FOOTNOTES BOOK TWO:
301 (return)
[ The watery Peligni.—Ver.
1. In the Fourth Book of the Fasti, 1. 81, and the Fourth Book of the
Tristia, 1. x. El. 3, he mentions Sulmo, a town of the Peligni, as the
place of his birth. It was noted for its many streams or rivulets.]
302 (return)
[ And Gyges.—Ver.
12. This giant was more generally called Gyas. He and his hundred-handed
brothers, Briareus and Cæus, were the sons of Coelus and Terra.]
303 (return)
[ Verses bring down.—Ver.
23. He alludes to the power of magic spells, and attributes their efficacy
to their being couched in poetic measures; from which circumstance they
received the name of 'carmina.']
304 (return)
[ And by verses.—Ver.
28. He means to say that in the same manner as magic spells have brought
down the moon, arrested the sun, and turned back rivers towards their
source, so have his Elegiac strains been as wonderfully successful in
softening the obduracy of his mistress.]
305 (return)
[ Bagous.—Ver. 1.
The name Bagoas, or, as it is here Latinized. Bagous, is said to have
signified, in the Persian language, 'an eunuch.' It was probably of
Chaldæan origin, having that meaning. As among the Eastern nations of the
present day, the more jealous of the Romans confided the care of their
wives or mistresses to eunuch slaves, who were purchased at a very large
price.]
306 (return)
[ Daughters of Danaus.—Ver.
4. The portico under the temple of Apollo, on the Palatine Hill, was
adorned with the statues of Danaus, the son of Belus, and his forty-nine
guilty daughters. It was built by Augustus, on a spot adjoining to his
palace. Ovid mentions these statues in the Third Elegy of the Third Book
of the Tristia, 1. 10.]
307 (return)
[ Let him go.—Ver.
20. 'Eat' seems here to mean 'let him go away' from the house; but
Nisard's translation renders it 'qu'il entre,' 'let him come in.']
308 (return)
[ At the sacrifice.—Ver.
23. It is hard to say what 'si faciet tarde' means: it perhaps applies to
the rites of Isis, mentioned in the 25th line.]
309 (return)
[ Linen-clad Isis.—Ver.
25. Seethe 74th line of the Eighth Elegy of the preceding Book, and the
Note to the passage; and the Pontic Epistles, Book i. line 51, and the
Note. The temple of Isis, at Rome, was in the Campus Martius, or Field of
Mars, near the sheep market. It was noted for the intrigues and
assignations of which it was the scene.]
310 (return)
[ He turns the house.—Ver.
29. As the Delphin Editor says, 'Il peut renverser la maison,' 'he can
turn the house upside down.']
311 (return)
[ The masters approve..—Ver.
30. He means to say that the eunuch and his mistress will be able to do
just as they please.]
312 (return)
[ An executioner.—Ver.
36. To blind the husband, by pretending harshness on the part of Bagous.]
313 (return)
[ Of the truth.—Ver.
38 This line is corrupt, and there are about ten various readings. The
meaning, however, is clear; he is, by making false charges, to lead the
husband away from a suspicion of the truth; and to put him, as we say, in
common parlance, on the wrong scent.]
314 (return)
[ Your limited savings.—Ver.
39. 'Peculium,' here means the stock of money which a slave, with the
consent of his master, laid up for his own, 'his savings.' The slaves of
the Romans being not only employed in domestic offices and the labours of
the field, but as agents or factors for their masters, in the management
of business, and as mechanics and artisans in various trades, great
profits were made through them. As they were often entrusted with a large
amount of property, and considerable temptations were presented to their
honesty, it became the practice to allow the slave to consider a part of
his gains, perhaps a per centage, as his own; this was termed his
'peculium.' According to the strict letter of the law, the 'peculium' was
the property of the master, but, by usage, it was looked upon as the
property of the slave. It was sometimes agreed upon between the master and
slave, that the latter should purchase his liberty with his 'peculium,'
when it amounted to a certain sum. If the slave was manumitted by the
owner in his lifetime, his 'peculium' was considered to be given him, with
his liberty, unless it was expressly retained.]
315 (return)
[ Necks of informers.—Ver.
41. He probably alludes to informers who have given false evidence. He
warns Bagous of their fate, intending to imply that both his mistress and
himself will deny all, if he should attempt to criminate them.]
325 (return)
[ Tongue caused this.—Ver.
44. According to one account, his punishment was inflicted for revealing
the secrets of the Gods.]
326 (return)
[ Appointed by Juno.—Ver.
45. This was Argus, whose fate is related at the end of the First Book of
the Metamorphoses.]
327 (return)
[ Alas! that.—Ver.
1. He is again addressing Bagous, and begins in a strain of sympathy,
since his last letter has proved of no avail with the obdurate eunuch.]
328 (return)
[ Mutilate Joys —Ver.
3. According to most accounts, Semiramis was the first who put in practice
this abominable custom.]
329 (return)
[ Standard be borne.—Ver.
10. He means, that he is bound, with his mistress to follow the standard
of Cupid, and not of Mars.]
330 (return)
[ Favours to advantage.—Ver.
13. 'Ponere' here means, literally, 'to put out at interest.' He tells the
eunuch that he has now the opportunity of conferring obligations, which
will bring him in à good interest by way of return.]
332 (return)
[ Sabine dames.—Ver.
15. Juvenal, in his Tenth Satire, 1. 293, mentions the Sabine women as
examples of prudence and chastity.]
333 (return)
[ In her stateliness.—Ver.
16. Burmann would have 'ex alto' to mean 'ex alto pectore,' 'from the
depths of her breast.' In such case the phrase will correspond with our
expression, 'to dissemble deeply,' 'to be a deep dissembler.']
334 (return)
[ Modulates her voice.—Ver.
25. Perhaps 'flectere vocem' means what we technically call, in the
musical art, 'to quaver.']
335 (return)
[ Her arms to time.—Ver.
29. Dancing was, in general, discouraged among the Romans. That here
referred to was probably the pantomimic dance, in which, while all parts
of the body were called into action, the gestures of the arms and hands
were especially used, whence the expressions 'manus loquacissimi,' 'digiti
clamosi,' 'expressive hands,' or 'fingers.' During the Republic, and the
earlier periods of the Empire, women never appeared on the stage, but they
frequently acted at the parties of the great. As it was deemed disgraceful
for a free man to dance, the practice at Rome was probably confined to
slaves, and the lowest class of the citizens. See the Fasti, Book iii. 1.
536, and the Note to the passage.]
336 (return)
[ Hippolytus.—Ver.
32. Hippolytus was an example of chastity, while Priapus was the very
ideal of lustfulness.]
337 (return)
[ Heroines of old.—Ver.
33. He supposes the women of the Heroic ages to have been of extremely
tall stature. Andromache was remarkable for her height.]
338 (return)
[ The brunette.—Ver.
39. 'Flava,' when coupled with a female name, generally signifies 'having
the hair of a flaxen,' or 'golden colour'; here, however, it seems to
allude to the complexion, though it would be difficult to say what tint is
meant. Perhaps an American would have no difficulty in translating it 'a
yellow girl.' In the 43rd line, he makes reference to the hair of a
'flaxen,' or 'golden colour.']
339 (return)
[ Tablets rubbed out.—Ver.
5. If 'deletæ' is the correct reading here, it must mean 'no tablets from
which in a hurry you 'have rubbed off the writing.' 'Non interceptæ' has
been suggested, and it would certainly better suit the sense. 'No
intercepted tablets have, &c.']
342 (return)
[ The wine on table.—Ver.
14. The wine was probably on this occasion placed on the table, after the
'coena,' or dinner. The Poet, his mistress, and his acquaintance, were,
probably, reclining on their respective couches; he probably, pretended to
fall asleep to watch, their conduct, which may have previously excited his
suspicions.]
343 (return)
[ Moving your eyebrows.—Ver.
15. See the Note to the 19th line of the Fourth Elegy of the preceding
Book.]
344 (return)
[ Were not silent.—Ver.
17. See the Note to the 20th line of the same Elegy.]
345 (return)
[ Traced over with wine.—Ver.
18. See the 22nd and 26th lines of the same Elegy.]
346 (return)
[ Your discourse.—Ver.
19. He seems to mean that they were pretending to be talking on a
different subject from that about which they were really discoursing, but
that he understood their hidden meaning. See a similar instance mentioned
in the Epistle of Paris to Helen, 1. 241.]
347 (return)
[ Hand of a master.—Ver.
30. He asserts the same right over her favours, that the master (dominus)
does over the services of the slave.]
348 (return)
[ New-made husband.—Ter.
36. Perhaps this refers to the moment of taking off the bridal veil, or
'flammeum,' when she has entered her husband's house.]
349 (return)
[ Of her steeds.—Ver.
38. When the moon appeared red, probably through a fog, it was supposed
that she was being subjected to the spells of witches and enchanters.]
350 (return)
[ Assyrian ivory.—Ver.
40. As Assyria adjoined India, the word 'Assyrium' is here used by
poetical licence, as really meaning 'Indian.']
351 (return)
[ Woman has stained.—Ver.
40. From this we learn that it was the custom of the Lydians to tint ivory
of a pink colour, that it might not turn yellow with age.]
352 (return)
[ Of this quality.—Ver.
54. 'Nota,' here mentioned, is literally the mark which was put upon the
'amphorae,' or 'cadi,' the 'casks' of the ancients, to denote the kind,
age, or quality of the wine. Hence the word figuratively means, as in the
present instance, 'sort,' or 'quality.' Our word 'brand' has a similar
meaning. The finer kinds of wine were drawn off from the 'dolia,' or large
vessels, in which they were kept into the 'amphoræ,' which were made of
earthenware or glass, and the mouth of the vessel was stopped tight by a
plug of wood or cork, which was made impervious to the atmosphere by being
rubbed over with pitch, clay, or a composition of gypsum. On the outside,
the title of the wine was painted, the date of the vintage being denoted
by the names of the Consuls then in office: and when the vessels were of
glass, small tickets, called 'pittacia,' were suspended from them, stating
to a similar effect. For a full account of the ancient wines, see Dr.
Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities.]
353 (return)
[ The imitative bird.—Ver.
1. Statius, in his Second Book, calls the parrot 'Humanæ sollers imitator
linguæ,' 'the clever imitator of the human voice.']
354 (return)
[ The long trumpet.—Ver.
6. We learn from Aulus Gellius, that the trumpeters at funerals were
called 'siticines.' They headed the funeral procession, playing mournful
strains on the long trumpet, 'tuba,' here mentioned. These were probably
in addition to the 'tibicines,' or 'pipers,' whose number was limited to
ten by Appius Claudius, the Censor. See the Sixth Book of the Fasti, 1.
653.]
360 (return)
[ Affectionate
turtle-dove.—Ver. 12. This turtle-dove and the parrot had been
brought up in the same cage together. He probably refers to these birds in
the thirty-eighth line of the Epistle of Sappho to Phaon where he mentions
the turtle-dove as being black. This Elegy is remarkable for its
simplicity and pathetic beauty, and can hardly fail to remind the reader
of Cowper's Elegies, on the death of the bullfinch, and that of his pet
hare.]
361 (return)
[ The Phocian youth.—Ver.
15. He alludes to the friendship of Orestes and Pylades the Phocian, the
son of Strophius.]
362 (return)
[ So prettily.—Ver.
24. 'Bene' means here, 'prettily,' or 'cleverly,' rather than
'distinctly,' which would be inconsistent with the signification of
blæsus.]
363 (return)
[ All their battles
—Ver. 27. Aristotle, in the Eighth Chapter of the Ninth Book of his
History of Animals, describes quails or ortolans, and partridges, as being
of quarrelsome habits, and much at war among themselves.]
364 (return)
[ The foreboder.—Ver.
34. Festus Avienus, in his Prognostics, mentions the jackdaw as foreboding
rain by its chattering.]
366 (return)
[ Armed Minerva.—Ver.
35. See the story of the Nymph Coronis, in the Second Book of the
Metamorphoses.]
367 (return)
[ After nine ages.—Ver.
36. Pliny makes the life of the crow to last for a period of three hundred
years.]
368 (return)
[ Destined numbers.—Ver.
40. 'Numeri' means here, the similar. parts of one whole: 'the allotted
portions of human life.']
369 (return)
[ Seventh day was come.—Ver.
45. Hippocrates, in his Aphorisms, mentions the seventh, fourteenth, and
twentieth, as the critical days in a malady. Ovid may here possibly allude
to the seventh day of fasting, which was supposed to terminate the
existence of the person so doing.]
370 (return)
[ Corinna, farewell.—Ver.
48. It may have said 'Corinna;' but Ovid must excuse us if we decline to
believe that it said 'vale,' 'farewell,' also; unless, indeed, it had been
in the habit of saying so before; this, perhaps, may have been the case,
as it had probably often heard the Poet say 'vale' to his mistress.]
371 (return)
[ The Elysian hill.—Ver.
49. He kindly imagines a place for the souls of the birds that are
blessed.]
372 (return)
[ By his words.—Ver.
58. His calling around him, in human accents, the other birds in the
Elysian fields, is ingeniously and beautifully imagined.]
377 (return)
[ This very tomb.—Ver.
61. This and the following line are considered by Heinsius to be spurious,
and, indeed, the next line hardly looks like the composition of Ovid.]
378 (return)
[ Am I then.—Ver.
1. 'Ergo' here is very expressive. 'Am I always then to be made the
subject of fresh charges?']
379 (return)
[ Long-eared ass.—Ver.
15. Perhaps the only holiday that the patient ass got throughout the year,
was in the month of June, when the festival of Vesta was celebrated, and
to which Goddess he had rendered an important service. See the Sixth Book
of the Fasti, 1. 311, et seq.]
380 (return)
[ Skilled at tiring.—Ver.
17. She was the 'ornatrix,' or 'tiring woman' of Corinna. As slaves very
often received their names from articles of dress, Cypassis was probably
so called from the garment called 'cypassis,' which was worn by women and
men of effeminate character, and extended downwards to the ancles.]
387 (return)
[ With the whip.—Ver.
22. From this we see that the whip was applied to the female slaves, as
well as the males.]
388 (return)
[ Carpathian ocean..—Ver.
20. See the Metamorphoses, Book xi.1. 249, and the Note to this passage.]
389 (return)
[ Swarthy Cypassis.—Ver.
22. From this expression, she was probably a native of Egypt or Syria.]
390 (return)
[ With his spear.—Ver.
7. He alludes to the cure of Telephus by the aid of the spear of Achilles,
which had previously wounded him.]
391 (return)
[ Cottages of thatch.—Ver.
18. In the First Book of the Fasti, 1.199, he speaks of the time when 'a
little cottage received Quiriuus, the begotten of Mars, and the sedge of
the stream afforded him a scanty couch.' The straw-thatched cottage of
Romulus was preserved at Rome for many centuries. See the Fasti, Book iii.
1. 184, and the Note to the passage.]
392 (return)
[ Off to the fields.—Ver.
19. The 'emeriti,' or veterans of the Roman legions, who had served their
full time, received a regular discharge, which was called 'missio,'
together with a bounty, either in money, or an allotment of land. Virgil
was deprived of his property near Mantua, by the officers of Augustus; and
in his first Eclogue, under the name of Tityrus, he relates how he
obtained restitution of it on applying to the Emperor.]
393 (return)
[ Free from the race.—Ver.
20. Literally, 'the starting place.']
394 (return)
[ Wand of repose—Ver.
22. For an account of the 'rudis,' and the privilege it conferred, see the
Tristia, Book, iv, El. 8. 1. 24.]
395 (return)
[ Græcinus.—Ver. 1.
He addresses three of his Pontic Epistles, namely, the Sixth of the First
Book, the Sixth of the Second Book, and the Ninth of the Fourth Book, to
his friend Græcinus. In the latter Epistle, he congratulates him upon his
being Consul elect.]
396 (return)
[ Without my arms.—Ver.
3. 'Inermis,' may be rendered, 'off my guard.']
397 (return)
[ Like the skiff.—Ver.
10. 'Pliaselos' is perhaps here used as a general name for a boat or
skiff; but the vessel which was particularly so called, was long and
narrow, and probably received its name from its resemblance to a
kidney-bean, which was called 'ptaselus.' The 'phaseli' were chiefly used
by the Egyptians, and were of various sizes, from that of a mere boat to a
vessel suited for a long voyage. Appian mentions them as being a medium
between ships of war and merchant vessels. Being built for speed, they
were more noted for their swiftness than for their strength. Juvenal, Sat.
xv, 1. 127, speaks of them as being made of clay; but, of course, that can
only refer to 'pha-seli' of the smallest kind.]
401 (return)
[ That are thin.—Ver
23. The Poet was of slender figure.]
402 (return)
[ Arm his breast —Ver.
31. He alludes to the 'lorica,' or cuirass, which was worn by the
soldiers.]
403 (return)
[ Of his battles.—Ver.
36. He probably was thinking at this moment of the deaths of Cornelius
Gallus, and T. Haterius, of the Equcstriai order, whose singular end is
mentioned by Valerius Maximus, 11. ix c. 12, s. 8, and by Pliny the Elder,
B. vii., c. 53.]
404 (return)
[ The meeting rocks.—Ver
3. See the 121st line of the Epistle of Medea to Jason, and the Note to
the passage.]
405 (return)
[ Tinted pebbles.—Ver.
13. The 'picti lapilli' are probably camelians, which are found on the sea
shore, and are of various tints.]
406 (return)
[ The recreation.—Ver.
14. 'Mora,' 'delay,' is put here for that which causes the delay. 'That is
a pleasure which belongs to the shore.']
407 (return)
[ In what Malea.—Ver.
20. Propertius and Virgil also couple Malea, the dangerous promontory on
the South of Laconia, with the Syrtes or quicksands of the Libyan coast.]
409 (return)
[ Stars of the fruitful
Leda.—Ver. 29. Commentators are divided upon the exact meaning of
this line. Some think that it refers to the Constellations of Castor and
Pollux, which were considered to be favourable to mariners; and which
Horace mentions in the first line of his Third Ode, B. i., 'Sic fratres
Helenae, lucida sidera,' 'The brothers of Helen, those brilliant stars.'
Others think that it refers to the luminous appearances which were seen to
settle on the masts of ships, and were called by the name of Castor and
Pollux; they were thought to be of good omen when both appeared, but
unlucky when seen singly.]
410 (return)
[ In the couch.—Ver.
31. 'Torus' most probably means, in this place a sofa, on which the ladies
would recline while reading.]
411 (return)
[ Amusing books.—Ver.
31. By using the diminutive 'libellus' here, he probably means some light
work, such as a bit of court scandal, of a love poem.]
412 (return)
[ My Divinities.—Ver.
44. See the Second Epistle, 1. 126, and the Note to the passage.]
413 (return)
[ As a table.—Ver.
48. This denotes his impatience to entertain her once again, and to hear
the narrative of her adventures.]
414 (return)
[ Though they be
fictions.—Ver. 53. He gives a sly hit here at the tales of
travellers.]
415 (return)
[ Twice five years.—Ver.
9. Or the 'lustrum' of the Romans, see the Fasti, Book iii. 1. 166, and
the Tristia, Book iv. El. 10.]
416 (return)
[ And the cause.—Ver.
17. This passage is evidently misunderstood in Nisard's translation, 'Je
ne serai pas non plus la caus d'une nouvelle guerre,' 'I will never more
be the cause of a new war.']
417 (return)
[ A female again.—Ver.
22. He alludes to the war in Latium, between Æneas and Turnus, for the
hand of Lavinia, the daughter of Latinus and Amata. See the narrative in
the Fourteenth book of the Metamorphoses.]
421 (return)
[ 'Twas the females—Ver.
23. The rape of the Sabines, by the contrivance of Romulus, is here
alluded to. The narrative will be found in the Third Book of the Fasti, 1.
203, et seq. It has been suggested, but apparently without any good
grounds, that Tarpeia is here alluded to.]
422 (return)
[ Thou who dost.—Ver.
7. Io was said to be worshipped under the name of Isis.]
423 (return)
[ Parætonium.—Ver.
7. This city was situate at the Canopic mouth of the Nile, at the Western
extremity of Egypt, adjoining to Libya. According to Strabo, its former
name was Ammonia. It still preserves its ancient name in a great degree,
as it is called al-Baretoun.]
424 (return)
[ Fields of Canopus.—Ver.
7. Canopus was a city at one of the mouths of the Nile, now called
Aboukir. The epithet 'genialis,' seems to have been well deserved, as it
was famous for its voluptuousness. Strabo tells us that there was a temple
there dedicated to Serapis, to which multitudes resorted by the canal from
Alexandria. He says that the canal was filled, night and day, with men and
women dancing and playing music on board the vessels, with the greatest
licentiousness. The place was situate on an island of the Nile, and was
about fifteen miles distant from Alexandria. Ovid gives a similar
description of Alexandria, in the Tristia, Book i. El. ii. 1. 79. See the
Note to the passage.]
425 (return)
[ Memphis.—Ver. 8.
Memphis was a city situate on the North of Egypt, on the banks of the
Nile. It was said to have been built by Osirit.]
426 (return)
[ Pharos.—Ver. 8.
See the Metamorphoses, Book ix. 1. 772, and Book xv. 1. 287, with the
Notes to the passages.]
428 (return)
[ By thy sistra. —Ver.
11. For an account of the mystic 'sistra' of Isis, see the Pontic
Epistles, Book i. El. i. 1. 38, and the Note.]
429 (return)
[ Anubis. —Ver. 11.
For an account of Anuhis, the Deity with the dog's head, see the
Metamorphoses, Book ix. 1. 689, and the Note.]
430 (return)
[ Osiris.—Ver. 12.
See the Metamorphoses, Book ix. 1. 692, and the Note to the passage.]
431 (return)
[ The sluggish serpent.—Ver.
13. Macrobius tells us, that the Egyptians accompanied the statue of
Serapis with that of an animal with three heads, the middle one that of a
lion, the one to the right, of a dog, and that to the left, of a ravenous
wolf; and that a serpent was represented encircling it in its folds, with
its head below the right hand of the statue of the Deity. To this the Poet
possibly alludes, or else to the asp, which was common in the North of
Egypt, and perhaps, was looked upon as sacred. If so, it is probable that
the word 'pigra,' 'sluggish,' refers to the drowsy effect produced by the
sting of the asp, which was generally mortal. This, indeed, seems the more
likely, from the fact of the asp being clearly referred to, in company
with these Deities, in the Ninth Book of the Metamorphoses, 1. 93; which
see, with the Note to the passage.]
432 (return)
[ The horned Apis.—Ver.
14. See the Ninth Book of the Metamorphoses, 1. 691, and the Note to the
passage.]
433 (return)
[ Thy features.—Ver.
15. Isis is here addressed, as being supposed to be the same Deity as
Diana Lucina, who was invoked by pregnant and parturient women. Thus Isis
appears to Telethusa, a Cretan woman, in her pregnancy, in the Ninth Book
of the Metamorphoses, 1. 665, et seq.]
434 (return)
[ Thy appointed days.—Ver.
17. Votaries who were worshipping in the temples of the Deities sat there
for a considerable time, especially when they attended for the purpose of
sacrifice. In the First Book of the Pontic Epistles, Ep. i. 1. 50, Ovid
says, 'I have beheld one who confessed that he had offended the Divinity
of Isis, clothed in linen, sitting before he altars of Isis.']
435 (return)
[ On which.—Ver.
18. 'Queis' seems a preferable reading to 'qua.']
436 (return)
[ The Galli.—Ver.
18. Some suppose that Isis and Cybele were the same Divinity, and that the
Galli, or priests of Cybele, attended the rites of their Goddess under the
name of Isis. It seems clear, from the present passage, that the priests
of Cybele, who were called Galli, did perform the rites of Isis, but there
is abundant proof that these were considered as distinct Deities. In
imitation of the Corybantes, the original priests of Cybele, they
performed her rites to the sound of pipes and tambourines, and ran to and
fro in a frenzied manner.]
437 (return)
[ With thy laurels.—Ver.
18. See the Note to the 692nd line of the Ninth Book of the Metamorphoses.
While celebrating the search for the limbs of Osiris, the priests uttered
lamentations, accompanied with the sound of the 'sistra'; but when they
had found the body, they wore wreaths of laurel, and uttered cries,
signifying their joy.]
438 (return)
[ Ilithyia.—Ver.
21. As to the Goddess Ilithyia, see the Ninth Book of the Metamorphoses,
1. 283, and the Note to the passage.]
439 (return)
[ With their bucklers.—Ver.
2. Armed with 'peltæ,' or bucklers, like the Amazons.]
440 (return)
[ The sand must.—Ver.
8. This figure is derived from the gladiatorial fights of the
amphitheatre, where the spot on which they fought was strewed with sand,
both for the purpose of giving a firm footing to the gladiators, and of
soaking up the blood that was shed.]
441 (return)
[ Again throw stones.—Ver.
12. He alludes to Deucalion and Pyr-rha. See the First Book of the
Metamorphoses.]
442 (return)
[ Ilia had destroyed.—Ver.
16. Romulus was her son. See her story, related at the beginning of the
Third Book of the Fasti.]
443 (return)
[ Why pierce.—Ver.
27. He alludes to the sharp instruments which she had used for the purpose
of procuring abortion: a practice which Canace tells Macareus that her
nurse had resorted to. Epistle xi. 1. 40—43.]
444 (return)
[ Armenian dens.—Ver.
35. See the Metamorphoses, Book viii. 1. 126, and the Note to the
passage.]
445 (return)
[ Many a time.—Ver.
38. He seems here to speak of this practice as being frequently resorted
to.]
446 (return)
[ She deserved it.—Ver.
40. From this, it would seem that the practice was considered censurable;
but, perhaps it was one of those cases whose heinousness is never fully
discovered till it has brought about its own punishment.]
447 (return)
[ O ring.—Ver. 1.
On the rings in use among the ancients, see the note to the First Book of
the Aruores, El. iv., 1. 26. See also the subject of the seventh Elegy of
the First Book of the Tristia.]
448 (return)
[ Carpathian old man.—Ver.
10. For some account of Proteus, who is here referred to, see the First
Book of the Fasti, 1. 363, and the Note.]
449 (return)
[ Be able to seal—Ver.
15. From this, it appears to have been a signet ring.]
450 (return)
[ Touch the lips.—Ver.
17. See the Tristia, Book v., El. iv. 1 5, and the Note to the passage.]
459 (return)
[ In her desk.—Ver.
19. 'Loculi' used in the plural, as in the present instance, signified a
receptacle with compartments, similar, perhaps, to our writing desks; a
small box, coffer, casket, or cabinet of wood or ivory, for keeping money
or jewels.]
460 (return)
[ Sulmo.—Ver. 1.
See the Note to the first line of the First Elegy of this Book.]
461 (return)
[ Pelignian land.—Ver.
1. From Pliny the Elder, we learn that the Peligni were divided into three
tribes, the Corfinienses, the Superequani, and the Sulmonenses.]
462 (return)
[ Constellation.—Ver.
4. He alludes to the heat attending the Dog star, see the Fasti, Book iv.,
1. 939, and the Note to the passage.]
463 (return)
[ The thin soil.—Ver.
8. 'Rarus ager' means, a 'thin' or 'loose' soil, which was well suited for
the cultivation of the grape.]
464 (return)
[ That bears its berries.—Ver.
8. In Nisard's translation, the words 'bacciferam Pallada,' which mean the
olive, are rendered 'L'amande Caere Pallas,' 'the almond dear to Pallas.']
465 (return)
[ Lengthened tracks.—Ver.
16. To the Delphin Editor this seems a silly expression.]
466 (return)
[ The stormy Alps.—Ver.
19. See the Metamorphoses, Book ii. 1. 226, and the Note to the passage.]
467 (return)
[ The obedient stream.—Ver.
35. This was a method of irrigation in agriculture, much resorted to by
the ancients.]
468 (return)
[ Fierce Cilicians
—Ver. 39. The people of the interior of Cilicia, in Asia Minor, were
of rude and savage manners while those on the coast had been engaged in
piracy, until it had been effectually suppressed by Pompey.]
469 (return)
[ Britons painted green.—Ver.
39. The Britons may be called 'virides,' from their island being
surrounded by the sea; or, more probably, from the colour with which they
were in the habit of staining their bodies. Cæsar says, in the Fifth Book
of the Gallic war, 'The Britons stain themselves with woad, 'vitrum,' or
'glastum,' which produces a blue colour: and thus they become of a more
dreadful appearance in battle.' The conquest of Britain, by Cæsar, is
alluded to in the Fifteenth Book of the Metamorphoses, 1. 752.]
471 (return)
[ Loves the vine.—Ver.
41. The custom of training vines by the side of the elm, has been alluded
to in a previous Note. See also the Metamorphoses, Book xiv. 1. 663, and
the Note to the passage.]
472 (return)
[ As the nags.—Ver.
49. The 'manni' were used by the Romans for much the same purpose as our
coach-horses; and were probably more noted for their fleetness than their
strength; They were a small breed, originally imported from Gaul, and the
possession of them was supposed to indicate the possession of considerable
wealth. As the 'esseda' was a small vehicle, and probably of light
structure, we must not be surprised at Corinna being in the habit of
driving for herself. The distance from Rome to Sulmo was about ninety
miles: and the journey, from his expressions in the fifty-first and
fifty-second lines, must have been over hill and dale.]
473 (return)
[ Your little chaise.—Ver.
49. For an account of the 'essedum,' or 'esseda,' see the Pontic Epistles,
Book ii. Ep. 10, 1. 34, and the Note to the passage.]
474 (return)
[ King of Pkthia.—Ver.
17.] He alludes to the marriage of Thetis, the sea Goddess, to Peleus, the
king of Phthia, in Thessaly.]
475 (return)
[ His anvil.—Ver.
19. It is a somewhat curious fact, that the anvils of the ancients exactly
resembled in form and every particular those used at the present day.]
476 (return)
[ Becomingly united.—Ver.
22. He says, that in the Elegiac measure the Pentameter, or line of five
feet, is not unhappily matched with the Hexameter, or heroic line of six
feet.]
477 (return)
[ Disavowed by you.—Ver.
26. 'Voids' seems more agreable to the sense of the passage, than 'nobis.'
'to be denied by us;' as, from the context, there was no fear of his
declining her affection.]