Less than twenty-five years after Cicero's death, in the imagination of the greatest of Roman poets, Jupiter was once more brought before the Roman world, and now in a form comprehensible by all educated men, whether or no they had dabbled in philosophy. What are we to say of the Jupiter of the Aeneid? We do not need to read far in the first book of the poem to find him spoken of in terms which remind us of Varro: "O qui res hominumque deumque Aeternis regis imperiis," are the opening words of the address of Venus; and when she has finished,

  Olli subridens hominum sator atque deorum
  Vultu, quo caelum tempestatesque serenat,
  Oscula libavit natae, dehine talia fatur;
  "Parce metu, Cytherea, manent immota tuorum
  Fata tibi."

Jupiter is here, as in Varro's system, the prime cause and ruler of all things, and he also holds in his hand the destiny of Rome and the fortunes of the hero who was to lay the first foundation of Rome's dominion. It is in the knowledge of his will that Aeneas walks, with hesitating steps, in the earlier books, in the later ones with assured confidence, towards the goal that is set before him. But the lines just quoted serve well to show how different is the Jupiter of Virgil from the universal deity of the Roman Stoic. Beyond doubt Virgil had felt the power of the Stoic creed; but he was essaying an epic poem, and he could not possibly dispense with the divine machinery as it stood in his great Homeric model. His Jupiter is indeed, as has been lately said,[569] "a great and wise god, free from the tyrannical and sensuous characteristics of the Homeric Zeus," in other words, he is a Roman deity, and sometimes acts and speaks like a grave Roman consul of the olden time. But still he is an anthropomorphic deity, a purely human conception of a personal god-king; in these lines he smiles on his daughter Venus and kisses her. This is the reason why Virgil has throughout his poem placed the Fates, or Destiny, in close relation to him, without definitely explaining that relation. Fate, as it appears in the Aeneid, is the Stoic [Greek: eimarmenae] applied to the idea of Rome and her Empire; that Stoic conception could not take the form of Jupiter, as in Varro's hands, for the god had to be modelled on the Homeric pattern, not on the Stoic. It is perhaps not going too far to say that the god, as a theological conception, never recovered from this treatment; any chance he ever had of becoming the centre of a real religious system was destroyed by the Aeneid, the pietas of whose hero is indeed nominally due to him, but in reality to the decrees of Fate.[570]

While philosophers and poets were thus performing intellectual and imaginative feats with the gods of the State, the strong tendency to superstition, untutored fear of the supernatural, which had always been characteristic of the Italian peoples, so far from losing power, was actually gaining it, and that not only among the lower classes. As Lucretius mockingly said, even those who think and speak with contempt of the gods will in moments of trouble slay black sheep and sacrifice them to the Manes. This feeling of fear or nervousness, which lies at the root of the meaning of the word religio,[571] had been quieted in the old days by the prescriptions of the pontifices and their jus divinum, but it was always ready to break out again; as we have seen, in the long and awful struggle of the Hannibalic war, it was necessary to go far beyond the ordinary pharmacopoeia within reach of the priesthoods in order to convince the people that all possible means were being taken for their salvation. Again, in this last age of the Republic, there are obvious signs that both ignorant and educated were affected by the gloom and uncertainty of the times. Increasing uncertainty in the political world, increasing doubt in the world of thought, very naturally combined to produce an emotional tendency which took different forms in men of different temperament. We can trace this (1) in the importance attached to omens, portents, dreams; (2) in a certain vague thought of a future life, which takes a positive shape in the deification of human beings; (3) at the close of the period, in something approaching to a sense of sin, of neglected duty, bringing down upon State and individual the anger of the gods.

1. If we glance over the latter part of the book of prodigies, compiled by the otherwise unknown writer Julius Obsequens from the records of the pontifices quoted in Livy's history, we can get a fair idea of the kind of portent that was troubling the popular mind. They are much the same as they always had been in Roman history,—earthquakes, monstrous births, temples struck by lightning, statues overthrown, wolves entering the city, and so on; they are extremely abundant in the terrible years of the Social and Civil Wars, become less frequent after the death of Sulla, and break out again in full force with the murder of Caesar. They were reported to the pontifices from the places where they were supposed to have occurred, and if thought worthy of expiation were entered in the pontifical books. We may suppose that they were sent in chiefly by the uneducated. But among men of education we have many examples of this same nervousness, of which two or three must suffice. Sulla, as we know from his own Memoirs, which were used directly or indirectly by Plutarch, had a strong vein of superstition in his nature, and made no attempt to control it. In dedicating his Memoirs to Lucullus he advised him "to think no course so safe as that which is enjoined by the [Greek: daimon] (perhaps his genius) in the night";[572] and Plutarch tells us several tales of portents on which he acted, evidently drawn from this same autobiography. We are told of him that he always carried a small image of Apollo, which he kissed from time to time, and to which he prayed silently in moments of danger.[573] Again, Cicero tells us a curious story of himself, Varro, and Cato, which shows that those three men of philosophical learning were quite liable to be frightened by a prophecy which to us would not seem to have much claim to respect.[574] He tells how when the three were at Dyrrachium, after Caesar's defeat there and the departure of the armies into Thessaly, news was brought them by the commander of the Rhodian fleet that a certain rower had foretold that within thirty days Greece would be weltering in blood; how all three were terribly frightened, and how a few days later the news of the battle at Pharsalia reached them. Lastly, we all remember the vision which appeared to Brutus on the eve of the battle of Philippi, of a huge and fearsome figure standing by him in silence, which Shakespeare has made into the ghost of Caesar and used to unify his play. According to Plutarch, the Epicurean Cassius, as Lucretius would have done, attempted to convince his friend on rational grounds that the vision need not alarm him, but apparently in vain.[575]

2. Lucretius had denied the doctrine of the immortality of the soul, as the cause of so much of the misery which he believed it to be his mission to avert. Caesar, in the speech put into his mouth by Sallust, in the debate on the execution of the conspirators on December 5, 63, seems to be of the same opinion, and as Cicero alludes to his words in the speech with which he followed Caesar, we may suppose that Sallust was reporting him rightly.[576] The poet and the statesman were not unlike in the way in which they looked at facts; both were of clear strong vision, without a trace of mysticism. But such men were the exception rather than the rule; Cicero probably represents better the average thinking man of his time. Cicero was indeed too full of life, too deeply interested in the living world around him, to think much of such questions as the immortality of the soul; and as a professed follower of the Academic school, he assuredly did not hold any dogmatic opinion on it. He was at no time really affected by Pythagoreanism, like his friend Nigidius Figulus, whose works, now lost, had a great vogue in the later years of Cicero's life, and much influence on the age that followed. In the first book of his Tusculan Disputations Cicero discusses the question from the Academic point of view, coming to no definite conclusion, except that whether we are immortal or not we must be grateful to death for releasing us from the bondage of the body. This book was written in the last year of his life; but ten years earlier, in the beautiful myth, imitated from the myths of Plato, which he appended to his treatise de Republica, he had emphatically asserted the doctrine. There the spirit of the elder Scipio appears to his great namesake, Cicero's ideal Roman, and assures him that the road to heaven (caelum) lies open to those who do their duty in this life, and especially their duty to the State. "Know thyself to be a god; as the god of gods rules the universe, so the god within us rules the body, and as that great god is eternal, so does an eternal soul govern this frail body."[577]

The Somnium Scipionis was an inspiration, written under the influence of Plato at one of those emotional moments of Cicero's life which make it possible to say of him that there was a religious element in his mind.[578] Some years later the poignancy of his grief at the death of his daughter Tullia had the effect of putting him again in a strong emotional mood. For many weeks he lived alone at Astura, on the edge of the Pomptine marshes, out of reach of all friends, forbidding even his young wife and her mother to come near him; brooding, as it would seem, on the survival of the godlike element in his daughter. These sad meditations took a practical form which at first astonishes us, but is not hard to understand when we have to come to know Cicero well, and to follow the tendencies of thought in these years. He might erect a tomb to her memory,—but that would not satisfy him; it would not express his feeling that the immortal godlike spark within her survived. He earnestly entreats Atticus to find and buy him a piece of ground where he can build a fanum, i.e. a shrine, to her spirit. "I wish to have a shrine built, and that wish cannot be rooted out of my heart. I am anxious to avoid any likeness to a tomb … in order to attain as nearly as possible to an apotheosis."[579] A little further on he calls these foolish ideas; but this is doubtless only because he is writing to Atticus, a man of the world, not given to emotion or mysticism. Cicero is really speaking the language of the Italian mind, for the moment free from philosophical speculation; he believes that his beloved dead lived on, though he could not have proved it in argument. So firmly does he believe it that he wishes others to know that he believes it, and insists that the shrine shall be erected in a frequented place![580]

Though the great Dictator did not believe in another world, he consented at the end of his life to become Jupiter Julius, and after his death was duly canonised as Divus, and had a temple erected to him. But the many-sided question of the deification of the Caesars cannot be discussed here; it is only mentioned as showing in another way the trend of thought in this dark age of Roman history. Whatever some philosophers may have thought, there cannot be a doubt that the ordinary Roman believed in the godhead of Julius.[581]

3. We saw in an earlier chapter with what gay and heedless frivolity young men like Caelius were amusing themselves even on the very eve of civil war. In strange contrast with this is the gloom that overspread all classes during the war itself, and more especially after the assassination of the Dictator. Caesar seemed irresistible and godlike, and men were probably beginning to hope for some new and more stable order of things, when he was suddenly struck down, and the world plunged again into confusion and doubt; and it was not till after the final victory of Octavian at Actium, and the destruction of the elements of disunion with the deaths of Antony and Cleopatra, that men really began to hope for better times. The literature of those melancholy years shows distinct signs of the general depression, which was perhaps something more than weariness and material discomfort; there was almost what we may call a dim sense of sin, or at least of moral evil, such a feeling, though far less real and intense, as that which their prophets aroused from time to time in the Jewish people, and one not unknown in the history of Hellas.

The most touching expression of this feeling is to be found in the preface which Livy prefixed to his history—a wonderful example of the truth that when a great prose writer is greatly moved, his language reflects his emotion in its beauty and earnestness. Every student knows the sentence in which he describes the gradual decay of all that was good in the Roman character: "donec ad haec tempora, quibus nec vitia nostra nec remedia pati possumus, perventum est"; but it is not every student who can recognise in it a real sigh of despair, an unmistakable token of the sadness of the age.[582] In the introductory chapters which serve the purpose of prefaces to the Jugurtha and Catiline of Sallust, we find something of the same sad tone, but it does not ring true like Livy's exordium; Sallust was a man of altogether coarser fibre, and seems to be rather assuming than expressing the genuine feeling of a saddened onlooker. In one of his earliest poems, written perhaps after the Perusian war of 41 B.C.[583] even the lively Horace was moved to voice the prevailing depression, fancifully urging that the Italian people should migrate, like the Phocaeans of old, to the far west, where, as Sertorius had been told in Spain, lay the islands of the blest, where the earth, as in the golden age, yields all her produce untilled:

  Iuppiter ilia piae secrevit litora genti
  Ut inquinavit aere tempus aureum;
  Aere, dehinc ferro duravit saecula, quorum
  Piis secunda vate me datur fuga.

It may be, as has recently been suggested, that the famous fourth Eclogue of Virgil, "the Messianic Eclogue," was in some sense meant as an answer to this poem of Horace. "There is no need," he seems to say in that poem, written in the year 39, "to seek the better age in a fabled island of the west. It is here and now with us. The period upon which Italy is now entering more than fulfils in real life the dream of a Golden Age. A marvellous child is even now coming into the world who will see and inaugurate an era of peace and prosperity: darkness and despair will after a while pass entirely away, and a regenerate Italy,—regenerate in religion and morals as in fertility and wealth,—will lead the world in a new era of happiness and good government."[584]

But the Golden Age, so fondly hoped for, so vaguely and poetically conceived, was not to come in the sense in which Virgil, or any other serious thinker of the day, could dream of it. I may conclude this chapter with a few sentences which express this most truly and eloquently. "When there is a fervent aspiration after better things, springing from a strong feeling of human brotherhood, and a firm belief in the goodness and righteousness of God, such aspiration carries with it an invincible confidence that some how, some where, some when, it must receive its complete fulfilment, for it is prompted by the Spirit which fills and orders the Universe throughout its whole development. But if the human organ of inspiration goes on to fix the how, the where, and the when, and attributes to some nearer object the glory of the final blessedness, then it inevitably falls into such mistakes as Virgil's, and finds its golden age in the rule of the Caesars (which was indeed an essential feature of Christianity), or perhaps, as in later days, in the establishment of socialism or imperialism. Well for the seer if he remembers that the kingdom of God is within us, and that the true golden age must have its foundation in penitence for misdoing, and be built up in righteousness and loving kindness."[585]

EPILOGUE

These sketches of social life at the close of the Republican period have been written without any intention of proving a point, or any pre-conceived idea of the extent of demoralisation, social, moral, or political, which the Roman people had then reached. But a perusal of Mr. Balfour's suggestive lecture on "Decadence" has put me upon making a very succinct diagnosis of the condition of the patient whose life and habits I have been describing. The Romans, and the Italians, with whom they were now socially and politically amalgamated, were not in the last two centuries B.C. an old or worn-out people. It is at any rate certain that for a century after the war with Hannibal Rome and her allies, under the guidance of the Roman senate, achieved an amount of work in the way of war and organisation such as has hardly been performed by any people before or since; and even in the period dealt with in this book, in spite of much cause for misgiving at home, the work done by Roman and Italian armies both in East and West shows beyond doubt that under healthy discipline the native vigour of the population could assert itself. We must not forget, however severely we may condemn the way in which the work was done, that it is to these armies, in all human probability, that we owe not only the preservation of Graeco-Italian culture and civilisation, but the opportunity for further progress. The establishment of definite frontiers by Pompeius and Caesar, and afterwards by Augustus and Tiberius, brought peace to the region of the Mediterranean, and with it made possible the development of Roman law and the growth of a new and life-giving religion.

But peoples, like individuals, if offered opportunities of doing themselves physical or moral damage, are only too ready to accept them. Time after time in these chapters we have had to look back to the age following the war with Hannibal in order to see what those opportunities were; and in each case we have found the acceptance rapid and eager. We have seen wealth coming in suddenly, and misused; slave-labour available in an abnormal degree, and utilised with results in the main unfortunate; the population of the city increasing far too quickly, yet the difficulties arising from this increase either ignored or misapprehended. We have noticed the decay of wholesome family life, of the useful influence of the Roman matron, of the old forms of the State religion; the misconception of the true end of education, the result partly of Greek culture, partly of political life; and to these may perhaps be added an increasing liability to diseases, and especially to malaria, arising from economic blunders in Italy and insanitary conditions of life in the city. All these opportunities of damage to the fibre of the people had been freely accepted, and with the result that in the age of Cicero we cannot mistake the signs and symptoms of degeneracy.

But it would be a mistake to jump to the conclusion that this degeneracy had as yet gone too far to be arrested. It was assuredly not that degeneracy of senility which Mr. Balfour is inclined to postulate as an explanation of decadence. So far as I can judge, the Romans were at that stage when, in spite of unhealthy conditions of life and obstinate persistence in dangerous habits, it was not too late to reform and recover. To me the main interest of the history of the early Empire lies in seeking the answer to the question how far that recovery was made. If these chapters should have helped any student to prepare the ground for the solution of this problem their object will have been fully achieved.

[Illustration: Stanfords Geog. Estab. London]

INDEX

  Accius
  Aedicula
  Aediles, the
  Aemilia, Via. See Via Aemilia
  Aemilius, Pons. See Pons Aemilius
  Aeneas
  Aerarium, the
  Aesopus, the actor
  Afranius
  Africa, province of
  Agrippa
  Alexandria
  Alexis (Atticus's slave)
  Amafinius
  Ambitu, lex de
  Anio, the river
  Anna Perenna, festival of
  Annona
  Antioch
  Antiochus (the physician)
  Antium, Cicero's villa at
  Antony
  Apodyterium
  Apollinares, Ludi. See Ludi Apollinares
  Apollonia
  Appia, Via. See Via Appia
  Appius Claudius Caecus
  Aqua Appia
  Aqua Tepula
  Aqueducts
  Ara maxima
  Ara Pacis
  Argentarii
  Argiletum, the
  Arpinum, Cicero's villa at
  Ars amatoria (Ovid's)
  Arval brothers, the
  Arx, the
  Asia, province of
  Astura, Cicero's villa at
  Atellanae, fabulae. See Fabulae Atellanae
  Atrium
    sutorium,
    Vestae
  Atticus
    house of,
    wealth of,
    as money-lender,
    the sister of,
    the slave of,
    Cicero's letters to, passim,
  Augury
  Augustus
    alleged proposal of, to remove the capital,
    attitude of towards plebs urbana,
    water-supply under,
    the grandfather of,
    as a social reformer,
    marriage laws of,
    furthers public comfort,
    restoration of temples by,
    attempts at religious revival,
  Aventine hill

  Baiae
  Balbus, Cornelius, the younger
  Bankruptcy laws
  Basilicae, the
  Baths, public
  Bath-rooms
  Bauli
  Bithynia, province of
  Blanditia
  Bona Dea, festival of
  Boscoreale
  Brutus (Cicero's)
  Brutus, Decimus
  Bulla
  Byzantium

  Caecilius
  Caelian hill
  Caelius Autipater
  Caelius (M.) Rufus
  Caesar, Julius
    alleged proposal of, to remove the capital
    extends one of the Basilicae,
    reduces
    corn gratuities;
    regulations of, for the government of the city;
    debts of;
    character of;
    as historian;
    joined by Caelius;
    restores credit in Italy;
    and Cleopatra;
    clemency of;
    sale of prisoners by;
    dismisses surrendered armies;
    foundation at Corinth by;
    entertained by Cicero;
    habits of;
    as aedile;
    summons Publilius to Rome;
    as Pontifex Maximus;
    speech of, in Sallust;
    consents to be deified;
    and passim
  Calceus
  Caldarium
  Calvus
  Camillus
  Campagua, the
  Campania
  Campus Martius
  Caninius
  Capena, Porta. See Porta Capena
  Capital at Rome
  Capitol, the
  Capitoline hill
  Capua
  Carceres, the
  Carinae, the
  Carmentalis, Porta. See Porta Carmentalis
  Castella
  Castor, temple of
  Catiline
  Cato major
  Cato minor
  Catullus
  Catulus the elder
  Cena
  Censor, the
  Censoria locatio
  Ceres
  Ceriales, Ludi. See Ludi Ceriales
  Cethegus
  Chariot-racing
  Chrysippus
  Cicero, birthplace of;
    house of;
    borrows money;
    as a man of business;
    and the publicani;
    relation of, to the governing aristocracy;
    letters of;
    as a philosopher;
    and Clodia;
    views on education;
    influence of philosophers upon;
    and the slave question;
    and the use of slaves for seditious purposes;
    villas of;
    undertakes the Ludi Romani;
    religious views of;
    and passim
  Cicero, Marcus
  Cicero, Quintus
  Cilician pirates
  Circus Flaminius
  Circus Maximus
  Cleopatra
  Clients
  Clivus Capitolinus
  Clivus sacer
  Cloaca maxima
  Clodia
  Clodius
  Cluvius
  Coemptio
  Coenaculum
  Coinage
  Collegia
  Colline gate, Sulla's victory at the,
  Colosseum, the
  Columella
  Comedy
  Comissatio
  Comitium, the
  Commercii, ius
  Compluvium
  Concordia, temple of
  Conducticii
  Confarreatio
  Coniugalia praecepta (Plutarch's)
  Connubii, ius
  Constantine, arch of
  Consul, the
  Consus, altar of
  Contubernium
  Convivium
  Copa ("Virgil's")
  Corfinium
  Cornelia
  Cornelius
  Crassus
  Cumae, Cicero's villa at
  Curia, the
  Curio

  Debtors
  Declamatio
  Deductio
  Democritus
  Deorum, De Natura (Cicero's)
  Diana, temple of
  Die natali, De (Censorinus's)
  Diffarreatio
  Diomedes, villa of
  Dionysius of Halicarnassus
  Dionysus, worship of
  Di Penates. See Penates
  Diphilus, the actor
  Divorce
  Dolia
  Domus
  Dos
  Drama, the
  Dyrrhachium, importation of corn
    into; battle of

  Egypt
  Emetics, use of
  Ennius
  Epicureanism
  Epicurus
  Epulum Jovis
  Equester, Ordo. See Ordo equester
  Equirria
  Equites. See Ordo equester
  Ergastula
  Esquiline hill
  Etruscans, the
  Evander
  Exedra

  Fabius, arch of
  Fabri ferrarii
  Fabulae Atellanae; palliatae;
    togatae
  Familiae urbanae
  Fate
  Fercula
  Feriae
  Festa
  Figuli
  Figulus, Nigidius
  Flaccus, Verrius
  Flamen Dialis;
    Quirinalis
  Flaminius
  Flammeum
  Florales, Ludi. See Ludi Florales
  Foeneratores
  Foenus
  Formiae, Cicero's villa at
  Forum Boarium
  Forum Romanum
  Friedländer
  Frontinus
  Fullones
  Funeral games
  Furrina, the grove of

  Gabinius
  Gellius, Aulus
  Genseric
  Gilds. See Collegia
  Gladiators
  Gracchus, Gaius
  Gracchus, Tiberius
  Grammaticus
  Grassatores
  Greeks

  Hannibal
  Hercules
  Hirtius
  Honorum, ius
  Horace
  Hortensius
  Horti Caesaris

  Ientaculum
  Impluvium
  Institutio Oratoris (Quintilian's)
  Insulae
  Inventione, De (Cicero's)
  Isis, worship of
  Iura
  Ius civile
  Ius divinum
  Ius gentium

  Janiculum, the
  Janus, "temple" of
  Julius Obsequens
  Juno, temple of
  Jupiter
  Jupiter Farreus; Julius;
    Optimus Maximus, temple of;
    Stator, temple of
  Juturna, spring of

"King," game of

  Laberius
  Lar
  Lares, shrine of
  Latifundium
  Latina, Via. See Via Latina
  Latins, the
  Latium
  Law-courts, the
  Lectisternia
  Lectus; consularis
    genialis
  Legibus, De (Cicero's)
  Lentulus
  Lepidus
  Liberalia, the
  Libertinus
  Libertus
  Liternum, Scipio's villa at
  Livius Andronicus
  Livy
  Lucretius
  Lucretius Vespillo, Q.
  Lueullus
  Ludi, Apollinares; Ceriales;
     Florales;
     Magni, see Romani; Megalenses;
     Novemdiales; Plebeii;
     Romani;
     Victoriae
  Ludus Trojae
  Lupercal, the
  Lupercalia, the

  Magister
  Magna Mater
  Mancipes
  Manes
  Mangones
  Manus
  Marcius Rex, Q.
  Marius
  Mars; temple of
  Martial
  Matrimonium, iustum
  Megaleuses, Ludi. See Ludi Megalenses
  Mensa
  Mensae; rationes
  Meridiatio
  Metae, the
  Metellus Celer
  Metellus Macedonicus
  Milo
  Mimes
  Minerva, temple of
  Missio in bona
  Missus
  Molo
  Mommsen
  Money-lenders
  Moretum ("Virgil's")
  Mos majorum
  Muliones
  Munera

  Nefas
  Negotiatores
  Negotium
  Nepos, Cornelius
  Neptunalia, the
  Nicomedes, king of Bithynia
  Novemdiales, Ludi. See Ludi Novemdiales
  Novas homo
  Numa
  Nummularii

  Obaerati
  Oecus
  Officiis, De (Cicero's)
  Operarii
  Opifices
  Oppia, lex
  Oppius Mons
  Oratore, De (Cicero's)
  Ordo equester;
    senatorius
  Oseans, the
  Ostia
  Ovid

Pacuvius Palatine hill Palliatae, fabulae. See Fabulae palliatae Panaetius Pantomimus Participes Patronus Paullus, L. Aemilius Paupereuli Peculium Penates, the; temple of the Pergamum Peristylium Permutatio Pero Perscriptio Persona Phaedrus the Epicurean Philippi, battle of Philippus (tribune) Philo the Academician Philodemus Pietas Piso, Calpurnius Pistores Plaetoria, lex Plautus Plebeii, Ludi. See Ludi Plebeii Pliny, the elder; the younger Plutarch Pollio, Asinius Polybius Pomerium Pompeii Pompeius house of theatre of Pomponia Pons Aemilius Ponte Rotto Pontifex Maximus Porta Capena Carmentalis Esquilina Portunus Posidonius Praecia Praedes Praediola Praetor, the Prandium Priesthoods Promagister Pronuba Provinces, the Provocations, ius Ptolemy Auletes Publicani Publicum Publilius Syrus Punic wars Puteoli, Cicero's villa at Puticulus Pythagoreanism

  Quaestiones Conviviales (Plutarch's)
  Quaestorship, the
  Quintilian
  Quirinal (hill)
  Quirinus

Rabirius Postumus Redemptor Regia, the Religio Religion Repetundis, quaestio de Republica, De (Cicero's) Res, mancipi Rex, the Rex sacrorum Rhetorica ad Herennium Romulus Roscius, the actor Rostra, the Rutilius

  Sabines, the
  Saccarii
  Sacra,
    privata;
    publica;
    via, see Via Sacra
  St. Peter, church of
  Salaminians, the
  Sallust
  Samnium
  San Gregorio, via di
  Sarpedon
  Sassia
  Saturnalia, the
  Saturninus
  Saturnus, temple of
  Scaevola, Mucius
  Scaurus
  Scipio Aemilianus,
    Asiaticus,
    Nasica,
  Sempionia
  Senate, the
  Senatorius, ordo. See Ordo senatorius
  Senec,
  "Servian wall"
  Servilius
  Sibylline books, the
  Slaves
  Societates publicanorum
  Socii
  Sodalicia, collegia. See Collegia
  Soleae
  Somnium Scipionis (Cicero's)
  Spanish silver mines
  Spartacus
  Spina
  Sponsalia
  Sportula
  Stoics, the
  Stola matronalis
  Strabo
  Subura, the
  Suffragii, ius
  Sulla
  Sulla, P.
  Sulpicius (S.), Rufus
  Sun-dials
  Supplicationes
  Synthesis

  Tabellarii
  Tabernae
  Tabernae argentariae
  Tablinum
  Tabulae
  Tabulae novae
  Tabularia, the
  Tepidarium
  Terence
  Terentia
  Theatre, the
  Theatre, building of a
  Thurii
  Tiber
  Tiber island
  Tibicines
  Tibur
  Time, divisions of, in the day
  Tiro (Cicero's slave)
  Tirocinium fori
  Titus, arch of
  Toga; libera; praetexta; virilis
  Togatae, fabulae. See Fabulae togatae
  Tragedy
  Tributum
  Triclinia
  Triumph, a
  Trofei di Mario
  Tullia (Cicero's daughter)
  Tullianum, the
  Tunica
  Turia, the story of
  Tusculum, Cicero's villa at
  Tutela
  Tutor
  Twelve Tables, the

Usus

  Valerius Maximus
  Varro
  Varro, Terentius (consul)
  Veii
  Velabrum, the
  Velia, the
  Venationes
  Venus Victrix, temple of
  Verres
  Vesta; temple of
  Vestal Virgins
  Veterans, Roman
  Via Aurelia; Appia; Collatina; Latina; Sacra
  Victoriae, Ludi. See Ludi Victoriae
  Vicus Tuscus
  Vilicus
  Villa pseudurbana
  Vinalia, the
  Vindicta
  Virgil
  Voconia, lex

Water-clocks, introduction of

THE END

APPENDIX

Page 1, l. 12. totam aestimare Romam: to appreciate Rome in its entirety.

Page 3, l. 12. Hinc ad Tarpeiam, etc.: he leads him next to the Tarpeian Rock and to the Capitol, now of gold, once thick with wild bushes.

Page 4, l. 24. Hinc septem, etc.: from here you may see the seven hills of the sovereign city, and appreciate Rome as a whole, the Alban and the Tusculan hills, and all the cool suburban retreats.

Page 10, l. 1. rerum, etc. Rome became a supreme thing of beauty.

Page 10, l. 13. nativa praesidia: natural defences.

Page 10, l. 21. regionum, etc. A site in the middle of Italy, singularly fitted by nature for the development of the city.

Page 17, l. 2. nec ferrea, etc.: nor has he seen the hardships of the law, the mad forum, or the archives of the people.

Page 22, l. 2. Ille, ille, etc.: he it was, Jupiter himself, who withstood the attack, he who willed it that the Capitol, that these temples, that the whole city and you all should be safe.

Page 29, footnote 1. in montibus, etc.: built between mountains and valleys, raised and almost suspended on high, through the stones of its buildings, with its back streets.

Page 39, l. 6. ubi semel, etc.: he who has once strayed from the right path will come to calamity.

Page 52, l. 11. lanificium: the working of wool.

Page 55, l. 26. graffiti: ancient scribblings, scratched, painted, or otherwise marked on a wall, column, tablet, or other surface.

Page 61, l. 4. quaestio de repetundis: court for extortion.

Page 64, l. 15. familiarem, etc.: intimate with L. Lucullus, wealthy, of intractable character.

Page 73, l. 14. qui de censoribus, etc.: whosoever shall have secured a contract from the censors shall not be accepted as associate or shareholder.

Page 73, footnote 2. Asiatici, etc.: of the public revenue of Asia, he had a very small share.

Page 91, l. 3. fortissimus, etc.: a most powerful and important farmer of the public revenue.

Page 93, l. 20. insanum forum: the forum in its maddening bustle.

Page 116, l. 12. doctissimus, etc.: the most learned of that time.

Page 121, l. 11. monumentum, etc.: a monument more enduring than bronze.

Page 123, l. 20. vere humanus: truly refined.

Page 127, l. 23. omnia, etc.: he transforms himself into all portentous shapes.

Page 130, l. 20. ménager ses transitions: to pass gradually over to the other side.

Page 132, l. 18. de vi: of criminal violence.

Page 133, l. 9. Uni se, etc.: they are addicted to one and the same practice, that they may cautiously cheat and craftily contend, outdo each other in blandishments, feign honesty, set snares as if they were all enemies to each other.

Page 133, l. 28. rari nantes, etc.: few and scattered swimmers in the vast abyss.

Page 142 (bottom). Claudite, etc.: close the doors, maidens, enough have we sung. And you, noble couple, live happily and apply your vigorous youth to the assiduous task of wedlock.

Page 149, footnote 2. Si quid, etc.: if a woman act reprehensibly or disgracefully, he punishes her; if she has drunk wine, if she has done something wrong with a stranger, he condemns her. If you surprise your wife in the act of adultery, you may with impunity kill her without any form of judgment; but if she caught you in adultery, she would not dare touch you, for she has no right.

Page 150, l. 11. liberorum, etc.: in order to have children.

Page 155, l. 22. Odi, etc.: I hate and I love. You ask perhaps how that can be. I do not know, I feel it, and am distressed.

Page 155 (bottom). Elle apportait, etc.: she revealed in her private behavior, in her affections, the same vehemence and the same passion which her brother showed in public life. Ready for all excesses, and not blushing to confess them, loving and hating with fury, incapable of controlling herself, and opposed to all constraint, she did not belie the great and haughty family from which she was sprung.

Page 178,1. 3. rusticorum, etc.:

  The farmer-soldier's manly brood
  Was trained to delve the Sabine sod,
  And at an austere mother's nod
  To hew and fetch the fagot wood.

Page 178, l. 20. Maxima, etc.: the greatest concern must be shown for children.

Page 185, l. 8. Avarus, etc.:

  The covetous is the cause of his own misery.
  Bravery is increased by daring and fear by hesitation.
  You can more easily discover fortune than cling to it.
  The wrath of the just is to be dreaded.
  A man dies every time that he is bereft of his kin.
  Man is loaned, not given to life.
  The best strife is rivalry in benignity.
  Nothing is pleasing unless renewed by variety.
  Bad is the plan which cannot be altered.
  Less often would you err if you knew how much you don't know.
  He who shows clemency always comes out victorious.
  He who respects his oath succeeds in everything.
  Where old age is at fault youth is badly trained.

Page 187, l. 7. Grais, etc.: the muse gave genius to the Greeks and the pride of language, covetous of nothing but of praise. But the Roman youths by long reckonings learn to split the coin into a hundred parts. Let young Albinus say: "If you take one away from five pence, what results?" "A groat." Good, you'll thrive.

Page 189, l. 1. In grammaticis, etc.: in the study of literature, the perusal of the poets, the knowledge of history, the interpretation of words, the peculiar tone of pronunciation.

Page 191, l. 9. Orator est, etc.: an orator, my son, is an upright man skilled in speaking.

Page 191, l. 11. Rem tene, etc.: master the subject; the words will follow.

Page 196, l. 9. vir bonus, etc.: see page 191, l. 9.

Page 196, l. 13. Non enim, etc.: eloquence and oratorical aptness obtain good results if they be swayed by a right understanding and by the discretion and control of the mind.

Page 210, footnote 1. Mancipiis, etc.: avoid being like the
Cappadocian monarch, rich in slaves and penniless in purse.

Page 211, footnote 1. pone aedem, etc.: behind the temple of Castor are those to whom you'd be sorry to lend money.

Page 215, l. 18. An te ibi, etc.: would you stay there among those harlots, prostitutes of bakers, leavings of the breadmakers, smeared with rank cosmetics, nasty devotees of slaves?

Page 216, footnote 2. agrum, etc.: in cultivating the fields or in hunting, servile occupations, etc.

Page 233, l. 5. Nec turpe, etc.: what a master commands cannot be disgraceful.

Page 233, footnote 3. Coli rura, etc.: it is a bad practice to fill the fields with men from the workhouse, or to have anything done by men who are forsaken by hope.

Page 235, footnote 2. Regum, etc.: we have taken the tyrant's temper.

Page 239, l. 10. ante focos, etc.: it was customary once to take places in the long benches before the fireplace, and to trust that the gods were present at our table.

Page 246, l. 5. nunc vero, etc.: but now from morning till evening, on holidays and working days, the whole people, senators and commoners, busy themselves in the forum and retire nowhere, etc. (See page 133, l. 9, and translation of that passage.)

Page 246, footnote 2. Urbem, etc.: remain in the city, Rufus; stay there and live in that light. All foreign travel is humble and lowly for those that can work for the greatness of Rome.

Page 247, footnote 1. Frequens, etc.: constant change of abode is a sign of unstable mind.

Page 248, l. 12. contentio, etc.: not a straining of the mind, but a relaxation.

Page 259, l. 12. locus, etc.: a pleasant site, on the sea itself, and can be seen from Antium and Circeii.

Page 265, footnote 3. Ut illum, etc.: may the gods confound him who first invented the hours, and who first placed a sundial in this city. Pity on me! They have cut up my day in compartments. Once when I was a boy my stomach was my clock, and it was much more fitting and reliable; it never failed to warn me except when there was nothing; now, even when there is something, there is no eating unless it so please the sun. For the whole city is full of sun-dials, and most of the people crawl on in need of food and drink.

Page 269, footnote 1. Romae, etc.: in Rome it was for a long time a joy and a pride to open up the house at early morning and attend to the legal needs of the clients.

Page 275, l. 20. Nesciit vivere: he did not know how to live.

Page 277, l. 10. ad noctem: late into the night.

Page 280, l. 17. Saepe tribus, etc.: often you would see three couches with four guests apiece.

Page 283, l. 21. [Greek: Emetikhaeu], etc.: he was under the emetic cure, and consequently ate and drank freely and with much satisfaction; and everything certainly was good and well served; nay more, I may say that

  "Though the cook was good,
  'Twas Attic salt that flavored best the food."

Page 283, footnote 1. qua lege, etc.: which law did not determine the expense, but the kind of victuals and the manner of cooking them.

Page 285, l. 11. Agricolo, etc.: the farmer is the first who after a long day of toil in the fields adapted rustic songs to the laws of metre; the first in satisfied leisure to modulate a song on his reed, which he would say before the gods decked with flowers. It was the farmer, O Bacchus, who with his face colored with reddish minium, taught his untrained feet the first movements of the dance.

Page 287, l. 13. Quippe etiam, etc.: for even on holy days, divine and human laws allow us to perform certain works. No religion has forbidden to clear the channels, to raise a fence before the corn, to lay snares for birds, to fire the thorns, and plunge in the wholesome river a flock of bleating sheep.

Page 303, l. 2. lex de ambitu: law concerning the courting of popular favor in canvassing.

Page 307, l. 4. Eandem, etc.: a time will come when you will bewail that valor of yours.

Page 309, l. 7. Spectatum, etc.: they come to see, but they come also to be seen.

Page 313, l. 27. summuts artifex: consummate artist.

Page 314, l. 3. gravis: serious.

Page 314, l. 4. gravitas: seriousness.

Page 315, l. 14. Fescennina, etc.: the rude Fescennine farce grew from rites like these, where rustic taunts were hurled in alternate verse; and the pleasing license, tolerated from year to year, gambolled, etc.

Page 317, l. 18. Nihil mihi, etc.: know well that I lacked nothing except company with whom to laugh in a friendly way and intelligently over these things.

Page 324, l. 28. mos maiorum: the customs of our ancestors.

Page 327, l. 12. Felix, etc.: blessed is he who succeeded in knowing the causes of events.

Page 327, l. 16. Fortunatus, etc.: fortunate he also who knows the rustic gods.

Page 333, l. 6. lectisternia: a feast of the gods during which their images on pillars were placed in the streets.

Page 333, l. 6. supplicationes: religious solemnities for supplication.

Page 333, l. 6. ludi: games.

Page 339, l. 23. numen: godhead, deity.

Page 340, footnote 3. idem etiam, etc.: he says also that Jupiter is the power of this law, eternal and immutable, which is the guide, so to speak, of our life and the principle of our duties; a law which he calls a fatal necessity, an eternal truth of future things.

Page 341, l. 15. qua: as.

Page 341, l. 26. O qui res, etc.: thou who rulest with eternal sway the doings of men and gods.

Page 342, l. 1. Olli, etc.: the sire of men and gods, smiling to her with that aspect wherewith he clears the tempestuous sky, gently kissed his daughter's lips; then thus replies: Cytherea, cease from fear; immovable to thee remain the fates of thy people.

Page 351, l. 13. Iuppiter, etc.: Jove reserved these shores for the just, when he alloyed the golden age with brass; with brass, then with iron he hardened the ages, from which there shall be a happy escape according to my predictions.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 1: Martial iv. 64. 12.]

[Footnote 2: Aen. viii. 90. foll. The Capitoline hill, which Virgil means by "arx" a conspicuous object from the river just below the Aventine, and would have been much more conspicuous in the poet's time. There is a view of it from this point in Burn's Rome and the Campagna, p. 184.]

[Footnote 3: Plutarch, Cato minor 39. Cato was expected to land at the commercial docks below the Aventine (see below), where the senate and magistrates were awaiting him, but with his usual rudeness rowed past them to the navalia.]

[Footnote 4: Aen. viii. 363. Possibly Virgil meant to put this dwelling on the site of the future Regia, just below the Palatine and between it and the Forum. See Servius ad loc.]

[Footnote 5: The modern visitor would cross by the Ponte Rotto, which is in the same position as the ancient bridge, just below the Tiber island.]

[Footnote 6: Livy v. 54.]

[Footnote 7: The Fratres Arvales.]

[Footnote 8: For navigation of the river above Rome see Strabo p. 235.]

[Footnote 9: Horace Od. i. 2. After a bad flood in A.D. 15 proposals were made for diverting a part of the water coming down the Tiber into the Arnus, but this met with fatal opposition from the superstition of the country people (Tacitus, Ann. i. 79). Nissen, Italische Landeskunde, i. p. 324, has collected the records of these floods.]

[Footnote 10: See Nissen, i. p. 407. But it seems likely that the Tiber valley was less malarious then than now (see Nissen's chapter on malaria in Italy, p. 410 foll.). In an interesting paper on Malaria and History, by Mr. W.H.S. Jones (Liverpool University Press), which reached me after this chapter was written, the author is inclined to attribute the ethical and physical degeneracy of the Romans of the Empire partly to this cause.]

[Footnote 11: Livy v. 54.]

[Footnote 12: Horace, Epode 16.]

[Footnote 13: Reden und Aufsätze, p. 173 foll.]

[Footnote 14: Ib. p. 175.]

[Footnote 15: De Rep. ii. 5 and 6.]

[Footnote 16: Beloch, Die Bewölkerung der griechisch-römischen Welt, cap. 9, approaching the problem by three several methods, puts it in the first century A.D. at 800,000, including slaves. In Cicero's time it was, no doubt, considerably less; but we know that in his last years 320,000 free persons were receiving doles of corn, apart from slaves and the well-to-do.]

[Footnote 17: Hülsen-Jordan, Röm. Topographie, vol. i. part iii. pp. 627, 638.]

[Footnote 18: Ib. 643; Cic. ad Att. xv. 15. Here, after the death of his daughter Tullia, Cicero wished to buy land on which to erect a fanum to her (Cic. ad Att. xii. 19). Here also were the horti Caesaris.]

[Footnote 19: Livy xxxv. 40.]

[Footnote 20: Hülsen-Jordan, op. cit. p. 143 note.]

[Footnote 21: See below, p. 302. Dionysius of Halicarnassus (iii. 68) gives an elaborate account of it in the time of Augustus, when it had been altered and ornamented.—Hülsen-Jordan, p. 120 foll.]

[Footnote 22: Fowler, Roman Festivals, p. 199; Wissowa in
Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyklopädie, s.v. Diana.]

[Footnote 23: The two roads converged just before arriving at the city. The reader may be reminded that it was by the via Appia that St. Paul entered Rome (Acts xxviii.). Another useful passage for this gate is Juvenal in. 10 foll.]

[Footnote 24: It might be useful here to follow the course of the pomerium, which also went round the Palatine, as described in Tacitus, Annals xii. 24.]

[Footnote 25: Cic. de Officiis iii. 16. 66, and the story there related.]

[Footnote 26: Strictly speaking, the Oppius Mons, or southern part of the Esquiline.]

[Footnote 27: See Lanciani's admirable chapter, "A Walk through the Sacra Via," in his Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome, p. 190 foll.]

[Footnote 28: Georg. ii. 502. Virgil, for all his admiration of
Rome, did not love its crowds.]

[Footnote 29: Cic. pro Plancio, ch. 7. Cp. Horace, Sat. i. 9; Lucilius, Frag. 9 (ed. Baehrens), which last will be quoted in another context.]

[Footnote 30: On the vexed question of the position of the Subura and its history see Wissowa, Gesammelte Abhandlungen, p. 230 foll.]

[Footnote 31: For excavations here see Lanciani, op. cit. p. 221 foll.]

[Footnote 32: Cic. Cat. iii. 9. 21 foll.]

[Footnote 33: Formerly we may assume that it faced south or south-east, like the temple.]

[Footnote 34: It was completed by Caesar in 46 B.C.]

[Footnote 35: Beloch, Bewölkerung p. 382.]

[Footnote 36: C.I.L. i. 206, and Dessau, Inscr. Lat. Selectae, ii. 1. p. 493.]

[Footnote 37: Cic. ad Q. Fratr. iii.I. 14 Suet. de Grammaticis, 15; Corn. Nepos, Atticus, 13.]

[Footnote 38: Hülsen-Jordan, Röm. Topographie, vol. i. part iii. p. 323.]

[Footnote 39: This is the number receiving corn gratis when Julius
Caesar reformed the corn-distribution.—Suetonius, Iul. 41.]

[Footnote 40: See Zeller, Stoics, etc., Eng. trans. p. 255 foll.]

[Footnote 41: cic. de Legibus, i. 15. 43. It was not as yet possible to be "poor, making many rich"; to have nothing and yet to possess all things.]

[Footnote 42: See the definition of insula in Festus. n. Ill. and for insula generally Middleton's article "Domus" in the Dict, of Antiquities, ed. 2. De Marchi (La Religione nella vita domestica, i. p. 80) compares the big lodging-houses of the poor at Naples.]

[Footnote 43: Cicero (Leg. Agr. ii. 35. 96) describes Rome as being (in comparison with Capua) "in montibus positam et convallibus, coenaculis (i.e. upper rooms) sublatum atque suspensam, non optimis viis," etc. Vitruv. ii. 17 is the locus classicus.]

[Footnote 44: Cic. pro Caelio 17.]

[Footnote 45: In C.I.L. vi. 65-67 we find a Bona Dea erected "in tutelam insulae," i.e. a common cult for all the lodgers. De Marchi l.c. compares the common shrine of the Neapolitan lodging-house. Tutela is mentioned as a protecting deity both of insulae and domus by St. Jerome, Com. in Isaiam, 672.]

[Footnote 46: Cic. de Domo 109.]

[Footnote 47: Cic. ad Att. xv. 17; cp. xiv. 9.]

[Footnote 48: Plut. Crassus 2: perhaps from Fenestella.]

[Footnote 49: "Dormientem in taberna," Asconius, ed. Clark, p. 37. Cp.
Tacitus, Hist i. 86, for persons sleeping in tabernae.]

[Footnote 50: Tucker, Life in Ancient Athens, p. 10.]

[Footnote 51: The Moretum may be a translation from a Greek poet, perhaps Parthenius, but it is certainly as well adapted to the experience of Italians.]

[Footnote 52: e.g. Caesar, Bell. Civ. iii. 47. Cp. Tacitus, Ann. xiv. 24.]

[Footnote 53: On this point see Salvioli, Le Capitalisme dans le monde antique, ch. vi. is a book with many shortcomings, but written by an Italian who knows his own country.]

[Footnote 54: See the author's Roman Festivals, p. 76 (Cerealia).]

[Footnote 55: Marquardt, Staatsverwaltung, ii. pp. 107, 110 foll. A modius, which = nearly a peck, contained about 20 lb. of wheat (Pliny, N.H. xviii. 66). Four and a half modii x 20=90 lb.]

[Footnote 56: Hirschfeld, Verwaltungsbeamten, ed. 2, p. 231; Strabo, p. 652 (Rhodes).]

[Footnote 57: Caesar, B.C. iii. 42. 3.]

[Footnote 58: Marquardt, op. cit. p. 110.]

[Footnote 59: For Gracchus' motives see a paper by the present writer in the English Historical Review for 1905, p. 221 foll.]

[Footnote 60: Cic. Tusc. Disp. iii. 20. 48.]

[Footnote 61: Lex Julia municipalis, 1-20, compared with Suetonius, Jul. 41.]

[Footnote 62: A good example will be found in Cic. ad Att. iv. 1. 6 foll.; the first letter written by Cicero after his return from exile.]

[Footnote 63: See my Roman Festivals, pp. 85 and 204.]

[Footnote 64: Pliny, Nat. Hist. xviii. 17.]

[Footnote 65: Suet. Aug. 42.]

[Footnote 66: Frontinus i. 4. The date of his work is towards the end of the first century A.D.]

[Footnote 67: See Lanciani, Ruins and Excavations, p. 48; Mommsen, Hist. vol. i. Appendix.]

[Footnote 68: Frontinus i. 7, whose account is confirmed by the recently discovered Epitomes of Livy's lost books.—Grenfell and Hunt, Oxyrhynchus Papyri, iv. 113.]

[Footnote 69: See the useful table in Lanciani, op. cit. 58.]

[Footnote 70: This dates from the reign of Domitian. The nature of the public fountain may be realised at Pompeii. See Mau, Pompeii, its Life and Art, p. 224 foll.]

[Footnote 71: Cic. de Officiis, i. 42. 150.]

[Footnote 72: Livy xxii. 25 ad fin.]

[Footnote 73: It is very conspicuous, e.g., in the novels of Jane
Austen.]

[Footnote 74: G. Unwin, Industrial Organisation, etc., p. 2.]

[Footnote 75: Plutarch, Numa, 17; Ovid, Fasti, iii. 310 foll.]

[Footnote 76: J.B. Carter, The Religion of Numa, p. 48.]

[Footnote 77: Marq. iii. p. 138. See also Kornemann's article "Collegium" in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encykl., and Waltzing, Corporations professionelles chez les Romains, i. p. 78 foll.]

[Footnote 78: Le Capitalisme, etc., p. 144 foll.]

[Footnote 79: Cairnes, Slave Power, pp. 78, 143 foll. See below, p. 235.]

[Footnote 80: Pliny, Nat. Hist. xviii. 107.]

[Footnote 81: C.I.L. i. 1013. The date is possibly pre-Augustan.]

[Footnote 82: Mau's Pompeii, p. 380.]

[Footnote 83: See my Roman Festivals, p. 148. For the mills of various kinds see also Marquardt, Privatleben, p. 405.]

[Footnote 84: Privatleben, p. 409.]

[Footnote 85: Pseudolus, 810 foll.]

[Footnote 86: Cp. the uncta popina of Horace, Epist. i. 14. 21 foll.
Scene in a wineshop at Pompeii, Mau, p. 395.]

[Footnote 87: See, e.g., the Laudatio Turiae, C.I.L. vi. i. 1527, line 30.]

[Footnote 88: Only very rich families employed their own fullers.—Marq. Privatleben, p. 512.]

[Footnote 89: Menaechmi, 404: this may, however, be only a translation from the Greek.]

[Footnote 90: C.I.L. i. p. 389.]

[Footnote 91: Marquardt, Privatleben, p. 693 and reff.]

[Footnote 92: Cato, de re rustica, 135; a very interesting chapter, which shows that of the farmer's "plant," clothing, rugs, carts as well as dolia, were best purchased at Rome.]

[Footnote 93: Marq. Privatleben, p. 645.]

[Footnote 94: Strabo, p. 231.]

[Footnote 95: Lex Julia Municipalis, line 56 foll.]

[Footnote 96: Mau, Pompeii, p. 377.]

[Footnote 97: See Greenidge, Roman Public Life, p. 225.]

[Footnote 98: Lex Claudia; Livy xxi. 63.]

[Footnote 99: Plut. Crassus, 2; Pliny, N.H. xxxiii. 134: equivalent to about £160,000.]

[Footnote 100: Cic. ad Att. ii. 1. 2.]

[Footnote 101: Ib. iv. 4.]

[Footnote 102: Corn. Nepos, Atticus, 5.]

[Footnote 103: Livy ixiii. 49.]

[Footnote 104: Pliny, N.H. xxxiii. 148; Livy xxxvii. 59.]

[Footnote 105: Polyb. xxxiv. 9, quoted by Strabo, p. 148. Cp. Livy xlv. 18 for valuable mines in Macedonia.]

[Footnote 106: Polyb. xviii. 35, For the unwillingness to serve, Livy,
Epit. 48 and 55.]

[Footnote 107: Cunningham, Western Civilisation (Modern), p. 162 foll.]

[Footnote 108: Duruy, Hist. de Rome, vol. ii. p. 12.]

[Footnote 109: Cic. de Provinciis consularibus, v. 12.]

[Footnote 110: Cic. pro Quinctio 3. 12; a good case of partnership in a res pecuaria et rustica in Gaul.]

[Footnote 111: Examples in Livy xxiii. 49; xxxii. 7 (portoria); xxxviii. 35 (corn-supply); xliv. 16 (army); xlii. 9 (revenue of ager Campanus).]

[Footnote 112: Festus, ed. Müller, p. 151.]

[Footnote 113: e.g. Livy xxii. 60 praedibus et praediis cavere populo.]

[Footnote 114: Cicero, in his defence of Rabirius Postumus, 2.4, says that Rabirius' father magnas partes habuit publicorum. One Aufidius (Val. Max. vi. 9. 7) "Asiatici publici exiguam admodum particulam habuit." Cp. Cic in Vat. 12. 29]

[Footnote 115: This is the view of Deloume, Les Manieurs d'argent à
Rome, p. 119 foll.]

[Footnote 116: Marq. Staatsverwaltung, ii. p.291]

[Footnote 117: Deloume, Manieurs d'argent, p. 317 foll.]

[Footnote 118: pro lege Manilia, 7. 18.]

[Footnote 119: Ib. 7. 19.]

[Footnote 120: ad Att. i. 17. 9. Crassus, no doubt a large shareholder, urged them on.]

[Footnote 121: In a letter to his brother, then governor of this province, Cicero contemplates the possibility of contracts being taken at a loss (ad Q.F. i. 1. 33), "publicis male redemptis." And in a letter of introduction in 46, he alludes to heavy losses suffered in this way, ad Fam. xiii. 10.]

[Footnote 122: ad Att. v. 16. 2.]

[Footnote 123: Ib. vi. 1. 16.]

[Footnote 124: ad Familiares, xiii. 65.]

[Footnote 125: Ib. xiii. 9. I have not adhered quite closely to his translation.]

[Footnote 126: "Qui est in operis ejus societatis," i.e. engaged as a subordinate agent.—Marquardt, Staatsverwaltung, ii. p. 291.]

[Footnote 127: Marq. ii. p. 35 foll.]

[Footnote 128: See his article in Dict. of Antiq. ed. 2, s.v. argentarii.]

[Footnote 129: Augustus' grandfather was an argentarius (Suet. Aug. 2), yet his son could marry a Julia, and be elected to the consulship, which, however, he was prevented by death from filling.]

[Footnote 130: The word for this cheque is perscriptio. Cp. Cic. ad Att. ix. 12. 3 viri boni usuras perscribunt, i.e. draw the interest on their deposits.]

[Footnote 131: Cic. ad Att. xii. 24 and 27.]

[Footnote 132: Cic. ad Fam. xvi. 4 and 9]

[Footnote 133: Cic. ad Att. xiii. contains many letters of interest in this connexion.]

[Footnote 134: Cic. ad Att. xiii. 2. 3. Cp. xii. 25. In xii. 12 Cicero's divorced wife Terentia wishes to pay a debt by transferring to her creditor a debt of Cicero's to herself. Another way in which actual payment could be avoided was by paying interest on purchase-money instead of the lump sum. Cp. xii. 22.]

[Footnote 135: A good example of this in Velleius ii. 10 (house-rent).]

[Footnote 136: Cic. de Officiis, ii. 24, 84.]

[Footnote 137: Caesar, de Bell. Civ. iii. 1 and 20 foll.]

[Footnote 138: Deloume in his Manieurs d'argent has a chapter on this (p. 58 foll.), but his details are not wholly to be relied on. Boissier's sketch in Cicéron et ses amis, 83 foll., is quite accurate.]

[Footnote 139: ad Fam. v. 20 fin.]

[Footnote 140: Ib. v. 9.]

[Footnote 141: Deloume's attempt to prove that Cicero speculated with enormous profits seems to me to miss the mark.]

[Footnote 142: ad Q. Fratr. ii. 4. 3. Cp. ad Att. iv. 2.]

[Footnote 143: ad Q. Fratr. ii. 14. 3.]

[Footnote 144: ad Att. xii. 22. I may add in a footnote a final startling example of recklessness we have been noting. Decimus Brutus had, in March 44 B.C., a capital of £320,000, yet next year he writes to Cicero that so far from any part of his private property being unencumbered, he had encumbered all his friends with debt also (ad Fam. xi. 10. 5). But this was in order to maintain troops.]

[Footnote 145: ad Att. xiii. 42. Cp. xvi. 5.]

[Footnote 146: What the king really wanted the money for, was to bribe the senate to restore him.—Cic. ad Fam. i. 1.]

[Footnote 147: Cic. pro Bab. Post. 8. 22.]

[Footnote 148: Varro, R.R. i. 2. Ferrero (Greatness and Decline of Rome) has the merit of having discerned the signs of the regeneration of Italian agriculture at this time, but he is apt to push his conclusions further than the evidence warrants. See the translation of his work by A.E. Zimmern, i. p. 124; ii. p. 131 foll. The statement of Pliny quoted by him (xv. 1. 3) that oil was first exported from Italy in the year 52 B.C., is, however, of the utmost importance.]

[Footnote 149: The Republic was not to last long; but among the consuls of the last years of its existence were several members of the old families.]

[Footnote 150: ad Fam. xv. 12. This rather stilted letter is nearly identical with one to the other consul-designate, another aristocrat, Claudius Marcellus. Cicero is in each case trying to do his own business, while writing to a man of higher social rank than his own.]

[Footnote 151: The letters of the years 58 to 54 are full of bitter allusions to the invidia of these men, which culminate in the long and windy one to Lentulus Spinther of October 54, where he actually accuses them of taking up Clodius in order to spite him. In a confidential note to Atticus in the spring of 56, he told him that they hated him for buying the Tusculan villa of the great noble Catulus.—ad Fam. i. 9; ad Att. iv. 5.]

[Footnote 152: Plutarch, Cato major 2 and 12.]

[Footnote 153: Corn. Nepos, Cato 1. 4, who remarks that Cato's return from his quaestorship in Sardinia with Ennius in his train was as good as a splendid triumph.]

[Footnote 154: Plut. Aem. Paul. 6 ad fin.]

[Footnote 155: Polybius, xxxii. 9-16.]

[Footnote 156: The difference between him and his father, especially in politics, is sketched in Plutarch's Life of the latter, ch. xxxviii.]

[Footnote 157: Leo, in Die griechische und lateinische Literatur, p. 337.]