy in his will, "Dudley Bard." On the other hand, he bequeathed to him property entailed on heirs male, and the Emperor actually paid to Francesca, after her son's death, the sum of 20,000 crowns which he had owed to Rupert.[50]
It seems possible that there was some kind of marriage,[51] but that such marriages were of rather doubtful legality. It could not have given Dudley royal rank, and hardly even a claim to the Palatinate,[52] for, had such a claim existed, Rupert would certainly have put his son forward when the House of Simmern was crying out for an heir. His niece, Elizabeth Charlotte of Orléans, declared that he had deceived Francesca with a false marriage. But the good Duchess was notoriously ignorant of her uncle's affairs, and added to her story several impossible circumstances which tend to discredit it, asserting, among other things, that Rupert had been lodging at the time, in Henry Bard's house, though Bard had been dead nearly ten years.[53] Moreover, such treachery is at variance with Rupert's whole character and all his known actions, and, though he cannot be said to have treated Francesca well, he may at least be acquitted of the baseness suggested by his niece.
During Rupert's life-time no mention is made of Francesca in letters or papers, public or private. Yet, after his death, we find frequent reference to her as to a well-known personage. Two reasons for her retirement suggest themselves. In the first place she was, as she herself asserted, too virtuous to care to have any dealings with the corrupt Court, and in the second place she was a devout Roman Catholic. Considering the prevalent horror of "Popery," the fanatical agitation concerning the second marriage of the Duke of York, and Rupert's position as the popular hero, it may be that Francesca's religion made him unwilling to bring her forward publicly. But, be the exact facts of his connection with her what they may, that bond was probably the true reason for his obdurate refusal to hear of any other marriage.
The later history of Francesca is sufficiently curious. In consequence of her own avoidance of the Court she had no powerful friends in England, and on Rupert's death, she sought refuge with his sister Sophie. The kindly Electress received her as a sister, though she quite realised the difficulty of proving her right to the name. "She says she was married to my brother," wrote Sophie, "but it will be very difficult to prove; and because she has always behaved herself honourably, she has no friends at Court."[54]
Of Dudley his aunt wrote as "the noble Dudley Rupert," and she actively assisted him to make good his claims to the property left him by his father.[55] After his death she endeavoured to get his possessions transferred to his mother, and wrote on the subject both to James II and to Lord Craven. "It will help her to enter a convent," she said, "for the poor woman will be inconsolable."[56]
But the lively Irish woman, devout, though she was, had no taste for the cloister, and preferred to remain at Sophie's Court, where she was greatly beloved. "She is an upright, good and virtuous woman; there are few like her; we all love her!"[57] declared the Electress. In a later letter she refers to the lively wit of Francesca, "who makes us all laugh,"[58]
Evidently she accompanied Sophie on her visits to other potentates, and by William III she was accorded almost royal rank. In 1700 she went with Sophie to visit him at his Palace at Loo, and was there admitted to the royal table. "The King ate in the back stairs, without an armchair, with only the two Electresses, the Princess, and the Irish Lady (Francesca), the Electoral Prince, and the Prince of Hesse," says an Englishman, writing to a friend. "The rest of the company dined at the other tables below."[59]
After the English Revolution of 1688 Francesca became a staunch and active Jacobite.[60] She made no secret of her views, and even stimulated Sophie's own sympathy for her exiled relatives. The envoys of William III and of Queen Anne inveighed bitterly against "one Madame Bellamont, a noted lady, who is in favour with the Electress, has been her chief confidante, and to her all the discontented politicians address themselves, Papists and Sectaries. She is of the former communion, and I may safely say she is one of the most silly creatures that ever was born and bred in it, to say nothing of the scandal her person hath so justly deserved."[61] The same writer asserted that Francesca was the only person who could speak English at the Electoral Court; and frequent references to her are found in the despatches of himself and his successor. "A Lady whom they call ye Lady Bellamont," says one, "whose character ye well know already. She was Mistress, and she pretends married, to Prince Rupert, and as she is a zealous Roman Catholic so she seems to be a faithful friend to the Court of St. Germains, but is nevertheless used here with much kindness and civility."[62]
In 1708 Francesca undertook a journey to France on Jacobite business, but, opposed though her actions were to Sophie's interests, they could not diminish that lady's love for her. The Electress, declared the enraged English envoys, was as much enamoured as her brother had been.[63] And so she remained until Francesca's death in August 1708, when she wrote mournfully to one of her nieces: "I have lost my good, honourable, charitable Madame Bellamont."[64]
Strange enough was the position of the Jacobite lady in the Hanoverian Court, but the situation was rendered yet more complicated by the presence of Rupert's daughter, Ruperta, as the wife of Brigadier-General Emanuel Scrope Howe, William III's "envoy extraordinary to the most Serene House of Brunswick Lunenburg." The mother of Ruperta was a far less reputable person than was Francesca Bard. Rupert had, as we have seen, kept himself apart from much of the wickedness of Charles II's court, but in the summer of 1668 he was unhappily persuaded to accompany his cousin to Tunbridge Wells. There he fell a victim to the charms of the actress, Margaret Hughes.[65] This woman obtained considerable influence over him, and he purchased for her a house at Hammersmith; also he left to her and his daughter, in equal shares, all that remained of his personal property, after the claims of Dudley and his servants had been satisfied. This, when all had been realised, amounted to about £6,000 each; not an extravagant provision, but then Rupert did not die rich.
Occasional mention of Mrs. Hughes is found in contemporary letters. In 1670 her brother, who was in Rupert's service, was killed by one of the King's servants, in a dispute over the rival charms of Peg Hughes and Nell Gwyn.[66] A little later, Sophie informed the Elector that the woman was in high favour at Windsor, and would, she feared, get possession of the Queen of Bohemia's jewels. "Ein jeder seiner Weis gefelt!" she concluded sarcastically.[67] In another letter she wrote that the Danish Ambassador thought Mrs. Hughes very modest. "I was going to say the most modest of the Court, but that would be no great praise!"[68] She seems, however, to have put slight faith in the assurance, for she earnestly desired Ruperta's marriage, on the grounds that she could get no good from her mother.[69] It was said that Rupert, when dying, had sent his Garter to the King, with the request that it, together with the hand of Ruperta, might be bestowed on Charles's son, Lord Burford.[70] With this request the King did not comply; and about 1696 Ruperta married Emmanuel Howe, son of Mr. John Howe of Langar, in Nottinghamshire.
For some time the marriage was kept a secret, for Howe feared the displeasure of the then King, William III. At last, just before his departure to Hanover, he permitted the Duke of Albemarle to break the news to the King. William was pleased to be gracious, and even recommended Ruperta to Sophie's notice, saying: "She is very modest, and lives like an angel with her husband."[71] The husband in question met with Sophie's approval, for she thought him "a fine man, rich, and in a good position."[72] With Francesca he had a double cause of enmity, both public and private, and he wrote of her as virulently as his predecessors had done, declaring that she "has done her endeavours continually to cross my transactions here for the Queen's service;"[73] and again,—"She is indeed a very simple creature, but as malitious and violent as is possible for anything to bee."[74]
Nevertheless the large-hearted Electress made her niece almost as welcome as she had made her reputed sister-in-law, and the Jacobite intrigante and the Orange Ambassadress, both so closely connected with Rupert, seem to have contrived to reside in comparative peace, under the protection of the mother of the house of Hanover.
But for the bar sinister the claim of Ruperta to the English throne would have preceded that of Sophie's son, George I. It has sometimes been regretted that Rupert left no legitimate child who might have reigned in George's stead; but it may be safely conjectured that the fact would not have been a subject of regret with Rupert himself. He would have been the last person to wish that any child of his should supplant the house of Stuart, which he had so long and so faithfully served. Honest in all his dealings, faithful to his friends, and unswervingly loyal to his king he had ever been, and in his old age he would not have turned traitor. Loyalty and strength were the key-notes of his character. Never did he break his given word, with friend and foe alike he scrupulously kept faith, and whatsoever he found to do, he did it with all his might. In all things he had the courage of his opinions; and the rigid temperance which he practised from his earliest youth, in an age and a country where drinking was almost universal, shows an unusual independence of character, and an unusual degree of self-respect.
His private life, if judged by the standard of the present day, was far from virtuous, but it was virtue itself when compared with the practice of those who were his daily associates. His exceptional powers of mind raised him above the ordinary intellectual level; his personal valour surpassed all common courage! But, if his talents and virtues were in the superlative degree, so also were his failings. His consciousness of his own powers made him over-confident, impatient of advice, intolerant of contradiction. His jealous pride rendered him incapable of filling the second place. With advancing years these faults were somewhat amended,—for Rupert was too wise not to profit by experience; but, as his hot temper and youthful insolence had won him the hatred of Charles I's courtiers, so his cold cynicism and haughty disdain made him detested of the Court of Charles II.
In the coarse and witty memoirs of that brilliant Court, Rupert passes without notice, or with only an occasional satirical reference. One noble writer, Anthony Hamilton, has, however, left a description of him, which, though written in prejudice, is not without its value.
"He was brave and courageous to rashness, but cross-grained, and incorrigibly obstinate. His genius was fertile in mathematical experiments, and he had some knowledge of chemistry. He was polite to extravagance when there was no occasion for it; but haughty and rude where it was his interest to conciliate. He was tall and ungracious. He had a hard, stern expression even when he wished to please, and when he was out of temper his countenance was truly terrifying"—("une physiognomic vraiment de reprouvé").[75]
Such was the view of a courtier; Rupert's friends and inferiors saw him in another light. Beneath the cynical exterior the Prince had a kind heart still; his personal followers loved him; the poor blessed him for his charity; the trades-people remembered with wondering gratitude his "just and ready payment of their bills;" the sailors looked to him as the "seaman's friend;" impecunious scholars and inventors sought, not in vain, his aid and countenance; the distressed Cavaliers appealed to him in well-founded confidence that they would be heard and helped.[76] "In respect of his private life," says Campbell, writing while the memory of the Prince still dwelt among the living, "he was so just, so beneficent, so courteous, that his memory remained dear to all who knew him; this I say of my own knowledge, having often heard old people in Berkshire speak in raptures of Prince Rupert!"[77]
[1] Briefwechsel der Herzogin Sophie mit Karl Ludwig von der Pfalz. p. 38. Sophie to Karl. 21 Sept. 1660.
[2] Memorien der Herzogin Sophie, pp. 64-67.
[3] Briefwechsel des Herzogin Sophie mit Karl Ludwig. p. 35. Sophie to Karl, 1660.
[4] Ibid. pp. 371-3. 24 Aug. 1679.
[5] Ibid. p. 374. 4 Sept. 1679.
[6] Ibid. p. 371. 15 Aug. 1679.
[7] Briefe der Prinzessin Elizabeth Charlotte von Orleans an die Raugräfinnen. 7 Aug. 1699. p. 43. ed. 1843.
[8] Strickland. Queens of Scotland, VIII. p. 403.
[9] Green's Princesses, VI. p. 61.
[10] Bromley Letters, p. 354. 20/30 May, 1665.
[11] Bromley, p. 226. 31 Oct. 1661.
[12] Bromley, p. 254. 20/30 May, 1665.
[13] Briefe der Herzogin Sophie, p. 48.
[14] Dom. State Papers. Chas. II. 103. 40. Rupert to Arlington. Oct. 11, 1644.
[15] Briefe der Herzogin. p. 133.
[16] Ibid. p. 116.
[17] Ibid. 133.
[18] Dom. Entry Book. Record Office, 31. fol. 21.
[19] Briefe der Herzogin, 9 July, 1669, p. 141.
[20] Bromley Letters, p. 291.
[21] Ibid. p. 236.
[22] Briefwechsel der Herzogin mit Karl Ludwig, p. 179. Karl to Sophie, 5 Mar. 1674.
[23] Briefe der Herzogin, p. 175. 24 Jan. 1674.
[24] Ibid. p. 315. 10 Feb. 1678.
[25] Ibid. p. 385, 28 Oct. 1679.
[26] Strickland's Elizabeth Stuart. Queens of Scotland, VIII. p. 210.
[27] Briefe der Herzogin Sophie an die Raugräfen, etc. p. 32. 27 Dec. 1682.
[28] Briefwechsel mit Karl Ludwig, pp. 348. 329. 7 Feb. 1679 and 25 June, 1678.
[29] Briefe an die Raugräfen, p. 17. 14 Mar. 1680.
[30] Briefe. p. 11. 20 Dec. 1680.
[31] Ibid. p. 17.
[32] Briefe an die Raugräfen, p. 32. 27 Dec. 1682.
[33] Strickland. Queens of Scotland, VIII. p. 334. Briefwechsel der Herzogin mit Karl Ludwig.
[34] Strickland. Queens of Scotland, VIII. p. 345.
[35] Strickland. Queens of England, X. p. 313.
[36] Memoir of Rupert, Preface.
[37] Queens of England, X. p. 313.
[38] Renée de la Querouaille, Duchess of Portsmouth.
[39] Hist. MSS. Com. Rept. 9, 18 Sept. 1682. Morrison MSS.
[40] Clar. State Papers. Cal. Vol. II. Fol. 1271. News Letter, 8 July, 1653.
[41] Bromley Letters, p. 252, 22 Mar. 1664.
[42] Cal. Dom. S. P. 1660, pp. 300, 331.
[43] Wood's Athense Oxouiensis. ed. 1815. Vol. II. Fasti I. p. 490. Campbell II. 250.
[44] Wills from Doctor's Commons, p. 142.
[45] Briefe an die Raugräfen, p. 33. 12 Mar. 1683.
[46] Briefe an die Raugräfen, p. 49. Campbell, p. 250. Vol. II.
[47] Hist. MSS. Com. IX. 3. p. 36.
[48] Hist. MSS. Com. Rept. V. App. I. p. 187. Sutherland MSS. Aug. 1686. Autobiography of Sir John Bramston. p. 236. Camden Society.
[49] Hist. MSS. Com. Rept. VII. p. 479b. Verney MSS.
[50] Add. MSS. 28898. fol. 21. Brit. Mus.
[51] Since going to press the author has been shown a document purporting to be the marriage certificate of Prince Rupert and the Lady Francesca Bard; it is dated July 30 1664, and signed by Henry Biguell, Minister (Vicar of Petersham).
[52] Cf. Marriage of Geo. Wm. Duke of Hanover with Eleonore D'Olbreuse. His children were excluded from succession.
[53] Briefe der Prinzessin Elizabeth Charlotte, ed. Menzel. 1843. p. 86.
[54] Briefe der Kurfürstin Sophie an die Raugräfen, p. 84. 12 Mar. 1680.
[55] Briefe an die Raugräfen, p. 49. 9 Sept. 1686.
[56] Briefe an die Raugräfen, p. 49.
[57] Briefe an die Raugräfen, p. 152. 11 Feb. 1697.
[58] Briefe an die Raugräfen, p. 269. 1 Oct 1704.
[59] Hist. MSS. Com. Rept. 12. App. 3. MSS. of Earl Cowper, II. p. 404.
[60] A Jacobite at the Court of Hanover. Eng. Hist. Review. F. F. Chance.
[61] Regencies. Record Office. 2. 3. 12 Sept. 1702.
[62] Regencies. 3. 19 Sept. 1704.
[63] Add MSS. 23908. fol. 82. Brit. Mus.
[64] Briefe an die Raugräfen, p. 285. 16 Aug. 1708.
[65] Hamilton's Mémoires du Comte de Grammont. ed. 1876. pp. 242-243.
[66] Hist. MSS. Com. Rept. 12. Rutland MSS. II. 17.
[67] Briefwechsel mit Karl Ludwig, p. 194. 3 July, 1674.
[68] Briefwechsel mit Karl Ludwig, p. 368. 6 July, 1679.
[69] Briefe an die Raugräfen. p. 149. 4-14 Dec. 1696.
[70] Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. 7. p. 480b. Verney MSS.
[71] Briefe der Kurfürstin Sophie an die Raugräfen, p. 183, 26 Oct. 1698.
[72] Ibid.
[73] Regencies. 4 Jan., Feb. 1706.
[74] Ibid. 4, 22 May, 1708.
[75] Hamilton's De Grammont. ed. 1876. p. 242.
[76] Hist. Memoir of Prince Rupert, ed. 1683. Preface.
[77] Campbell's Admirals, II. p. 250.
INDEX
A
Abbot, Mr., 86-87.
Abingdon, 162.
Africa, Natives of, 257-259; trade with, 302, 307, 338.
Albemarle, Duke of, (see Monk,) 297, 302, 307, 309, 341, 364; as Admiral, 311-313, 316, 318.
Aldbourn Chase, Battle of, 121.
Allen, Captain, 223.
Ambassador, French, 124.
Anne of Austria, (Queen Regent of France,) 209, 213, 215, 246, 267.
Anne de Gonzague, (Princess Palatine,) 209, 278.
Anne Queen, (see York,) 362.
Archduke, The, (see also Leopold,) 51, 299.
Arguin, Fleet at, 253-4.
Argyle, Duke of, 230.
Arlington, Lord, (see Bennett,) 312-313, 320; letters of Rupert to, 304-5, 309, 349.
Arras, 215.
Ashburnham, John, 78, 123, 133, 136, 156, 157, 172, 180, 191.
Astley, Sir Jacob, (afterwards Lord,) 34, 70, 85, 91, 99, 168, 172, 174; letters of, 126, 165; letters to, 165-166.
Aston, Sir Arthur, 69, 74, 91, 106.
Aubigny, Lord, (George Stuart,) 93.
Aylesbury, 128.
Azores, The, 247-248, 251-252, 262.
B
Baden, Margrave of, 51.
Ball, Captain, 126.
Bampfylde, Colonel, 280-281.
Banbury, 96-97.
Bard, Francesca, (Viscountess Bellamont,) 357-365.
Bard, Dudley, 358-361.
Bard, Sir Henry, (Viscount Bellamont,) 126, 357, 360; letter of, to Rupert, 170.
Basing House, 161.
Batten, Captain, 223, 225, 227, 318.
Bavaria, Duke of, 8, 45, 51, 52, 55; Duchess of, 52.
Beaufort, Duc de, 312.
Beckman, Captain, 223.
Bedford, Earl of, 123.
Bedford, 125.
Beeston Castle, 168.
Bellamont; see Bard.
Bennett, Henry, (see Arlington,) 275.
Berkeley, Sir John, 276.
Birmingham, 103-104.
Blake, Admiral, 241-245.
Blechingdon House, 169.
Blount, Sir Charles, 126.
Bohemia, 3-5.
Bolton, 144.
Boswell, Sir W., 55.
Boye, 44, 79-81; death of, 81, 150.
Brandenburg, Elector of, 5-6, 280, 353; Catharine, Electress of, 5-6, 211.
Breda, Siege of, 34-35.
Brentford, Lord, (see Ruthven,) 162.
Bristol, 113, 118, 177, 180; siege of, 114-117, 180-182.
Bristol, Earl of, 94.
Brouncker, Mr., 308-309.
Brunswick, Christian of, 7.
Buckingham, George Villiers, first Duke of, 12; letters of Prince Henry to, 13; death of, 13; daughter of, 12, 111.
Buckingham, Second Duke of, 225, 273, 295, 337.
Bulstrode, Sir Richard, 92.
Bunckley, M., 277.
Burnet, Bishop, 309.
Burford, Lord, 364.
Butler, Colonel, 183.
Byron, Sir John, (afterwards Lord,) 95, 100, 120, 130, 140, 160, 164, 167-168, 190.
Byron, Sir Nicholas, 90.
Byron, Sir Robert, 70.
C
Cabal, The, 320, 322, 323, 331.
Caldecot House, Attack on, 86.
Calvinist Princes, 4.
Cambridge, Duke of, 336.
Canterbury, Archbishop of, 304.
Carleton, Sir Dudley, 10.
Carlisle, Lord, 340.
Carlisle, Lady, 78.
Carnarvon, Lord, 27, 119, 122.
Carteret, Sir George, 255, 318.
Cartwright, Captain, 228.
Casimir, Prince, 43.
Casimir, Prince John, 349.
Cavaliers, First defeat of, 121; character of, 332-333; distressed, 336-337.
Cave, Sir Richard, 127.
Chalgrove Field, 108-110.
Chapelle, M. de La, 219-220.
Charles I. As Prince, 7; as King, 12, 13, 21-24, 27, 30, 31, 40, 43, 48-52, 56, 57, 58, 60-61, 67, 71, 77-78, 87, 88, 91-93, 119-120, 133, 141, 146, 160-161, 189-190, 208, 214, 223, 237, 295, 332, 336; letters of, 32, 63, 138, 141, 143, 147, 152-153, 157, 166, 187, 194, 213, 218, 231; letters to, 15, 50, 185-186; attempts to treat with Parliament, 85, 99, 102, 128, 163; disavows Rupert's action, 86; fears Rupert's violence, 94; in want of money, 95; advances on London, 98-99; recalls Rupert to Oxford, 106; meets Queen at Edgehill, 111; disturbed councils of, 108; affection for Duke and Duchess of Richmond, 111-112; goes to Bristol, 118-119; at siege of Gloucester, 120; defeated at Newbury, 121-122, 161; vacillates between parties, 122-123, 124, 143, 170-173; desires to send Prince of Wales to West, 142; attempts to prejudice, against Rupert, 145; successes of, in West, 154; removes Wilmot, 154-155; desires to reconcile Rupert with Digby, 157-158; retreats to Oxford, 161-162; last campaign of, 170-173; defeated at Naseby, 173; retreats to Wales, 173, 177; refuses to treat, 178-179; dismisses Rupert, 184; at Newark, 186-187; permits Rupert's trial, 195; offended by Rupert's conduct, 197-198; reconciled with Rupert, 199-201; goes to Scots, 201; reproaches Charles Louis, 206-207; reaction in favour of, 222; attempt of, to escape, 231-232; death of, 236-239.