CHAPTER VIII
Music
I. WHAT IS MUSIC?
Among animals, only birds and men can produce music. Possibly, of these, men only can appreciate it. It is not agreed as to whether birds can appreciate music. They respond to it, and even imitate it, as in the case of the mocking bird, but we cannot be sure that their singing is for “pure joy,” or for the love of the melody rendered. With the majority of men we know that musical tones arranged in melody or harmony act as original satisfiers, by and in themselves. “Music hath power to soothe the savage breast.”
The analysis of capacity for musical performance, and the study of individual differences in this respect, were preceded by monumental studies of tone-psychology, rhythm, pitch-discrimination, and acoustics. In these researches psychologists, physiologists, and physicists have joined efforts. As Mead says in discussing Meyer’s theory of melody, “The search for the basis of music is centuries old; it antedates the search for the philosopher’s stone, the Holy Grail, and the North Pole.”
Nevertheless, in spite of all their searching, scientific men have not discovered the basic psychology of harmony and melody. Meyer, a lifelong student of the problem, concludes that, “Where we hear a succession of different pitches, we are affected in a certain way which cannot be described, but has to be regarded as an elementary psychological fact.” The satisfaction experienced by the typical person upon hearing a harmony, and the annoyance experienced by him upon hearing a discord, remain among the mysteries, perhaps unfathomable, of human psychology.
II. THE VARIOUS KINDS OF MUSIC
There are many different kinds of music, requiring certain differences in psychophysical equipment for their execution, severally. For instance, singing requires certain equipment which may be lacking in a highly gifted organist. An organist must have characteristics which are possibly dispensable to the harpist.
To sing, to play the piano, to play the violin, to play the trombone, to compose a symphony, to write musical criticism—these are by no means all necessarily possible to the same person. A complete inventory of musical talent will rest upon knowledge of how all the various kinds of music are related as regards the capacities required in each, and of how the violinist may differ from the singer, and the drummer from the conductor of an orchestra.
III. THE ANALYSIS OF MUSICAL TALENT
Since about the year 1915, psychologists have turned somewhat from the study of the nature of music to the investigation of the musical person. They have raised the questions: In what way does the musician differ from others in his psychophysical equipment? Why are some persons unable to produce or appreciate music?
The pursuit of these questions led immediately to an analysis of musical talent, for it was evident at once that a great variety of subsidiary functions contribute to any kind of musical performance. These may first of all be classified under three general categories: (1) the acoustic functions, the abilities involved in perceiving musical sounds, (2) the motor functions, the abilities involved in executing musical sounds, and (3) the intellectual functions, ability to interpret musical compositions, and to originate new ideas.
It is in the United States and in Germany that the significant studies of musical and unmusical persons have been made. Rupp, Bernfield, the Pannenbergs, Révész, Schussler, and Seashore and his students have all made contributions to the subject.
Révész studied children who were extremely gifted in music, and proposed that in analysing musical talent the following abilities must be considered: (1) to compose, (2) to reproduce, (3) to hear, (4) to remember musical elements, (5) to transpose, (6) to improvise, (7) to modulate, (8) to play at sight. In addition Révész stipulated that observations must be made with regard to intelligence, interest, and the “artistic nature” of the child. Later, in 1920, Révész proposed eight tests devised for the identification of the musical. These were for (1) the sense of rhythm, (2) absolute pitch, (3) octave recognition and transposition, (4) relative pitch, (5) harmony, (6) memory of a melody, and (7) playing by ear.
The most complete inventory of musical talent that has been proposed is that of Seashore, who, with his numerous students, has made the most important contributions in this field. Seashore would include tests of all the following functions in the complete musical psychograph:
- I. Musical Sensitivity
- A. Basic Capacities
- 1. Sense of pitch 2. Sense of intensity 3. Sense of time 4. Sense of extensity
- B. Complex Capacities
- 1. Sense of timbre 2. Sense of rhythm 3. Sense of consonance 4. Sense of volume
- II. Musical Action Natural capacity for skill in accurate and musically expressive
production of tones (vocal or instrumental or both) in
- 1. Control of pitch 2. Control of intensity 3. Control of time 4. Control of timbre 5. Control of rhythm 6. Control of volume
- III. Musical Memory and Imagination
- 1. Auditory imagery 2. Motor imagery 3. Creative imagination 4. Memory span 5. Learning power
- IV. Musical Intellect
- 1. Musical free association 2. Musical power of reflection 3. General intelligence
- V. Musical Feeling
- 1. Musical taste: likes and dislikes 2. Emotional reaction to music 3. Emotional self-expression in music
Seashore has succeeded in devising, standardizing, and making available for practical purposes scales of measurement for five of the basic capacities of musical sensitivity. These are for pitch, intensity, time, consonance, and tonal memory. Research is under way to bring the other elements of musical talent similarly within the province of mental measurement.
Attempts to study movement as an element in musical talent are exemplified by the recent investigations of Gatewood and of Hansen. Gatewood studied finger-movement in a number of persons, and found that there exist those who, even with great amounts of practice, do not approximate the speed and accuracy which others show on the first trial. However, the investigation of the motor elements in musical talent has not progressed as yet to a point that would enable us to make positive statements useful to educators; but it is obvious that for guidance they are fully as important as the acoustic elements are.
IV. RELATION AMONG VARIOUS ELEMENTS OF MUSICAL TALENT
Correlation has proved that sense of pitch and sense of time are largely independent of each other. Persons may stand high in one and low in the other. We know even now, therefore, that the elements of talent are independent or partially independent variables, and that excellence in one may be accompanied by inferiority in another. The successful musician is he who combines the necessary elements in high degree. Most children combine the elements in moderate or typical degrees of each, and are able to learn music and enjoy it in the ordinary manner. Only a few are capable of becoming professional performers. Schussler concluded that 5 to 10 per cent of the pupils examined by him might be justly classified as unmusical. A similar percentage would doubtless be classified as very musical, of whom a small proportion would be capable of outstanding musical achievement.
V. RELATION BETWEEN MUSICAL TALENT AND GENERAL INTELLIGENCE
It is somewhat difficult to compare musical talent with general intelligence, within a group of individuals, by test, because the tests which have been devised are to an extent dependent on intelligence for their execution. In order to perform them, it is necessary to follow somewhat complicated directions, and to do this requires the exercise of intelligence. Seashore’s tests cannot be reliably carried out with persons whose general intelligence level falls below about nine years.
Within the range of intellect which is sufficient for understanding and carrying out the directions, musical sensitivity as regards pitch, intensity, time, and consonance shows no reliable correlation with general intelligence. This is what we should expect from test results, on the basis of the relationships shown previously between ability in music and ability in school work on the whole. For instance, Schussler found that of pupils classified by his criterion (grades received in singing) as “unmusical,” 41 per cent reached the grade norms in school work. Of those classified as “semi-musical,” 57 per cent reached the norms. Of the “musical,” 79 per cent reached the normal status. The average standing in marks of the “musical” fell 15 per cent above that of the “unmusical,” while the “semi-musical” showed an average rating 6.6 per cent higher than the “unmusical.”
When we consider that school marks in singing, as in drawing, are given not only for musical capacity, but for a heterogeneity of factors, including effort, attendance, ability to comprehend directions, and so forth, we should at once expect from these figures that by actual test, musical ability would be likely to show marked independence of general intelligence. Nearly half of the distinctly “unmusical” children reached or exceeded the grade norms, in general school work. This is not far from what is true of children taken at random, regardless of musical talent. That a disproportionately large number of pupils who did very good work in music reached or exceeded the typical performance in school work on the whole, might be expected from the extent to which school marks in music are probably given for general superiority of the organism, as suggested above.
The present findings from actual tests of sensitivity, above the minimum of intellect required for carrying out test directions, are that correlations closely approach zero as regards musical sensitivity and general intelligence. Therefore, educators may expect to find a number of pupils, who fail in nothing but music, and others who succeed in nothing but music. As Witmer has said, in discussing the specialization of musical gifts, “Were society so organized that success in life in every sphere of activity were dependent upon a good enough ear to turn a tune, many persons who are now doing useful work in the world, would have to be relegated to the class of imbeciles.”
In view of the facts, the wisdom seems doubtful of requiring all teachers in the elementary schools to qualify in singing before being certified, as is now done in some places. There will be a goodly number of students, in the normal schools, who are fitted by original endowment to become excellent teachers, except that they will never be able to sing. In the case of a gift so specialized, it seems advisable to have a special teacher wherever possible, rather than to disqualify from teaching persons who cannot sing, but are otherwise well fitted to educate the young.
Tests show that musical talent is specialized, but this is not to say that eminence in music can be attained by the stupid. The achievement of eminence in any endeavor calls for a grasp of life situations and a farsighted fidelity to sustained effort, which are functions of general intelligence. Also, for eminence in a musical career the intellectual functions which have to do with composition and interpretation are doubtless indispensable. A survey of the general intelligence of eminent musicians would probably reveal a median well above the average; and this would probably hold true even for singers.
VI. ABSOLUTE PITCH
By absolute pitch is usually meant the power to recognize a single musical note when heard, without comparison with any other tone, either objective or subjective. It seems to be an hereditary gift, and probably cannot be acquired by training. (Some doubt has, however, been recently cast upon the latter conclusion by the researches of Gough, who was apparently able to educate persons in this respect to a limited extent.)
Statements regarding the frequency of those who possess this idiosyncrasy vary, from that of Boggs, who says that only a few persons have the gift, to that of Seashore, who declares that “the ability to name notes of a familiar keyed instrument on hearing a single tone is rather common among trained musicians, and may show itself very early in childhood.” Perhaps the discrepancies of statement arise through lack of complete agreement as to what should be meant by “absolute pitch.” If the definition is insistently limited to that often given, namely, “the power to name a single musical note when heard, without comparison with any other tone,” then no doubt the gift belongs to very few people, even those otherwise musically well endowed.
Seashore holds that in these cases, it is probably not pitch as such which is recognized, but rather the timbre of the note. “The timbre of the low notes is entirely different from that of the higher notes, and the evidence seems to show that it is easier to remember a characteristic timbre than pure pitch in itself.”
The gift of absolute pitch is a great advantage to a musician. It is included as a valuable asset in the talent-inventory of Révész.
VII. TONE DEAFNESS
Certain anomalies of structure in the ear give rise to tonal “gaps” and “islands.” The ear does not discriminate among pitches, in certain segments of the scale for pitch. Such a condition may occur in but one ear of a given individual, the other ear then hiding the defect.
The child who is extensively deaf to tones has, of course, no means, save the testimony of others, of knowing whether he is or is not singing properly (unless he sees his singing on a tonoscope). He cannot be taught to sing in key, because the receptors which would enable him to profit by training are absent from the structure of the ear. Many a tone-deaf child has doubtless suffered much from persistent, conscientious efforts to make him sing.
VIII. RANGE OF INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES
In a previous chapter it has been pointed out that quantitative psychology is still struggling toward the invention of scales which shall measure mental traits in terms of units, every one of which shall be equal to every other, as every inch is equal to every other inch. Until this is achieved, we cannot use “times as” comparisons in speaking of the relation of one individual to another, in respect to a function. We can now say that one person is three times as heavy as another person, because we can measure them in pounds, each one of which is equal to every other. But we cannot yet say that one person is three times as intelligent as another, because we have not captured the unit which would enable us to do so.
In some of the traits which go to make up musical talent, it is possible to use the “times as” comparison, because we have physical units whereby the differences may be gauged. Pitch, for instance, may be measured thus. It depends physically upon the frequency of vibrations, proceeding from a sounding stimulus, and is measurable in terms of the constant number of double vibrations per second. Seashore has found variations in power of discrimination from one-fourth of a double vibration to fifty double vibrations per second. This means that there exist individuals who are at least two hundred times as sensitive as others to pitch, in terms of the physical unit.
Other elements in musical sensitivity cannot be so readily measured in stimulus units, so that the “times as” comparison cannot be made. The great diversity of sensitivity to pitch may, perhaps, be regarded as a token of the range of individual differences in musical sensitivity, especially since pitch is a fundamental capacity. It is probably no exaggeration to say that, in an ordinary class in the elementary school, children are being taught together, some of whom are at least a hundred times as musical as others. If children of the same age differed as much from each other in height as they do in sense of pitch, it would be impossible to teach them in unassorted groups, for some would be two hundred times as tall as others. The diversity in mental traits, so much greater than in physical traits, leaves us complacent, for the eye cannot behold the incongruities, as it can in physical matters. The eye cannot see the waste of time, effort, and joy which follows from the attempt to train, equally and together, children of such widely differing capacities for learning.
IX. CAN MUSICAL CAPACITY BE INCREASED BY EDUCATION?
Musical sensitivity is inborn, and probably cannot be increased in any respect by training. If the various elements are not present in amount and combination suitable for a given degree of achievement in music, no course of training will supply the lack. This is not to say that ultimate achievement, for those who do possess capacity, does not depend on training. Achievement depends upon both training and capacity, but the latter cannot be supplied except by hereditary endowment.
The question of improvement through education becomes especially important in a case where the psychograph is excellent, but for one element. Much depends, of course, upon what the inferior element is, and the degree of the inferiority, as to whether the person will be able to succeed in a given musical career.
Inferiorities that appear in capacity for musical action are possibly much more susceptible to improvement by training than are inferiorities of sensitivity.
For example, there are persons whose psychographs show excellent musical talent, except that they falter from the pitch in singing. The voice may be excellent in range, quality, and volume, yet with a falter in control which leads to “flatting” or “sharping.” This is a defect in musical action, an inaccuracy of movement.
It has long been known that the control of movement is brought about not only through the kinæsthetic sensations, but through aid from the other special senses as well. Vision is a first rate aid to the acquisition of motor control. It is a more efficient aid than hearing, because much finer differences can be detected by vision. The problem, then, in an endeavor to improve by training those who “flat” or “sharp,” is to devise some method whereby visual aid may be administered to control.
Such a method has been found in the tonoscope, an instrument which registers visually every pitch movement of vocal chords, or other sounding body. Practicing with the tonoscope, the musician can see what his errors are, and learn what motor reaction will bring correction. The control of the eye is thus introduced into practice, as it is in tennis, writing, or other form of precise motor learning. Singers of all degrees of talent show improvement in pitch after practice with this instrument, and the improvement continues after the instrument has been laid aside. The gain made with the help of the eye remains in motor control, just as once having learned to write by aid of the eye, we can easily write in the dark or with eyes closed.
The susceptibility to improvement in other forms of musical action has not been shown experimentally, this whole field being practically unstudied as yet by experimental method.
X. THE INHERITANCE OF MUSICAL TALENT
The inheritance of musical talent has been investigated by Copp and by Stanton. The latter has made measurements of specific musical capacities in relatives of musicians, using Seashore’s tests. This is the beginning of adequate study of the inheritance of musical talent, as the method, though laborious, is correct.
Four of the Seashore measures of musical talent were given to eighty-five members of six unrelated family groups, starting in each group with a person conspicuously known as a musician. These measurements were supplemented by a set questionnaire, covering musical endowment, musical education and training, musical activity, musical appreciation, musical memory and imagination, the questionnaire including a larger number of relatives.
From these data, a study was made of the tendency of offspring to be musical or unmusical, in accordance with parentage and more remote ancestry. The results show that musical talent is inherited, and the investigator believes it not improbable that the formula of inheritance may be Mendelian. Much wider research would, however, be avowedly necessary, in order to establish the formula. It may or may not be Mendelian.
The offspring of a mating of musical with unmusical, of musical with musical, or of unmusical with unmusical, may thus inherit from either parent or from both parents, and apparently without regard to sex. Sex differences do not appear, either, in any of the tests of musical sensitivity, which have been standardized.
XI. PSYCHOGRAPHIC STUDY OF INDIVIDUALS
In order to illustrate concretely the way in which musical talent may or may not accompany other mental capacities, a few psychographic studies of individuals are presented, as follows.
The first is the psychograph of a girl, whom we may call G, aged 14 years. It shows her status in percentile ratings, on various mental and motor tests. G is of average, or typical, general intelligence, with superior rating in musical capacity, and in drawing.
G was brought for mental tests because she did poorly in the school where she was attending, receiving good marks in music and drawing only. The difficulty in keeping up to grade in general was readily explained, when the facts of school history were elicited. G was in a very exclusive private school, where the median IQ of the pupils is about 120, instead of 100 as among unselected pupils. This child, on account of the social status and educational traditions of her father’s family, had been competing all her school life in a highly selected group of children, and was now considered dull by teachers, by parents, and by herself. All were astounded to learn of G’s average intellectual capacity.
Fig. 25.—Psychograph of G, showing special ability in music and drawing. (Percentile values for speed in tapping, and strength of grip have been approximated by estimate.)
It may be remarked in passing that this is the school history of many an average child, born into a group where the family median is above the average. The problems of the son of an eminent man, who fails to inherit superior endowment and is but average in capacity, are especially acute, for he is usually expected to undertake tasks for which he is unqualified by original nature. The miseries of a boy of average ability, expected from babyhood to pass through Harvard or Yale, the distresses of a girl of ordinary intelligence, destined openly from childhood for a college of very high standards, are peculiarly poignant to the person who sees human nature in the light of all the facts which we have been recounting. The case of G, and scores of others like it in this respect, should lead parents to a policy of reticence concerning their expectations of their children, until it is certain that these expectations have a chance of being realized. Fortunately, the great majority of children of very successful parents never have a problem of this kind, because of the tendency to selective mating and the laws of heredity. Most of the children of gifted parents are themselves sufficiently gifted to perform the expected tasks as a matter of course. Not all children of gifted fathers are, however, gifted, because other ancestors, some of whom may be but average persons, are likely to contribute to the mental status of the child. Yet according to the customs of our country, it is usually the ability of the father that determines the social milieu and the educational tradition to which the children are subject. Thus, the son of a corporation lawyer, who has inherited the intelligence of a stupid but handsome grandmother and the educational traditions of a brilliant father, is in a sorry plight, unless the facts of human nature are expertly and sympathetically understood in his family.
In the case of G, the special talents in drawing and music, combined with average intellectual ability, made it possible to suggest very satisfactory adjustments. The idea of college was abandoned, and plans were made to pursue education in art and music, which had already been undertaken in a limited way, with excellent success. From the point of view of heredity, it is interesting to know that one of G’s grandfathers, a chemist by profession, played a church organ every Sabbath as a recreation, and spent leisure hours making drawings, many of which are still kept as ornaments.
The psychograph of M shows special defect in musical capacity, combined with very superior general intelligence. M, a schoolboy, was recently brought for mental tests at the age of 10 years, because of disagreement among his teachers as to his mental ability. The regular classroom teacher believed M should be given a double promotion because of his brilliant work in reading, arithmetic, and elementary science. The teacher of music held that he should repeat the work of the grade in which he then was, as an utter failure from her point of view. The shop teacher took a midway position, saying that his work seemed fair, and warranted promotion, but no more, to the grade above, in due order.
Fig. 26.—Psychograph of M, showing special defect in music, combined with very superior general intelligence.
M’s psychograph explains the differences of opinion thus expressed by teachers. It is seen that in intellect he ranks well up in the top percentile of all children born, while in musical capacities he ranks in the lower percentiles. The difficulties in shop work arose from the fact that M is left-handed, and was at that time being trained into right-handedness by the teachers. This made him awkward in shop work, which he cordially detested.
M’s IQ is 151, which accounts for his superiority in reading, science, and arithmetic. He will not be able to learn music, or to appreciate it, and to deprive him of his double promotion on this account seems contrary to his best interests.
XII. CAPACITY TO APPRECIATE MUSIC
Though it is probably true that those who can produce good music usually appreciate music also, the reverse need not be true. There are many who are sensitive to music and are greatly satisfied by it, who have not the ability to become musicians.
Music as taught in the schools is concerned chiefly with learning to sing. It would seem that some time might profitably be devoted to hearing good music, and learning to form preferences.
The keen satisfaction which comes to the extremely sensitive has been expressed by some of them in words. Schumann said of another musician, “He who has once heard Henselt can never forget his playing; these pieces still haunt my memory like the recollection of a parterre of flowers.” And again, “The veiled enjoyment of music which one does not hear, has something magical in it.” Berlioz has given us this glimpse of his delight: “Last night I dreamt of music, this morning I recalled it all and fell into one of those supernal ecstasies.... Believe me, dear friend, the being who could write such miracles of transcendant melody would be more than mortal.”
Stanton questioned the talented and untalented relatives of musicians as to the rôle played by music in their daily lives. Many showing superior talent reported that music in some form seemed vital to their program of living. It was referred to by them as “a daily relaxation from business,” “a great source of courage, a spiritual tonic,” and as “absolutely paramount.” One person used the word “hunger,” in describing the longing which ensued upon being deprived of music. There may be people capable of such satisfaction in music, that they would choose between bread and music, if hard put to it, not without a struggle.
REFERENCES
Agnew, M.—“The Auditory Imagery of Great Composers”; University of Iowa Studies, 8. Psychological Monographs, 1922.
Bernfield, S.—“Zur Psychologie der Unmusikalischen”; Archives für das gesammte Psychologie, 1915.
Boggs, L.—“Studies in Absolute Pitch”; American Journal of Psychology, 1907.
Copp, E. F.—“Musical Ability”; Journal of Heredity, 1916.
Edgren, J. G.—“Amusie (Musikalische Aphasie)”; Deutsche Zeitschrift für Nervenheilkunde, 1894.
Gatewood, E. L.—“Individual Differences in Finger Reaction”; Psychological Monographs, 1920.
Gaw, E. A.—“A Survey of Musical Talent in a Music School”; University of Iowa Studies, 8. Psychological Monographs, 1922.
Gaw, E. A.—“Some Individual Difficulties in the Study of Music”; Journal of Educational Research, 1922.
Hansen, C. F.—“Serial Action as a Basic Measure of Motor Capacity”; University of Iowa Studies, 8. Psychological Monographs, 1922.
Knock, C. J.—“Visual Training of the Pitch of the Voice”; University of Iowa Studies, 8. Psychological Monographs, 1922.
Kries, J. Von—“Ueber das absolut Gehör”; Zeitschrift für Psychologie, 1907.
Lee, V.—“Varieties of Musical Experience”; North American Review, 1918.
Pannenberg, H. J., and W. A.—“Die Psychologie des Musikers”; Zeitschrift für Psychologie, 1915.
Platt, W.—Child Music; Simpkins, London, 1905.
Révész, G.—“Prüfung der Musikalität”; Zeitschrift für Psychologie, 1920.
Révész, G.—“Das musikalische Wunderkind”; Zeitschrift für pädagogische Psychologie, 1918.
Révész, G.—Nyviegyhazi: Psychologische Analyse eines musikalisch hervorragenden Kindes; Veit u. Co., Leipzig, 1916.
Richet, C.—“Note sur un remarquable précocité musicale”; Congrès Internationale de Psychologie, 1901.
Rupp, H.—“Ueber die Prüfung musikalischer Fähigkeiten”; Zeitschrift für angewandte Psychologie, 1914.
Schussler, H.—“Das unmusikalische Kind”; Zeitschrift für angewandte Psychologie, 1916.
Seashore, C. E.—The Psychology of Musical Talent; Silver, Burdett and Co., New York, 1919.
Stanton, H. M.—“The Inheritance of Special Musical Capacities”; University of Iowa Studies, 8. Psychological Monographs, 1922.