1806,
parliament was opened by commission; but the usual address was omitted, on account of the absence of the minister, who, as before stated, was then seriously indisposed.
On the 23rd of January, Mr. Pitt expired, in the forty-seventh year of his age. He was said to have died insolvent. Be this as it may, forty thousand pounds were voted as a plea to discharge his debts, as well as means to defray the expenses of his funeral! Probably this was the best laid-out money of the ministry for some time past. If the occasion had occurred twenty years before, what an immense saving it had produced the country!
The public life of Mr. Pitt will afford no room for praise to the faithful and just historian. When the errors and praises of his biographers shall have lost their force, future generations will behold his character in its native colours. He must then appear either in the light of an ungrateful hypocrite, or submit to the only alternative of being reckoned a man of contracted mind. Even in private life, he was not more amiable nor exemplary. The ministerial system which he had laid down pervaded the internal economy of all his actions. He appeared to imagine true dignity consisted in a coolness and reserve, (probably acquired from his queen) that banished every suitor from his presence; nor did he ever suffer [139]a case of distress, however just or pressing the claims might be, to divert him from the routine of office, or to extort the least relief or comfort from himself. Negligent and careless in his domestic concerns, he never permitted a single ray of generosity to burst forth to animate the general frost of his character. He retained his natural sullenness and reserve; even in the best moments of convivial mirth, he never displayed a flexibility of disposition, or an openness to conviction. Often as he was obliged to submit to the decrees of necessity, whereon he imagined his continuance in office depended, yet he never had the candour to acknowledge the weakness of any measure, originating in himself, that brought on that necessity. But what a departure was this from the principles of his illustrious ancestor, the Earl of Chatham, who would never crouch to the authority of any sovereign or cabinet, when militating against his own more enlightened judgment. He resisted bribery, and generally succeeded in his views, or, if baffled, resigned his office. The son of this nobleman, however, pursued far different maxims, and pertinaciously clung to the douceurs and infamy of office; for infamous it most certainly was, to practice measures his own sentiments condemned. Never did man accede to power on more just or noble principles, and never did man forsake those principles with less reserve. He forgot all obligations, and at a happy crisis, when he might have availed himself of the occasion of honorably fulfilling them, in advancing the liberty and happiness of the country, he [140]was eternally launching out into vapid and unmeaning encomiums on the boasted excellencies of the British constitution, instead of adhering to his solemn contract, of exerting all his influence and abilities to reform its blemishes. With all the failings of this minister, his caution and plausibility were admirably calculated to entrap the confidence of the landed and monied interest, and he turned it to the best account, labouring with all his zeal to inculcate a belief of the flourishing state of the national finances, enforcing every circumstance tending to confirm this belief, and concealing every truth that would serve to diminish or destroy it. Will not such a man, then, be regarded by posterity as a time-server and an apostate?
After the death of Mr. Pitt, Mr. Fox joined the ministry; and, at the same time, Lord Sidmouth continued a member of the cabinet! But Mr. Fox did not retain his situation long. His health soon after declined, and he died on the 13th of September following.
Of this great statesman, we may say, "take him for all in all, we ne'er shall look upon his like again." He was an unbending patriot; possessed of great political ability, and loved, as well as advocated, the cause of LIBERTY. Light and shade, however, were mixed in Mr. Fox's picture. He permitted private friendship, in one instance, to over-balance his public duty. We refer to the language used by him in the House of Commons, in April, 1787, which must have been against his conscience. He there denied [141]the marriage between the Prince of Wales and Mrs. Fitzherbert, when, in fact, he assisted at that very marriage; but, because he had engaged secrecy to the prince, he thought proper to utter a direct falsehood rather than break his promise upon the subject!
Mr. Pitt's death was an unpleasant consequence to the usurping queen, and perhaps impelled the ardour of her determination to get her favourite son's divorce from his injured wife settled as soon as possible. The scheme for this purpose, which seemed most practicable, was the obtaining some document as evidence against the moral character of the princess. By the queen's express desire, therefore, Lady Douglas had removed her abode, nearly six years previously, close to Blackheath, and was purposely employed to invent some dishonourable report against the princess.
The Princess of Wales accidentally and innocently (on her part) became acquainted with this lady, and from that period no pains were spared, on the part of Lady Douglas and her husband, to increase that acquaintance, until their diabolical object should be attained. The most assiduous attentions and extravagant pains were used to entrap the generous mind of the princess; but as the object in view proved of a very difficult nature, so did the means for its accomplishment become equally numerous. This intimacy commenced in 1801, and terminated in 1804; and during that period did these base designing slanderers and ungrateful guests, by secret application, obtain an opportunity to vilify, outrage, and insult [142]the princess, in connexion with nearly every branch of the royal family, who were too closely united in one general interest not to assist each other.
The only patriotic members, the Dukes of Kent and Sussex, appeared much wrought upon by the specious and abominable fabrication brought forward by these unprincipled, time-serving, and heartless enemies of Caroline. Although their statements and depositions were taken so fully, and examined so closely,—although the prince pursued the subject with such unfeeling barbarity,—yet the princess was acquitted, most honourably acquitted. Indeed, to any rational inquirer, the wickedness of the Douglas statement was, beyond doubt, most palpable. It was full of improbabilities, of contradictions, and absurdities, which well merited punishment. Had a similar insult or a flagrant transgression been offered to the royal family in the person of any other than the Princess of Wales, would not the whole royal phalanx, headed by the queen, have arisen in defence of their illustrious and virtuous house? Nay, would not the insulting falsehoods and infamous assertions have been proved treasonable? Yes, undoubtedly; but, because the injured Princess of Wales was the INTENDED VICTIM OF A CONSPIRACY, although so gloriously acquitted, yet no prosecution of her traducers followed; neither did any branch of the royal family exemplify one pleasurable feeling upon the conclusion of this disgracefully-iniquitous business! Their chagrin was much more evident!
As if in this year a deluge of sadness and sorrow, [143]in addition to all other trials and injuries, were to fall upon the persecuted Caroline, she had to suffer the heavy and irreparable loss of her father, William, Duke of Brunswick, at the memorable battle of Jena, October 14th, in the seventy-first year of his age.
The character of the venerable Duke of Brunswick is beyond praise; "his NAME shall be his monument!" If at any period the Princess of Wales needed the kind and soothing balm of friendship, it was at this trying juncture. Her friends were few in number, and their friendship was of an evanescent description. They sometimes professed their readiness to serve her, and eulogised her greatness of mind and talent; yet, when brought to the point by public opinion and inquiry, they very generally expressed their sentiments equivocally, or with some portion of hesitation calculated to injure, rather than benefit, the cause they professed to serve. Mr. Canning and Mr. Whitbread were two of these particular kind of friends, as our after history will abundantly testify.
How wretched must have been the Princess Charlotte at this period, who was nearly deprived of all communication with her affectionate mother, and without one friend to whom she could freely speak of her sorrows and anxious wishes!
The year
1807
commenced with selfish men in office, who contrived [144]selfish measures for the continued purposes of corruption.
The king now became very imbecile; and the queen and the Prince of Wales intimidated him from acting honourably towards the Princess of Wales, as he had so committed himself by his fatal act of BIGAMY. As his mind became proportionately depressed by the perplexities of his situation, so did his conduct become more influenced as they desired it; until, at length, he proved a mere automaton, to be moved at their pleasure!
In any case of vital importance to character, delay is dangerous; because it causes suspicion, suspicion begets mistrust, and so on do these injurious sentiments proceed, until, ere the time of trial arrives, the injured party has suffered unjustly in a two-fold way. Thus it was in the case of the unfortunate Caroline. To oblige the queen, his majesty postponed seeing his daughter-in-law as long as it suited the views of the designers against her happiness.
From the active part which Mr. Perceval had taken in defence of the princess, especially in his book, which made much noise in the world at this time, the queen thought it prudent to advise his being accommodated with office. She made her will known to the prince, who was very happy to concur in the suggestion, but only feared an obstacle in Mr. Perceval's rigid virtue. This, however, was not insurmountable, and Mr. Perceval was made "Chancellor of the Exchequer;" Mr. Canning, "Secretary [145]for Foreign Affairs;" and Lord Castlereagh, "Secretary for the Department of War and the Colonies." Thus were two of the former advocates of the Princess of Wales enlisted under the banners of her most deadly enemies! As to the honor they derived from their base desertion of the cause of innocence, we leave our readers to judge.
The Prince of Wales, at this juncture, made no secret of his diabolical intentions; for we well know that he has frequently raised the goblet to his lips, and drank "TO THE SPEEDY DAMNATION OF THE PRINCESS." It was very perceptible that the royal party were well aware of the injustice practised towards the princess; but, charity being a virtue of little worth in their ideas, they resolved to carry their plans into execution, no matter at what cost.
The least the late friends of the princess could do was, to remain silent; but human beings can articulate sounds, and be oppositely communicative with their optical faculties. An individual, who accepts place amongst those whom he formerly professed to despise, renders himself an object of suspicion, if not of detestation.
For the present, we abstain from further remarks upon these two late principal friends of the persecuted Princess of Wales.
Upon hearing of the Duke of Brunswick's death, the king could do no less than solicit the duchess, his sister, to visit England. As the country around her was in a deplorable state, and feeling desirous to see her daughter, she determined to accept the [146]invitation, and arrived at the house of the Princess of Wales, at Blackheath, on the 7th of July, in one of her royal highness' carriages.
The injured Caroline was so overpowered at this interview as to cause the duchess much serious disquiet; for she plainly saw that her daughter had great cause for sorrow, the particulars of which she was yet ignorant. The princess afterwards appeared soothed; and this short interview, cheered by a fond mother's presence, proved a solace to her lacerated heart.
The king went from Windsor to see his sister, and the queen also from St. James' Palace; the Princess Charlotte, and several other members of the family, paid their respects to the duchess.
Thus, though common or decent attention was refused the daughter, while mourning over her early misfortunes and recent losses, yet, when her mother arrived, some little regard must be paid to etiquette, although the daughter was to receive the visiters. But so it was. Poor Queen Charlotte, how hard it was for her to vouchsafe or condescend to let fall one smile upon Caroline!
After the opportunity this visit afforded the Princess Charlotte, the mother and daughter were of necessity explicit, and they mourned over the seeming hard destiny each was doomed to experience.
During the remainder of this year, the king became more and more incapacitated for business of any sort; he could not even distinguish any object by either its colour or size, and was led from one [147]place to another as if in the last stage of blindness. The long-continued distractions of his mind, and the anxiety yet remaining, caused his rational moments to be most gloomy. His favourite daughter was incurably diseased with a scrofulous disorder, from which she suffered dreadfully, and nature seemed fast declining. Throughout the whole of his family, the poor monarch had but little gratification, as every individual composing it was separately under her majesty's controul. To have contradicted her order or command would have been attended with no very pleasant consequences. Her look was sufficient to frighten every one into obedience!
We now enter upon the year
1808,
in which the session of parliament was opened by commission, on the 21st of January, the king's indisposition preventing him from going in person.
At this period, a very strong sensation was excited against the continuance of the pension list. The productive classes ascertained, in a very correct way, how the fruits of their industry were devoured. In consequence of which, they felt themselves imposed upon in the highest degree; but resolved to try rational entreaty and petition ere they resorted to acts of violence. The number of these dissatisfied classes, in every large town, was immensely great, and they only needed system to obtain, by their SIMPLE [148]PETITION, what they so much desired; but the authorities knew the incapacitated state of the sufferers, in the absence of that system, and therefore very ungenerously refused their appeal.
In March, the City of London (John Ansley, mayor) petitioned both Houses for parliamentary reform, and the abolition of sinecure places and pensions; but they received the expense attendant upon their exertions for their reward, and the mortification of the ministers' apathy for their satisfaction. Popular indignation, however, is not so easily allayed; for, though extreme appearances may for a time be concealed, they will eventually break forth with ten-fold force. The public reasoned upon a rational ground, and was fully aware that their strength was spent to support enemies. Their resolve to petition for freedom was the dictate of an unerring and fixed principle, ever inherent in the breast of man. The blandishments of folly, and the encouragement given to imposition, have rendered the industrious and honest citizen a prey to the lordlings of arbitrary power; and so long as he can assist to supply means whereby their cravings may be satisfied, so long do they seem to suppose he lives to a sufficient purpose. Under these circumstances, the oppressed classes were perfectly justified in making a stand against farther innovation; and also in resisting the intolerable injustice in force against them. Still the administration continued inexorable to the pressing prayers and miserable condition of the people. The political disease, however, was rapidly advancing to a crisis.
[149]Similar distress and dissatisfaction existed at the commencement of the year
1809:
provisions were dear, and labour scarce; yet an additional sum was required for the state, to uphold its secret machinations, and pervert the ends of justice.
It will be remembered that, in this year, the celebrated Mrs. Mary Ann Clark, formerly a mistress of the Duke of York, appeared at the bar of the House of Commons, as evidence against him. Mr. Wardle, with an intrepidity worthy of the cause in which he was engaged, took upon himself the awful responsibility of preferring those serious charges against the duke, which it were unnecessary for us here to repeat. The public officers of the king volunteered their services to rescue his royal highness from public odium by denominating the proceeding as a conspiracy! In spite, however, of every artifice which a knowledge of the law enables bad men to practice to defeat the ends of justice, there were exposed to public view scenes of the grossest corruption, of the most abandoned profligacy, of the most degrading meanness, and of the most consummate hypocrisy. The contagion had reached every department of the state; nor was the church exempted from its baneful influence. It was fully proved that, not only subordinate situations, but even deaneries and bishoprics (which had been supposed to be the rewards of piety [150]and learning) were applied for to his royal highness, through the intervention of his mistress! A great majority of the boroughmongers, of course, acquitted the duke from these charges, and talked of voting an address of thanks to him for the manner in which he discharged his official duties. Fortunately, however, the mode of investigation adopted enabled every man in the kingdom to judge for himself. Englishmen, for once, spoke out, and the duke was compelled to resign. This step on the part of the illustrious debauchee prevented further exposure, and saved him from the severe and heavy weight of being voted out of office, and degraded! Behold, then, reader, what the principles of Pitt achieved! That minister always persuaded the male branches of the family, that the queen's protection (through the medium of the minister) would prove at all times a sufficient retreat and asylum, in case of complaint or refractory sensation of the people at their frequent derelictions from duty and honor.
The fluctuations of the public funds was an opportune chance for speculation, and the queen's love of money induced her to turn her sources of information to the best account; she therefore acted in concert with her broker, and immediately, upon any rise taking place, she "sold out," and when gloom overspread the market, she "bought in." By this speculation alone, the Duke of Kent acknowledged that his mother realized four hundred thousand pounds! At the same period, her majesty had another excellent speculation in hand; namely, the profits [151]arising from the sale of cadetships for the East Indies. Dr. Randolph and Lady Jersey were the chief managers of these affairs, though her majesty received the largest portion of the spoil. Dr. Randolph himself acknowledged, that the queen had realized seventy thousand pounds upon this traffic alone! In one transaction with a candidate for a cadetship, an enormous premium was required, and the applicant was very much incensed, as it appeared to him to be nothing less than a bold imposition. He expostulated; but Dr. Randolph made short of the affair by refusing any further communication upon the subject. For once, Dr. Randolph forgot his own interest, as also the public character and safety of his royal mistress. The gentleman, shortly afterwards, was visiting a friend in Paris, when the conversation turned upon the English constitution, and the immense revenues of the kingdom. The friend spoke in raptures upon the liberal feelings and generous provisions exercised and provided towards, and for all, aspirants to honor. At length, the visiter could no longer conceal his mortification and chagrin, and he candidly explained every particular of his correspondence with Dr. Randolph, in which her majesty's name was as freely introduced as the doctor's. The astonishment and surprise of his friend were great indeed, and he recommended him to publish the whole affair in France, and circulate it through the surrounding kingdoms. A printer was sought for, who required a certain time to determine the risk he should run in the undertaking; this was accordingly granted, and the parties separated. As soon as the [152]person intended to be employed found the consequence attached to it, he communicated the important information to a solicitor, of some eminence, in London, to whom he had formerly been known. The affair was subsequently made known to the queen's youngest son, and by him the queen was fully acquainted with the probability of public exposure. An overwhelming infamy she well knew would be inseparably attached to it. Her majesty had been accustomed to deception, but hitherto she had not feared detection; but the moment of her fancied security was the moment most likely to prove fatal to her existence as a queen.
The Duke of Kent was unremitting in his exertions to obtain a settlement of this nefarious affair, and twenty thousand pounds were actually paid for the correspondence, and two thousand pounds given by the queen (through the medium of the duke) to the person who effected the settlement of the business, under the provision "that that business might never transpire to the public." His royal highness was too well aware of the general disposition of the queen, and her avaricious character, not to affect satisfaction at the high price her majesty paid for silencing this unpleasant affair. It may be inferred, that if the queen had committed herself by such flagrant acts of injustice as these, there might be many more dishonourable transactions of a minor description, occurring nearly at the same period. Yes, the inference is correct, for her majesty was truly born and bred a German!
We will relate another instance of Queen [153]Charlotte's ungenerous conduct. She had the superintendence of the education of her daughters, as far as related to the choice of their preceptors. Her majesty appointed a very clever and scientific gentleman, who resided in London, to teach herself and the six princesses—geography, astronomy, arithmetic, and the nature of the funds. Besides which, he was asked, as a favour, to settle the very deranged accounts of the princesses. This accomplished and worthy gentleman also held of Princess Elizabeth a bond for ten thousand pounds. After dancing attendance upon these illustrious individuals for twenty-six years, without receiving any remuneration, though he had frequently pressed for payment of his long-standing account, he again solicited a settlement with the queen; but, as he only received abuse of an unmeasured description for his pains, he determined to maintain himself and his large family out of the profits of his private scholars, leaving the royal debt as a provision for his children after him. His expenses were considerable in attending the royal family, as he was always obliged to go full dressed in a bag and silk stockings, to hire carriages to go down to Windsor, to live at an inn, and to sleep there, if they chose to take lessons the two following days, by which he was also often obliged to neglect and disoblige his private scholars. For all this attendance, he received no remuneration whatever; and Queen Charlotte had the heart to say, "I think you have had remuneration sufficient by your youngest son receiving a pension of eighty pounds a year for teaching [154]the younger princesses only writing!" The preceptor, however, still claimed his remuneration, and was, at last, referred to the lawyers, who required him to produce proofs of every lesson he gave, the day and the hour, for twenty-six years! To their astonishment, he produced his diary, and such clear accounts, that there was no contradicting them. But as lawyers are never at a loss how to gain their ends, they next required him to declare, upon oath, the name of each particular servant that had let him in during the twenty-six years! This he could not do; and her majesty, not to be behind the lawyers, advised they should plead the statute of limitation! The lawyers, however, persuaded her most excellent majesty that such a proceeding would be against her interest. After being harassed about in this manner for a considerable time, the old, care-worn, broken-hearted master was most injuriously persuaded to suffer the business to be decided by one arbitrator only, instead of trusting to the laws of his country. The poor old gentleman never held up his head afterwards, but always used to say he should leave all his family beggars, which, alas! proved too true. He shortly after died at his house in Manchester-street. He was a very worthy and an exceedingly clever man. On one occasion, Mr. Pitt sent for him to solve some difficulty in the finances of the country, for which none of the ministers could account. He instantly set them all right by showing that such an error was possible to occur, though it very seldom did occur.
[155]Besides the claims upon Queen Charlotte, the worthy preceptor had a bill against the Princess Charlotte for eight hundred pounds. On applying to the Prince of Wales for this money, he refused to pay it, and referred him to the king, who was then quite deranged! The Princess of Wales knew all these particulars, and told her daughter, the Princess Charlotte, the desperate state of the poor man's family. Her royal highness spoke to her uncle, the Duke of York, about it, who persuaded her that the venerable master was an old rogue, who had robbed the princesses and all the family, and her royal highness chose to believe him. That he was a scientific man, his books and valuable mathematical instruments bore ample testimony. These were sold after his death for eight thousand pounds, which went to discharge his debts.
Many other instances might be recorded to prove the unfeeling and barbarous behaviour of the queen; but this alone must be sufficient to convince our readers how totally unfit her majesty was to reign over a free people.
In the September of this year, Lord Castlereagh sent a challenge to Mr. Canning, which was accepted; but the effects of the duel were not very serious, though it subsequently led to the resignation of both. It is hardly worth while, perhaps, to recur to this now-forgotten, and always, as far as the public were concerned, insignificant business. Lord Castlereagh acted as a vain and high-spirited man, who fancied his confidence betrayed, his abilities called in question, [156]and, like an Irishman, saw but a short vista between an offence and a duel. Mr. Canning, equally high-spirited, felt that he had got into a disagreeable business, and that the fairest escape from it would be to fight his way out. Lord Castlereagh's conduct, when we think of a sober and wise statesman, is ridiculous. Mr. Canning's, when we picture to ourselves a high-minded and frank-hearted gentleman, in spite of the plausibility of explanations, is displeasing.
The wretched policy of this year required fifty-four millions of money to support it.
1810
was ushered in under distressing and unsatisfactory circumstances. The royal family were divided amongst themselves, and every branch seemed to have a separate interest. Under these circumstances, it was not a matter of surprise that truth was now and then elicited; for it is a veritable saying, that "when rogues fall out, honest men are gainers."
The king was at this time labouring under a severe attack of mental aberration: the situation of the country, his children, and his own peculiar sorrows, made impressions on his mind of the most grievous description.
In a former work of our's, called "The Authentic Records of the Court of England," we gave an account of the extraordinary and mysterious murder of one Sellis, a servant of the Duke of Cumberland, which occurred this year. In that account, we did [157]what we conceived to be our duty as historians,—we spoke the TRUTH! The truth, however, it appears, is not always to be spoken; for his royal highness instantly commenced a persecution against us for a "malicious libel." We say persecution, because almost every person is aware, that filing a criminal information against an individual can be done only with a view of preventing the exposure of truth, which, though such procedure be according to English law, cannot be reconciled with the original intention of law, namely—to do justice both to the libelled and the libeller! In America, no such monstrosities disgrace the statute-book; for there, if any person be accused of scandalum magnatum, and can prove the truth of what he has stated, he is honorably acquitted. Yet as we are not in America, but in England,—the boasted land of liberty,—we must, forsooth, be seized as criminals, merely because we wish to institute an inquiry into the circumstances of the murder of an individual, whose assassin, or assassins, have hitherto escaped the slippery hands of justice! We are no cowards in regimentals, nor did we make our statement with a view of slandering the royal pensioner. We would have willingly contended with his royal highness in a court of law, if he had had the courage to have met us on fair grounds. At the time we write this, we know not what the judgment of Lord Tenterden,—we beg his lordship's pardon, we should have said the court,—may be; but, whatever the punishment awarded, we hope to meet it with that fortitude which never fails to uphold a [158]man "conscious of doing no wrong!" If the Duke of Cumberland, however, imagines he can intimidate us from speaking the truth OUT OF COURT, he has mistaken us. We are not, as we said in our first work, to be prevented from doing whatever we conceive to be our duty. Though it may not be in our power to prove who was the murderer, the very suspicious circumstances attending the death of poor Sellis fully warrant renewed inquiry.
Passing over the various reports in circulation at the time of the murder, we proceed to notice the very contradictory evidence brought forward at the inquest. That we may not be accused of partiality, we take the report of this judicial proceeding from that Tory organ, "The Morning Post," which, it will be observed, deals out its abuse with no unsparing hand on the poor murdered man, whom it calls by the charitable appellation of villain, and sundry other hard names, which had better suited the well-known characters of other persons, who acted a prominent part in this foul business. After a few unmeaning preliminaries had been performed,
"Mr. Adams addressed the jury, and informed them of the violent attack that had been made upon the Duke of Cumberland; and that there was very little doubt but it was done by the deceased. He stated, the circumstances had been fully investigated by the privy council on Thursday, and that the depositions of the numerous witnesses had been taken before Mr. Justice Read, which he should read to them; after which the witnesses would be called before them, and the depositions would also be read to them, when they would have an opportunity of altering or enlarging, and the jury could put any question to them they thought fit."
In this address, some of the privileges of royalty [159]are explained. Because the murder had been committed in a palace, the privy council must examine the witnesses before they may be allowed to meet the jury, and their depositions taken by a justice, under the influence of the suspected party. The coroner may then tell the jury that there was very little doubt of the deceased person having attempted his master's life, and afterwards cutting his own throat to avoid detection. Merciful heaven! can this be called an impartial administration of justice? Are such careful proceedings ever adopted in the case of a poor man? To be sure, the jury were told they might ask any question they thought fit; but is it to be supposed that, after the INQUIRIES they had undergone, the witnesses would let slip any thing likely to criminate themselves or their royal master?
"The first affidavit that was read was that of his royal highness the Duke of Cumberland, which stated, that about half-past two o'clock on Thursday morning he received two violent blows and cuts on his head; the first impression upon his mind was, that a bat had got into the room, and was beating about his head; but he was soon convinced to the contrary by receiving a third blow. He then jumped out of bed, when he received several more blows; from the glimmering light afforded from a dull lamp in the fire-place, and the motion of the instrument that inflicted the wounds, they appeared like flashes of lightning before his eyes. He made for a door near the head of his bed, leading to a small room, to which the assassin followed him, and cut him across his thighs. His royal highness not being able to find his alarm-bell, which there is no doubt the villain had concealed, called with a loud voice for Neale (his valet in waiting) several times, who came to his assistance; and Neale, together with his royal highness, alarmed the house."
The blows of the assassin must have indeed been [160]slight to resemble "a bat beating about the head of his royal highness;" but we cannot understand how the cut of a sword can bear any similarity to the beating of a little animal, like a bat! Poor Sellis, however, was but a little man, and his weak arm might be still more enfeebled by the consciousness of his ingratitude in attacking so kind and liberal a master! Sellis had been the duke's page, or valet, for more than five years, in daily, nay, almost hourly, personal communication with him; and it must, therefore, appear very strange, if Sellis was really the assassin, that his master did not recognise him! If the room was so dark that the duke could not see the person attacking him, it is singular that the assassin could see to strike his royal highness, as he did by "cutting him across his thighs, after he was out of bed!" As the supposed murderer followed the duke, who thought it best to take to his heels, we think his royal highness should have stated whether he meant his thighs in front or behind; but, of course, an examination of the scars would soon set this matter at rest! They would, no doubt, be found behind, as it is unreasonable to suppose that, in a dark room, the pursuer could have cut at the pursued in front. The Duke of Cumberland is a field-marshal, and a BRAVER man, IT IS SAID, never entered the FIELD; but in a dark room, with a man little more than half his weight, it would have been cowardly to fight, particularly as his royal highness might, IF HE HAD SO WISHED, have taken the weapon out of Sellis' hand, and broken it about his [161]head. No! no! the Duke of Cumberland knew what was due to his honour better than to take so mean an advantage of a weak adversary, and therefore coolly endeavoured to ring his bell, that a more suitable antagonist might be procured in his valet Neale!
"Cornelius Neale, sworn.—He said he was valet to the Duke of Cumberland, and that he was in close waiting upon his royal highness on Wednesday night, and slept in a bed in a room adjoining the duke's bed-room. A little before three o'clock, he heard the duke calling out, 'Neale, Neale, I am murdered, and the murderer is in my bed-room!' He went immediately to his royal highness, and found him bleeding from his wounds. The duke told him the door the assassin had gone out at; he armed himself with a poker, and asked if he should pursue him. The duke replied 'no,' but to remain with him. After moving a few paces, he stepped upon a sword; and, although in the dark, he was convinced it was covered with blood; it proved to be the duke's own regimental sword. The duke and witness then went to alarm the house, and got a light from the porter. The duke was afraid the murderer was still in his bed-room. His royal highness was obliged to lean upon him from the loss of blood, and he gave directions that no person should be let out of the house. They called up the witness' wife, who is the housekeeper, and told her to call Sellis. He then returned with the duke to his bed-room. At that time the duke was very faint from the great loss of blood. Upon examining the premises they found, in a second adjoining small room, a pair of slippers with the name of Sellis on them, and a dark lantern. The key of the closet was in the inside of the lock, and, to his knowledge, the key had not been in that state for ten years. He had reason to believe the wounds of the duke had been given by a sword. Sellis took out the duke's regimentals some time since, and put them by again, but left out the sword upon a sofa for two or three days. It is the same sword which he trod upon, and it was in a bloody state.
"The foreman of the jury, (Mr. Place, of Charing Cross) asked the witness if he thought the deceased had any reason to be dissatisfied with the duke. He replied, on the contrary, he thought Sellis had more reason to be satisfied than any other of the servants; his royal highness had stood godfather for one of his children, the [162]Princess Augusta godmother. The duke had shown him very particular favour by giving him apartments for his wife and family, with coals and candles.
"A juryman asked him if he ever heard the deceased complain of the duke. The witness asked if he was obliged to answer that question. The coroner informed him he must. He then stated that about two or three years since the duke advanced their board wages from 10s. 6d. a week to 14s., but at the same time took off 3s. 6d., allowed for travelling. After this regulation was adopted, a paper was drawn up by the steward for the servants to sign, expressing their satisfaction at the regulation, which the deceased refused to sign, and said, 'he'd be d—d if he did, and none but blackguards would sign it.' The steward told him the duke said he must sign it, or his wife and family must quit the apartments he had given them, as the rest of the servants had signed it. He had never heard the deceased complain since. Within the last year, the duke and royal family had been extremely kind to him. He had never given him an angry word, although he had often made use of very bad language to him; if he did, he never answered him. The deceased was of a very malicious disposition. He would never be contradicted, if he began a subject, for which reason he never wished to have any conversation with him. He frequently quarrelled with Mr. Paulet, one of the duke's servants, and fought with the steward at Kew. Lately the deceased had a bad cold, and the duke was so very kind towards him in consequence, that he took him inside the carriage to Windsor. Sellis dressed the duke on Wednesday night. He had no doubt but Sellis intended that he should be charged with being the murderer, to get him out of the way."
This Neale's evidence ought to be received with great caution. He slept in the next room to the duke, and when called upon for his assistance, stated his wish to pursue the murderer with a poker; but was prevented by his master's "fear of being left alone!" In this courageous offer of Neale, however, he trampled upon a sword, which, although in total darkness, he was CONVINCED was COVERED WITH BLOOD!! We have no intention to dispute Neale's [163]knowledge of this, or that "it was his master's own regimental sword!" There have been so many wonderful people who could see AS WELL IN THE DARK AS IN THE LIGHT, and describe the minutest particulars of an article as well with their EYES SHUT AS OPEN, that we ought not to be surprised at any thing! Notwithstanding, many persons WERE SURPRISED at the sagacity of Neale, not only in this, but in many other particulars. If the duke, "covered with gore, accompanied this servant to alarm the house," the traces of blood on the doors, &c., leading to Sellis' room, might be very naturally accounted for! They, however, thought it better not to call Sellis THEMSELVES, but sent Neale's wife to do it!!! Although the duke pointed out to his confidential man the door through which the villain had ESCAPED, his royal highness "felt afraid the murderer was STILL in his bed-room," which we have no reason to doubt! "A pair of slippers were left in an adjoining room, with the name of Sellis upon them." That Sellis left them there, however, is rather IMPROBABLE; because it is natural to suppose he would, if HE had been the murderer, have gone to his master's room WITHOUT SLIPPERS, or shoes of any kind, to make as little noise as possible. This circumstance, we are inclined to think, was a planned affair, though badly executed; for we know that these slippers were placed the wrong way,—a fact which will be hereafter proved. Through the whole of Neale's evidence, not a word was said to show that Sellis had the least motive for murdering either [164]the duke or himself. On the contrary, "Sellis had every thing to expect from his master's living."
In concluding our remarks upon Neale's evidence, we point the attention of our readers to the last sentence: "He had no doubt but Sellis intended that he (Neale) should be charged with being the murderer, to get him out of the way!" Now, as there was not the slightest evidence to bear Neale out in this malicious assertion, we think, FOR HIS OWN SAKE, he had much better have kept the expression to himself. Some of our readers may not be aware of the cause Sellis had given this fellow-servant to hate him; but the following letter, addressed to B. C. Stephenson, Esq., written by Sellis a few months before his death, will elucidate this matter a little:
"St. James', July 9th, 1809.
"Sir,—I am extremely anxious to know his royal highness' decision concerning the evidence produced before you against Mr. Neale, and I beg you, Sir, to have the goodness to relieve me from this most disagreeable suspense. If I may, Sir, judge from appearance, either his royal highness is not acquainted with what has been proved, or his royal highness has entirely forgiven him. Should the former be the case, Sir, I hope you will have the goodness to acquaint his royal highness to the full extent of the roguery of this man; and here it may be necessary to say, that the witnesses you have examined are all of them ready to take their oaths in a court of justice, and there to assert what they have already said before you. But, Sir, should his royal highness have forgiven him, then I must be under the most disagreeable necessity to beg his royal highness to have the goodness to dispose of me as his royal highness may think proper, so that I may not have the mortification to live and act in the same room with a man I have convicted as a rogue, and with whom no human being is able to live on friendly terms. Had it been his royal highness' pleasure to have had this business in a court of justice, the man would have been transported at least for seven years; and what I am going to communicate to you now is, I believe, [165]transportation for life. I have been told, Sir, that Mr. Neale cheats his royal highness in every thing he buys; in two different articles I have already ascertained this to be a fact; on the toothpicks he gains fifty per cent., by charging eighteen pence for that for which he only pays one shilling, and on the soap he charges two shillings for that which he pays eighteen pence, and should his royal highness wish me to proceed with these discoveries, it will be found that the dishonesty of this man has no bounds! The evidence you have taken, Sir, and what I have communicated to Major Thornton, with which also you must be acquainted, you must be satisfied, that this man is as great a villain as ever existed; NO OATH OR PROMISE IS BINDING WITH HIM; and he relates alike that which he must have sworn to keep sacred in his bosom, as he will a most trifling thing; and slanders and THREATENS WITH PUBLIC EXPOSURE AND LARGE DAMAGES HIS BENEFACTOR and only maker of his fortune, just as he would one of his own stamp. Sir, to serve his royal highness, I have always thought it as my greatest honour, and to serve him in any situation that his royal highness may be pleased to place me, shall always be the greatest pride of my life; but no longer can I live with this monster. I have, Sir, served his royal highness for nearly twelve years, and would rather forego all my wishes and pretensions, and beseech his royal highness to allow me permission to look out for another place. To your goodness I trust, Sir, that you will lay my case before his royal highness, and acquaint me with his royal highness' pleasure.
"I have the honour to be, Sir,
"Your most obedient and most humble servant,
"B. C. Stephenson, Esq."
In this letter, enough is set forth to make us receive the evidence of Neale with caution, if not to render him unworthy of belief altogether. Why the Duke of Cumberland retained Neale in his service after his peculating tricks had been discovered, and after the THREAT he held out against his royal master, we must leave our readers to discover.