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Siouan Sociology

Chapter 21: THE HUÑKPAPA
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About This Book

A systematic ethnographic account of social organization across Siouan-speaking groups, detailing kinship units (clans, gentes, and subgroups), rules of descent and marriage, and how kinship structures regulate political, judicial, and economic functions. It describes major and minor corporate forms, the roles of chiefs, warriors, and ordinary men, patterns of camping and tribal division, and processes of consolidation, segregation, adoption, and migration. Comparative sketches of particular tribes illustrate variations in phratries, gentes, marriage taboos, and ceremonial and military arrangements, with phonetic notes and diagrams supporting linguistic and organizational descriptions.


GENERAL FEATURES OF ORGANIZATION

In the study of the organization of societies, units of different orders are discovered. Among the tribes of the Siouan family the primary unit is the clan or gens, which is composed of a number of consanguinei, claiming descent from a common ancestor and having common taboos; the term clan implying descent in the female line, while gens implies descent in the male line. Among the Dakota, as among the ¢egiha and other groups, the man is the head of the family.

Several of the Siouan tribes are divided into two, and one (the Osage) is divided into three subtribes. Other tribes are composed of phratries, and each subtribe or phratry comprises a number of gentes. In some tribes each gens is made up of subgentes, and these in turn of a lower order of groups, which are provisionally termed sections for want of a better designation. The existence of these minor groups among the Omaha has been disputed by some, though other members of the tribe claim that they are real units of the lowest order. Among the Teton many groups which were originally sections have become gentes, for the marriage laws do not affect the original phratries, gentes, and subgentes.

The state, as existing among the Siouan tribes, may be termed a kinship state, in that the governmental functions are performed by men whose offices are determined by kinship, and in that the rules relating to kinship and reproduction constitute the main body of the recognized law. By this law marriage and the mutual rights and duties of the several members of each body of kindred are regulated. Individuals are held responsible, chiefly to their kindred; and certain groups of kindred are in some cases held responsible to other groups of kindred. When other conduct, such as the distribution of game taken in the forest or fish from the waters, is regulated, the rules or laws pertaining thereto involve, to a certain extent, the considerations of kinship.

[pg 214]

The legislative, executive, and judicative functions have not been differentiated in Indian society as found among the Siouan groups. Two tendencies or processes of opposite character have been observed among the tribes, viz, consolidation and segregation. The effects of consolidation are conspicuous among the Omaha, Kansa, Osage, and Oto, while segregation has affected the social organization among the Kansa, Ponka, and Teton. There have been instances of emigration from one tribe to another of the same linguistic family; and among the Dakota new gentes have been formed by the adoption into the tribe of foreigners, i.e., those of a different stock.

Two classes of organization are found in the constitution of the state, viz, (1) major organizations, which relate directly to government, and (2) minor organizations, which relate only indirectly to government. The former embraces the state functionaries, the latter comprises corporations.

Although the state functionaries are not clearly differentiated, three classes of such men have been recognized: chiefs, policemen or soldiers, and young men or "the common people." The chiefs are the civil and religious leaders of the masses; the policemen are the servants of the chiefs; the young men are such as have not distinguished themselves in war or in any other way. These last have no voice in the assembly, which is composed of the chiefs alone. Among the Omaha there is no military class, yet there is a war element which is regulated by the Elk gens. The ¢ixida gens and part of the Nikadaɔna gens of the Ponka tribe are considered to be the warriors of the tribe, though members of other gentes have participated in war. In the Kansa tribe two gentes, the Large Hañga and the Small Hañga, form the phratry connected with war, though warriors did not necessarily belong to those gentes alone. In the Osage camping circle all the gentes on the right side are war gentes, but the first and second, reckoning from the van, are the soldiers or policemen; while all the gentes camping on the left are associated with peace, though their first and second gentes, reckoning from the van, are policemen or soldiers. Among the Omaha both officers and warriors must be taken from the class of "young men," as the chiefs are afraid to act as leaders in war; and among both the Omaha and the Ponka the chiefs, being the civil and religious leaders of the people, can not serve as captains, or even as members, of an ordinary war party, though they may fight when the whole tribe engages in war. Among the Dakota, however, chiefs have led in time of war.

Corporations among the Siouan tribes are minor organizations, indirectly related to the government, though they do not constitute a part of it. The Omaha, for instance, and perhaps other tribes of the family, are organized into certain societies for religious, industrial, and other ends. There are two kinds of societies, the brotherhoods and the feasting organizations. The former are the dancing societies, to some of which the physicians belong.

[pg 215]

Social classes are undifferentiated. Any man can win a name and rank in the section, gens, phratry, tribe, or nation by bravery in war or by generosity in the bestowal of presents and the frequent giving of feasts. While there are no slaves among the Siouan tribes, there are several kinds of servants in civil, military, and religious affairs.

THE DAKOTA TRIBES

DESIGNATION AND MODE OF CAMPING

The Dakota call themselves Otceti cakowin (Oćeti śakowiɳ1), The Seven Fireplaces or Council-fires. This designation refers to their original gentes, the Mdewakantonwan (Mdewakaɳ-toɳwaɳ), Waqpekute (Waḣpe-kute), Waqpe-tonwan (Waḣpetoɳwaɳ), Sisitonwan (Sisitoɳwaɳ), Ihañk-tonwan (Ihaɳktoɳwaɳ), Ihañk-tonwanna (Ihaɳktoɳwaɳna), and Titonwan (Titoɳwaɳ). They camped in two sets of concentric circles, one of four circles, consisting probably of the Mdewakantonwan, Waqpe-kute, Waqpe-tonwan and Sisitonwan; and the other of three circles, including the Ihañktonwan, Ihañktonwanna, and Titonwan, as shown by the dialectal resemblances and variations as well as by the relative positions of their former habitats.

THE MDEWAKANTONWAN

The Mdewakantonwan were so called from their former habitat, Mdewakan, or Mysterious lake, commonly called Spirit lake, one of the Mille Lacs in Minnesota. The whole name means Mysterious Lake village, and the term was used by De l'Isle as early as 1703. The Mdewakantonwan were the original Santee, but the white people, following the usage of the Ihañktonwan, Ihañktonwanna, and Titonwan, now extend that name to the Waqpekute, Waqpetonwan, and Sisitonwan. The gentes of the Mdewakantonwan are as follows:2

1. Kiyuksa, Breakers (of the law or custom); so called because members of this gens disregarded the marriage law by taking wives within the gens.

2. Qe-mini-tcan (Ḣe-mini-ćaɳ) or Qemnitca (Ḣemnića), literally, "Mountain-water-wood;" so called from a hill covered with timber that appears to rise out of the water. This was the gens of Red Wing, whose village was a short distance from Lake Pepin, Minnesota.

3. Kap'oja (Kap̣oźa), Not encumbered-with-much-baggage; "Light Infantry." "Kaposia, or Little Crow's village," in Minnesota, in 1852.

4. Maxa-yute-cni (Maġa-yute-'sni), Eats-no-geese.

5. Qeyata-otonwe (Ḣeyata-otoɳwe), of-its-chief-Hake-wacte (Hake waṡte); Qeyata-tonwan (Ḣeyata-toɳwaɳ) of Reverend A.L. Riggs, Village-back-from-the-river.

[pg 216]

6. Oyate-citca (Oyate ṡića), Bad nation.

7. Tinta-otonwe (Tiɳta-otorɳwe), of Hake-wacte, or Tinta tonwan (Tiɳtatoɳwaɳ) of A.L. Riggs, Village on-the-prairie (tiɳta).

These seven gentes still exist, or did exist as late as 1880.

THE SISITONWAN OR SISSETON

It is evident that the Sisseton were formerly in seven divisions, the Wita-waziyata-otina and the Ohdihe being counted as one; the Basdetce-cni and Itokaq-tina as another; the Kaqmi-atonwan, Maniti, and Keze as a third, and the Tizaptan and Okopeya as a fifth. When only a part of the tribe journeyed together, the people camped in the following manner: The Amdo-wapuskiyapi pitched their tents between the west and north, the Wita-waziyata-otina between the north and east, the Itokaq-tina between the east and south, and the Kap'oja between the south and west. The following are the Sisseton gentes (figure 31):

1. Wita-waziyata-otina, Village-at-the-north-island.

[pg 217]

2. Ohdihe (from ohdihan, to fall into an object endwise). This gens is an offshoot of the Wita-waziyata-otina.

3. Basdetce-cni (Basdeće-ṡni), Do-not-split (the body of a buffalo)-with-a-knife (but cut it up as they please).

4. Itokaq-tina (Itokali-tina), Dwellers-at-the-south (itokaġa). These are an offshoot of the Basdetce-cni.

5. Kaqmi-atonwan (Kalimi-atoɳwaɳ), Village-at-the-bend (kalimin).

6. Mani-ti, Those-who-camp (ti)-away-from-the-village. An offshoot of the Kaqmi-atonwan.

7. Keze, Barbed-like-a-fishhook. An offshoot of the Kaqmi-atonwan.

8. Tcan-kute (Ćaɳ kute), Shoot-in-the-woods (among the deciduous trees); a name of derision. These people, according to Ashley, resemble the Keze, whom he styles a "cross clan."

9. Ti-zaptan (Ti-zaptaɳ), Five-lodges.

10. Okopeya, In-danger. An offshoot of the Ti-zaptan.

11. Kap'oja (Kapoźa), Those-who-travel-with-light-burdens. (See number 3 of the Mdewakantonwan.)

12. Amdo-wapuskiyapi, Those-who-lay-meat-on-their-shoulders (amdo)-to-dry-it (wapuskiya)-during-the-hunt.

FIG. 31.—Sisseton camping circle.

THE TITONWAN OR TETON

THE SITCANXU

The Sitcanxu, Bois Brulés or Burned Thighs, are divided locally into (1) Qeyata-witcaca (Ḣeyata wićaṡa), People-away-from-the-river, the Highland or Upper Brulé, and (2) the Kud (Kuta or Kunta)-witcaca, the Lowland or Lower Brulé. The Sitcanxu are divided socially into gentes, of which the number has increased in recent years. The following names of their gentes were given to the author in 1880 by Tatañka-wakan, Mysterious Buffalo-bull: 1, Iyak'oza (Iyaḳoza), Lump (or wart)-on-a-horse's-leg. 2, Tcoka-towela (Ćoka-towela), Blue-spot-in-the-middle. 3, Ciyo-tañka (Ṡiyo-taɳka), Large grouse or prairie chicken. 4, Ho-mna, Fish-smellers. 5, Ciyo-subula (Ṡiyo-subula), Sharp-tail grouse. 6, Kanxi-yuha (Kaɳġi-yuha), Raven keepers. 7, Pispiza-witcaca (Pispiza-wićaṡa), Prairie-dog people. 8, Walexa-un-wohan (Waleġa uɳ wohaɳ), Boil-food-with-the-paunch-skin (waleġa). 9, Watceunpa (Waćeuɳpa), Roasters. 10, Cawala (Ṡawala), Shawnee; the descendants of a Shawnee chief adopted into the tribe. 11, Ihañktonwan (Ihaɳktoɳwaɳ), Yankton, so called from their mothers, Yankton women; not an original Sitcanxu gens. 12, Naqpaqpa (Naḣpaḣpa), Take-down (their)-leggings (after returning from war). 13, Apewan-tañka (Apewaɳ taɳka), Big manes (of horses).

In 1884 Reverend W.J. Cleveland sent the author the accompanying diagram (figure 32) and the following list of Sitcanxu gentes, containing names which he said were of very recent origin; 1, Sitcanxu[pg 219] proper. 2, Kak'exa (Kakeġa),Making-a-grating-sound. 3a, Hinhan-cŭn-wapa (Hiɳhaɳ-ṡun-wapa), Toward-the-owl-feather. 3b, Cŭñikaha-napin (Ṡuɳkaha napiɳ), Wears-a-dogskin-around-the-neek, 4, Hi-ha kanhanhan win (Hi-ha kaɳhaɳhaɳ wiɳ), Woman (wiɳ) -the-skin (ha) -of-whose-teeth (hi) -dangles (kaɳhaɳhaɳ). 5, Hŭñku-wanitca (Huɳku-wanića), Without-a-mother. 6, Miniskuya-kitc'un (Miniskuya kićuɳ), Wears salt. 7a, Kiyuksa, Breaks-or-cuts-in-two-his-own (custom, etc; probably referring to the marriage law; see Mdewakantonwan gens number 1). 7b, Ti-glabu, Drums-iu-his-own-lodge. 8, Watceŭnpa (Waćeuɳpa), Boasters. 9, Wagluqe (Wagluḣe), Followers, commonly called loafers; A.L. Riggs thinks the word means "in-breeders." 10, Isanyati (Isaɳyati), Santee (probably derived from the Mdewakantonwan). 11, Wagmeza-yuha, Has corn. 12a, Walexa-on-wohan (Waleġa-oɳ-wohaɳ), Boils-with-the-paunch-skin. 12b, Waqna (Waḣna), Snorts. 13, Oglala-itc'itcaxa (Oglala-ićićaġa), Makes-himself-an-Oglala. 14, Tiyotcesli (Tiyoćesli), Dungs-in-the-lodge. 15, Wajaja (Waźaźa), Osage (?). 16, Ieska-tcintca (Ieska-ćiɳća), Interpreter's sons; "half-bloods." 17, Ohe-nonpa (Ohe-noɳpa), Two boilings or kettles. 18, Okaxa-witcaca (Okaġa-wićaṡa), Man-of-the-south.

FIG. 32.—Sitcanxu camping circle.

THE OGLALA

The first list of Oglala gentes was obtained in 1879 from Reverend John Robinson and confirmed in 1880 by a member of the tribe. These gentes are as follows: 1, Payabya, Pushed-aside. 2, Tapicletca (Tapiṡleća), Spleen (of an animal). 3, Kiyuksa, Breaks-his-own (marriage custom). 4, Wajaja (Waźaźa. See the Siha-sapa list of gentes). 5, Ite-citca (Ite-ṡića), Bad-face, or Oglala-qtca (Oglala-ḣća), Real Oglala. 6, Oyuqpe (Oyuḣpe); identical with Oiyuqpe of the next list. 7, Wagluqe (Wagluḣe). Followers or Loafers. These were probably the earlier divisions of the Oglala, but by 1884 considerable segregation had been accomplished, as shown by the following list furnished by Reverend W.J. Cleveland: 1, Ite-citca (Ite-ṡića), Bad-face, under Maqpiya-luta, Scarlet Cloud ("Red Cloud"). 2, Payabyeya, Pushed-aside (under Taṡuɳka-kokipapi, They-fear-even-his-horse; wrongly rendered Man-afraid-of-his-horses). 3, Oyuqpe (Oyuḣpe), Thrown down or unloaded. 4, Tapicletca, Spleen (of an animal). 5, Pe-cla (Pe-ṡla), Baldhead. 6, Tceq-huha-ton (Ćeḣ-huha-toɳ), Kettle-with-legs. 7, Wablenitca (Wablenića), Orphans. 8, Pe-cla-ptcetcela (Pe-ṡla-ptećela), Short-baldhead. 9, Tacnahetca (Taṡnaheća), Gopher. 10, I-wayusota, Uses-up-by-begging-for, "Uses-up-with-the-mouth." 11, Wakan (Wakaɳ), Mysterious. 12a, Iglaka-teqila (Iglaka-teḣila), Refuses-to-move-camp. 12b, Ite-citca, Bad-face (as number 1). 13, Ite-citca-etanhan (Ite-ṡića-etaɳhaɳ), "From-bad-face," Part-of-bad-face. 14, Zuzetca-kiyaksa (Zuzeća kiyaksa), Bit-the-snake-in-two. 15, Watceonpa (Waće-oɳpa),[pg 221] Boasters. 16, Watcape (Waćape), Stabber. 17, Tiyotcesli (Tiyoćesli), Dungs-in-the-lodge. 18 and 19, Wagluqe, Followers or Loafers. 20, Oglala, Scattered-her-own. 21, Ieska-tcintca (Ieska-ćinca), Interpreter's sous, "Half-bloods."

According to Mr Cleveland the whole Oglala tribe had two other names, Oyuqpe, Thrown-down or unloaded, and Kiyaksa, Bit-it-in-two.

DAKOTA SOCIAL CUSTOMS

Among the eastern Dakota the phratry was never a permanent organization, but it was resorted to on special occasions and for various purposes, such as war or the buffalo hunt. The exponent of the phratry was the tiyotipi or "soldiers' lodge," which has been described at length by Dr Riggs.3

While no political organization has been known to exist within the historic period over the whole Dakota nation, the traditional alliance of the "Seven Council-fires" is perpetuated in the common name Dakota, signifying allied, friendly.

Among the Dakota it is customary for the rank and title of chief to descend from father to son, unless some other near relative is ambitious and influential enough to obtain the place. The same is claimed also in regard to the rank of brave or soldier, but this position is more dependent[pg 222] on personal bravery. While among the Omaha and Ponka a chief can not lead in war, there is a different custom among the Dakota. The Sisseton chief Standing Buffalo told Little Crow, the leader of the hostile Santee in the Minnesota outbreak of 1862, that, having commenced hostilities with the whites, he must fight it out without help from him, and that, failing to make himself master of the situation, he should not flee through the country of the Sisseton.

Regarding chieftainship among the Dakota, Philander Prescott4 says:

The chieftainship is of modern date, there being no chiefs hefore the whites came. The chiefs have little power. The chief's band is almost always a kin totem which helps to sustain him. The chiefs have no votes in council; there the majority rules and the voice of the chief is not decisive till then.

On the death of a chief, the nearest kinsman in the right line is eligible. If there are no kin, the council of the band can make a chief. Civil chiefs scarcely ever make a war party.

The Dakota woman owns the tipi. If a man has more wives than one, they have separate tipis, or they arrange to occupy different sides of one. Sometimes the young man goes to live with his wife's kindred, but in such matters there is no fixed rule. To purchase a wife was regarded the most honorable form of marriage, though elopement was sometimes resorted to.