The Brain of an Army: A Popular Account of the German General Staff

According to Rüstow (Feldhernkunst des 19ten Jahrhunderts) the numbers engaged were:—

The one authorised adviser here described was by the Prussian system provided for the king in the person of the chief of the general staff of the army. This office had risen to importance during the wars of liberation, though at that epoch the general staff was in the peace organization a subordinate branch of the Ministry of War. The Prussians fighting Napoleon, had had no Napoleon to pit against him. The best they could do was to put Blücher in command with Scharnhorst, and after Scharnhorst's death with Gneisenau to keep him straight.[1] In the period that followed the peace of 1815 the position of the general staff received strict definition. In 1821 Müffling was appointed its chief, and it was settled that he should not be subordinate to the Minister of War but directly responsible to the king. This constitution of the office on a new basis outside of and independent of the Ministry of War was an advance in the division of labour implying the want of a fresh organ to perform functions not before satisfactorily exercised. The business of the Ministry of War was to raise, maintain and administer the army. The business of the staff was to direct the army in war, and during peace to make such special preparations as might be necessary to this end. In order to be able to devote all its energies to the conduct of armies fighting in the field, unhampered by the details of daily administration, the general staff was placed on an independent footing. In 1829 Müffling was succeeded by Lieut-Gen. von Krauseneck, whose successor (in 1848) was Lieut-Gen. von Reyher. Reyher died in 1857, when the duties of the office were intrusted to Major-General von Moltke.

The division of labour between the royal commander-in-chief and the chief of the staff may be illustrated by the proceedings of the evening before the battle of Königgrätz. When General von Voigts-Rhetz (the chief of Prince Frederick Charles' staff) reached Gitschin and reported to the king, who was just going to bed, the king sent him to Moltke saying, "If General Moltke thinks this information involves a fresh decision he is to come for orders whatever be the time of night." Voigts-Rhetz went to Moltke's quarters and made his report. Moltke made up his mind what ought to be done, and then went to the king, whom he found in bed, and explained his view that whether the whole Austrian army or only a part of it was at Sadowa the sound course was to move forward both Prussian armies, so as to take the Austrians in front and flank. An attack like this from two sides at once must in any case give the Prussians the best chance of victory they could hope for, and the result would be the more decisive the larger the portion of the Austrian army to be engaged. The king at once gave his assent. Moltke then wrote the two notes, which were sent off immediately.

It was 11 p.m. when Voigts-Rhetz reached Gitschin. The letters were despatched at midnight. In that hour fall the reports of Voigts-Rhetz to the king and to Moltke; Moltke's deliberation and determination; his visit to the king's quarters and the writing and despatching of the notes. It appears from these data that there was no discussion, and that even at this period, the opening of their first great campaign, the king's confidence in Moltke was as thoroughly established as we know it to have been four years later.[2]

[1] It might perhaps have been better to have given Scharnhorst and Gneisenau the actual command. In any case the arrangement adopted in 1813 laid the foundation of the German system of the general staff.

[2] In the Crown Prince's diary of the Franco-German War we read under the date January 15th, "Werder asks whether he would not do better now to abandon Belfort as he thinks he can still defend Alsace? Moltke read this out and added, with unshakeable icy calmness, 'Your Majesty will no doubt approve of General Werder being informed in reply that he has simply to stay where he is and beat the enemy where he finds him.' Moltke appeared to me admirable beyond all praise. In one second he had settled the whole affair." Deutsche Rundschau, October, 1888, p. 25.

At the headquarters of an army there are a hundred different anxieties. In peace there is the recruiting, training, clothing, feeding, and arming of the troops; the distribution of commands; the maintenance of discipline. In war most of these matters continue to require attention; subordinates must be kept to their appointed tasks; above all the field of politics must be watched from day to day, sometimes even from hour to hour. The Prussian system gave to the chief of the general staff the sole duty of attending to the movements of the armies, and, regarding each new situation as a problem in strategy, of explaining the solution which presented itself to his trained judgment as the best. Free from the pressure of other cares and responsibilities an officer in this position would be more likely to see clearly and judge coolly than one overloaded with work and distracted with the thousand worries of command. This is the division of labour according to kind, which gives each sort of work to a man specially trained for its performance. It is supplemented by an organization of responsibility which relieves a man from detail in proportion to the extent and grasp of his supervision. The army was broken up into minor armies each with its own commander and his chief of the staff, so that the chief of the general staff himself had to consider only the large problems of the campaign, the general nature of the movements to be effected by the two or three pieces on his board. The head of each army is told the general intention and the share of work assigned to his force. He in turn regards his army corps or divisions[1] as so many units, and besides a statement of the object to be aimed at gives only such general directions as the corps or division commanders cannot arrange for themselves. All the detail of the movements is left in the hands of the corps or division commanders and their special staffs.

It is worth while showing by a convincing proof to what simplicity the system here described reduces the business of supreme command. On June 21 a Prussian parlementaire handed in to the Austrian outposts a notification of the commencement of hostilities. At that time the first army was concentrated opposite the Austrian frontier across the border that separates Saxony from Silesia; the second army was concentrated near Neisse. From that day until the decisive battle only five short orders from the king's headquarters are on record:—

(1) June 22.—Telegram from Berlin to both armies (at Görlitz and Neisse): "His Majesty orders both armies to advance into Bohemia and to seek to unite in the direction of Gitschin."

A letter of the same date contained a slightly fuller explanation, and added, to Prince Frederick Charles, that as the second army had the difficult task of issuing from the mountains the first army must shorten the crisis by pushing on rapidly.

(2) June 29.—Telegram from Berlin to Prince Frederick Charles: "His Majesty expects that the first army by a quickened advance will disengage the second army which, in spite of a series of victorious actions, is still for the time being in a difficult situation."

(A repetition to Prince Frederick Charles, who had been losing time by his timid and methodical movements, of his original instructions.)

(3) June 30.—Telegram from Kohlfurt (on the way from Berlin to the army) to both armies: instructing the second army to maintain itself on the Elbe and the first army to push forward towards Königgrätz. (A modification, to suit events, of the plan of No. 1.)

(4) July 2.—Gitschin. Order arranging for both armies to rest on July 3, while the country to the front and the Austrian supposed position should be reconnoitred. Cancelled the same evening by

(5) Moltke's note (quoted p. 54) to the Crown Prince.

The brevity and simplicity of these instructions find a counterpart in the orders issued by the army commanders. Moltke's note sent off from Gitschin at midnight on Monday was delivered at the Crown Prince's headquarters at Königinhof at four on Tuesday morning. At five General von Blumenthal, the chief of the general staff of the second army, sent out an army order of some twenty lines:—

"According to information received here it is expected that the enemy will to-day attack the first army which is at Horsitz, Milowitz, and Cerekwitz. The second army will advance to its support as follows:—

(l) "The first army corps will march in two columns by Zabres and Gr. Trotin to Gr. Burglitz." ...

And so on for the other corps. In this way an army of 115,000 men (four army corps and a cavalry division) was directed by five sentences of two lines each. This was sufficient. The details were arranged for each army corps by the corps commander with the assistance of his staff officers.

[1] In 1866 the first army was composed of divisions not combined into army corps. The second army was worked by army corps.

The changes by which the army is placed on a war footing, known collectively as mobilization, include the calling out of the reserves of men and horses; their distribution among the various corps and their equipment; and the creation and completion of the staffs and of the different services of supply. All these proceedings in Prussia the general staff had perfectly arranged and regulated down to the minutest detail, so that the order needed only to be issued, and the whole operation would take place as if by clockwork within a given number of days.[1] The process of mobilization is in essentials the same whatever be the frontier on which the war is to be fought. It places the troops ready at their ordinary headquarters, and in Prussia no regiment leaves its headquarters except in perfect readiness to take the field.

On the other hand, the collection of the army on the frontier is the first stage of the actual operations, resembling the opening of a game of chess, and it is of the greatest importance that the points selected should be those best suited for the beginning of the particular campaign in prospect.

The placing of an army on a war footing and its transport to a frontier are political acts of the gravest moment. They are therefore usually controlled almost as much by political as by military considerations, and it is impossible rightly to appreciate them without taking into account the political circumstances by which they are affected. The influence of politics upon the two processes is however different. In regard to mobilization, which may be compared to a mechanical process, the statesman may urge its postponement or its execution by gradual instalments. In neither case is the essential nature of the operation changed, though the amount of friction involved may be increased. But the assembling of an army is the immediate preliminary to attack or defence, and the statesman's unwillingness to attack may affect the choice of time and place for the collection of the force available.

The King of Prussia was sincerely anxious to avoid a war, and until June 14 was determined not to take the initiative nor to agree to any measure which might savour of attack. He was with difficulty induced to consent to the successive stages of preparation. Not until the beginning of May, when the Austrian mobilization was far advanced and the transport to the frontiers impending, were the orders for the Prussian mobilization issued, and that not at once, but piecemeal between May 3 and May 12. The forces thus called out formed a total of 326,000 combatants, divided into nine army corps,[2] a reserve corps at Berlin,[3] the corps of occupation in Holstein, and the corps collected at Wetzlar from the Prussian garrisons withdrawn from fortresses of the German confederation. The arrangements made for the disposition of these forces between May 12 and June 22 form the basis of the subsequent success, and may perhaps best be described in the form of a series of problems and their solutions.

1. The first step of preparation for a war is the calculation of the force required.[4] In the case of our own small wars it is self-evident that such a calculation is necessary, and the campaign of 1882 in Egypt is an instance in which it was worked out to a nicety. It might seem equally a matter of course that when two Continental states go to war each of them will assume from the beginning that its whole available force will be employed. Yet instances are numerous in which campaigns have been lost mainly through neglect to work out this calculation. In 1859 the Austrians undertook with little more than half their army a war against the combined forces of France and Sardinia; in 1885 King Milan attacked the Bulgarians without calling out the whole of the Servian army. In both cases defeat was largely due to this initial error.

The basis of the calculation is furnished by an estimate of the force which will be at the disposal of the enemy. In 1866 the Prussian staff had to face the preliminary difficulty that it was uncertain even as late as May 8 which of the German states would be on the Prussian and which on the Austrian side. The least favourable assumption was made, and it was estimated that the hostile forces would be in North Germany 36,000, in South Germany 100,000, and in Saxony and Austria 264,000, making a total of 400,000 men.[5] There could be no doubt that Prussia must employ the whole of her available forces.

2. The next question was how to distribute the Prussian forces against these three sets of enemies. A proportionate division based on the estimate just given would have resulted in the employment of 215,000 men against Austria and Saxony, of 30,000 against North Germany, and of 80,000 against South Germany. The staff, however, expected that the South German forces would not be ready until a late stage of the war, and might in the first instance be neglected. Hanover and Hesse lying between the two halves of Prussia and separating Westphalia and Rhenish Prussia from the main body of the kingdom,[6] were more serious foes. It would be necessary to strike hard at them, if possible, before their preparations could be completed. But the fate of Prussia and of Germany really depended upon the issue of the conflict with Austria. If she were beaten here, Prussia would in any case be undone; if she were successful in this struggle, the minor states, even though not themselves beaten, must needs fall under her sway. It was decided to employ almost the whole army (eight and a half corps and the reserve corps, 278,000 men) against Austria and Saxony, and to meet the rest of the German enemies with a scratch army (48,000) made up of half the seventh corps and of the troops assembled in Holstein and at Wetzlar. This force was destined first of all to disarm Hesse and Hanover (capitulation of Langensalza June 29), and then to attack and defeat the South German contingents.

3. The next problem is the choice of the point or points at which the army is to be assembled for the purpose of beginning the operations. This is the first act of generalship in the campaign, and a mistake here is usually the prelude of misfortune. Every general wishes, if possible, to meet with his whole force the divided forces of the enemy, and therefore his first thought is to assemble his army at one place, or at least to collect it so that all its parts may unite for battle.

Sketch Map 2—PRUSSIA in 1866

The Prussian army, if assembled in Upper Silesia, would be at the point of Prussia nearest to the Austrian capital; if assembled at Görlitz,[7] it would interpose between Berlin or Breslau and an Austrian army approaching from Bohemia. These were, therefore, the most favourable points of assembly, the one for attack and the other for defence. But the position in Silesia would lose much of its value unless it were intended, as soon as the army should be ready, to march on Vienna; and this course in the middle of May was, to the king's mind, inadmissible. There was, however, a second quite unanswerable argument against assembling the whole army at either place. The movement could not be carried out in a reasonable time. To march to either district from the distant provinces would have been an affair of many weeks, and the concentration would run the risk of being too late. The difficulty could not be overcome by the use of the railways. To move a whole army corps by a single railway required, according to the nature of the line, irrespective of the distance, from nine to twelve days. But for the transport to Upper Silesia only one, and for that to Görlitz only two, through railways were available, so that a very long time would be required to move the whole army by rail to either point. Moreover, neither of the districts in question is so fertile as to be able to feed a large army for more than a few days. As the king was determined not to fight, if fighting could be avoided, it might become necessary to keep the army waiting for some weeks after its concentration. This would be to starve it before a shot had been fired. Thus it was impracticable in the political circumstances to collect all the nine corps into one army, either for offence or defence. Separate armies had to be formed, and considerations of defence to prevail. The principal centres of concentration were fixed in the neighbourhood of Görlitz and of Schweidnitz, points on the lines of an Austrian advance towards Berlin and Breslau respectively from Northern Bohemia, where at this time (the middle of May) the Austrian army was believed to be assembling.

4. Upon the basis of this decision the movement of the troops to the frontier was arranged. The railway system, as has been seen, did not admit of moving the corps directly and speedily to Görlitz and Schweidnitz. Five railways in all were available, leading to points on the Prussian frontier facing the kingdom of Saxony and the Austrian Empire. They ended at Zeitz, Halle, Hertzberg, Görlitz, and Schweidnitz (or Neisse), places scattered along a curve some 250 miles long. The quickest practicable way of assembling the army was to use all these railways at once, and when the troops had thus been deposited on the frontier to continue the concentration by marches. The shortest lines of march to assemble the whole army would be the radii leading to the centre of the curve; but this was in the enemy's territory, so that these lines, if they had been for other reasons desirable, could not be adopted before war had been declared. The alternative was to concentrate by marches along the circumference, and this was the plan adopted. Each corps, as soon as its debarkation from the train was complete, was marched along the arc towards the point of concentration selected for it.

The corps from Posen and Silesia, collected at Schweidnitz and Neisse (grouped together as the second army under the Crown Prince), were moved to their right to Landshut and Waldenburg.[8] Those of Westphalia (half a corps) and Rhenish Prussia were detrained at Zeitz and Halle, and marched round the frontier of Saxony to the point where the Elbe emerges from that kingdom. These troops, with the reserve corps from Berlin, formed the Elbe army, destined to continue its eastward movement by the invasion of Saxony. The corps from Pomerania, Brandenburg, and Prussian Saxony, were combined into the first army, under Prince Frederick Charles. They were first assembled between Torgau and Cottbus, and then marched along the frontier towards Görlitz, reaching the western corner of Silesia (neighbourhood of Hoyerswerda) about the end of the first week in June, when the other movements described were also completed.

5. The staff was now anxious to begin the campaign. The three armies could not be united on Prussian soil without leaving some important district unprotected, nor await where they were the Austrian attack without the risk that one of them in isolation might be exposed to the blows of a superior force. This same risk only would be incurred in the attempt to meet by a concentric advance towards some point of Austrian territory; it would increase with every additional day allowed for the Austrian preparations. But the king still thought a settlement possible, and would not permit hostilities to commence.

6. On June 11, the Prussian staff learned that of seven Austrian army corps destined to operate against Prussia six were in Moravia, not in Bohemia, as had been supposed. The inference was, that the Austrians contemplated advancing upon Breslau by way of Neisse, for which movement the data obtained showed that they would be able to cross the Silesian border with five or six army corps by about June 19. To meet this invasion, if it should take place, the second army was moved to the river Neisse, facing south, and was reinforced by the guard corps from Berlin, and by the first corps, moved originally from East Prussia by rail to Görlitz, and now by marching transferred from the first army to the second. At the same time the first army continued its eastward march as far as Görlitz, where it would be near enough to reach Breslau as soon as the Austrians, if they should really invade Silesia, or, if not required in that direction, could be moved readily into either Saxony or Bohemia. These movements were effected by June 19.

The Elbe army was also to be moved to the east, to join the first army, but its most convenient route from Torgau to Görlitz lay through Dresden. While the changes just described were in the course of execution, the political situation also had changed. The hostile resolution of the diet on June 14 enabled the king to make up his mind. On June 15 war was declared against Saxony. On the 16th the Elbe army crossed the border; on the 18th occupied Dresden; and on the 19th, connection having been established with the first army, now about Görlitz, was placed under the command of Prince Frederick Charles. This prince concentrated the first army to the south of Görlitz, on the confines of Saxony and Silesia, close to the Bohemian border, while the Elbe army from Dresden rapidly closed up to his right flank. The intention was that both should advance as one army into Bohemia, and move, with the left wing skirting the foot of the Giant Mountains, to meet the second army. There had been no sign of an Austrian attack on Silesia, so the Crown Prince was ordered to prepare for a march westward into Bohemia to meet his cousin. On the 19th he was to send one corps in advance to Landshut, still keeping the rest of his force on the Neisse ready to face either south or west. A day or two later two more of his corps were withdrawn to the mountains, a single corps only remaining on the Neisse, and much trouble being taken to deceive the Austrians into the belief that the whole army was still there and was about to march towards Moravia. This was the position of both Prussian armies on June 22, when the telegram already quoted ordered them to cross the Bohemian frontier and to try to effect their union about Gitschin.

Sketch map 3—THE OPENING MOVEMENTS OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1866.

[1] The details of the operation of mobilization are kept secret, but the elementary principles have everywhere been copied from the Prussian system and may be explained in an imaginary example. Suppose a company to have a peace strength of 120 men and to pass each year forty men into the reserve, receiving instead the same number of recruits, the war strength being 240. The public announcement of the decree for mobilization makes it the duty of each of the 120 reservists to proceed directly to the headquarters of the company, where they will arrive, according to the distance from their homes, say on the first, second, or third day of mobilization. The captain has a nominal list of the whole company, and keeps in store under his own responsibility the complete new war kit for each of the 240 men. As they arrive the men pass the doctor, receive their kits, and are told off to their posts in the completed company. According to the care with which the rules have been framed (this is the staff's principal share in the work) so as to divide the labour, occupying every man from the general to the bugler and giving to each that work which he can best do, and to none more than he can do in the time allowed, will be the rapidity, ease, and certainty with which the whole mobilization will be effected.

[2] The guard with its peace quarters at Berlin, and corps I. to VIII. quartered in peace in districts corresponding in the main to the eight provinces: Prussia, Pomerania, Brandenburg, Prussian Saxony, Posen, Silesia, Westphalia, Rhenish Prussia. See sketch map 2.

[3] Called out on May 19th.

[4] "What king, going to make war against another king, sitteth not down first, and consulteth whether he be able with ten thousand to meet him that cometh against him with twenty thousand? Or else, while the other is yet a great way off, he sendeth an ambassage and desireth conditions of peace."

[5] The numbers actually called out against Prussia proved to be:—

[6] See sketch map 2.

[7] See sketch map 3.

[8] See sketch map 3.

Except the conduct of military operations there is nothing so difficult as to appreciate them truly. A multitude of considerations affect the leading of armies and many of them evade the research of the historian. The critic therefore can rarely be sure that he has placed himself in the exact position of the general whose acts he is studying. If, for example, he supposes a commander to have been without information which in fact he possessed, his judgment may be founded upon a picture completely distorted. Such mistakes are made even by the most careful historians. The Prussian staff history of the campaign of 1866 alleges that the Austrian commanders were unaware of the Crown Prince's march westwards from the Neisse. The Austrian staff history shows that very good information on the subject had reached the Austrian headquarters as early as June 25, before any of the Crown Prince's corps had crossed the border. Where it is so difficult to avoid error it is rash to be dogmatic. But it may be permissible to raise a doubt as to the value of some of the judgments that seem to have become traditional concerning this campaign. Mr. O'Connor Morris, for example, in the Academy of March 23, 1889, wrote:—"The strategy of Moltke is not perfection, as worshippers of success have boasted, but he never attempted, in his invasion of France, to unite widely divided armies, within striking distance of a concentrated foe, as he did at Gitschin, under the very beard of Benedek."[1] A similar criticism, without the sneer, may be found in the Belgian Précis. But neither writer has explained where the mistake lay. Even the Austrian historian declares that, given the Prussian positions on the Neisse and in Lusatia, the only sound course was the advance to meet at Gitschin. Was the error in the original dispersion of the forces along the frontier? If so, the critics should explain what alternative was practicable in view of the political conditions and of the geography of the theatre of war. Would it not be safer to say that the preparations for the campaign of 1866 show the influence upon strategy of a very complicated political situation? The opening of the campaign of 1870 presented in comparison a simple problem. There was a single enemy to be faced; and there was no motive for hesitation or delay. Moreover, the German staff could count upon beginning the campaign on the least favourable hypothesis with 330,000 men against 250,000.[2] Possibly in 1866 the strategists' task would have been easier, and posterity would have thought no worse of Prussian policy if the king had realized early in May that mobilization meant war, and had given Moltke from that time a free hand. But this again is a criticism easy to make twenty years after the event. The conflict was between Germans, and the general opinion at the time condemned the Prussian policy. Moreover, Prussia had then no important success on record since the decisive stroke at Waterloo. In these conditions the king's hesitation was natural enough, and even the anxiety to cover every part of Prussian territory is quite intelligible. Much must needs remain obscure, for it may be years before the personal history of the principal actors at this period is given to the world. Meanwhile, the function of criticism is to seek first of all to understand the events with which it deals.

It is of little purpose to read a summary of the movements of the troops during a campaign, and to be given a list of the mistakes made by the generals on each side. Such a system leads the reader to suppose that generals as a rule have been remarkably careless, weak, and ignorant, and entirely conceals from him the difficulties which always beset the conduct of operations. But where a measure adopted in the field is shown by the result to have been attended with risks or followed by disaster, the attempt to ascertain why it was employed invariably throws light upon the nature of war; and this method of study, though it offers little satisfaction to the vanity that likes to take a side and to distribute praise or blame, rewards, by quickening the insight and forming the judgment, the labour which it requires.

[1] If Mr. O'Connor Morris will mark on a map the positions of the Austrian and Prussian armies on June 22nd, the date of the order "to unite widely divided armies," etc., he will discover that the Austrian forces were distributed over an area not less extended than that which included both Prussian armies.

[2] German Staff History, 1870-71, vol. i. p. 74.

In 1874 the emperor in an official address to the army wrote, "The more general the spread of luxury and comfort, the more solemnly is the officer confronted by the duty never to forget that his honourable position in the state and in society has not been gained and cannot be maintained by material wealth. Not only does an enervating mode of life damage the combatant qualities of an officer, but the pursuit of gain and comfort would dangerously undermine the very ground upon which the officer's position is built up."[1] These words fairly express the spirit of those to whom they were addressed, and many an officer takes a pride in his poverty, and starves with cheerfulness and even with merriment. Some of the superior officers have set the example by abandoning the dearly-loved cigar, and a Prussian officer's mess has decidedly no attractions for the gourmet.

"Teacher and leader in every department is the officer. This implies that he is superior to his men in knowledge, experience, and strength of character. Without fearing responsibility, every officer in all circumstances however extraordinary is to stake his whole personality for the fulfilment of his mission, even without waiting for orders."[2] This is the foundation stone of Prussian discipline, the secret by which is secured "the legitimate ascendency of the officers, the justified confidence of the soldiers, the daily interchange of mutual devotion, the conviction that each one is useful to all and that the chiefs are the most useful of all."[3] The attainment of the ideal thus officially set up is facilitated by the system of promotion. The principle of seniority, without which no public service can be a profession or offer a career, is allowed its legitimate place, being modified only by the retirement of the incapable, and by special selection for the general staff. "It is necessary that the higher commands should be attained only by such officers as unite distinguished abilities and military education with corresponding qualities of character and with bodily activity."[4] Moreover, "it is the special duty of the general commanding to see that all the commandants of fortresses, all the commanders of divisions, brigades, regiments, and battalions, and all the field-officers in the district of his army-corps, retain their posts only so long as they have the bodily activity necessary for service in the field, and the knowledge and capacity needed for their several particular callings. The moment he notices in this respect the slightest change to the detriment of my service, it is his duty, for which he will be held responsible, to inform me. He must also send me the names of all officers who distinguish themselves or are fit for a higher post."[5]

The first feature, then, of the Prussian system is the method by which it is attempted, with considerable success, always to put the right man in the right place, and having done so, to see that he keeps up to the mark.

[1] Verordnung über die Ehrengerichte der Offiziere im Preussischen Heere, May 2nd, 1874.

[2] Felddienstordnung, 1887, § 6.

[3] Taine, L'Ancien Régime, p. 108.

[4] Cabinet order of May 8th, 1849.

[5] Cabinet order, i.e. King's order in Cabinet of March 13th, 1816.

A modern army fights by army corps, and by army corps the Prussian army is managed, in peace as well as in war. Each province is an army corps district.[1] All the troops in it belong to the corps[2] and are under the command of the general, who has in military matters absolute authority, being independent of the Ministry of War and responsible directly to the king and to no one else. Every question that comes up in the corps can be finally settled by its commanding general, except a very few matters which require the king's assent, or an arrangement with the Ministry of War. But comparatively few questions of detail come as high as the commanding general.

His corps is at all times organized very much as it would be in war. In the infantry four companies make a battalion, three battalions a regiment, two regiments a brigade, two infantry brigades with their due proportion of cavalry and artillery form an infantry division. In the cavalry four or five squadrons form the regiment, two or three regiments the brigade, and two or three brigades the division. In the artillery two or three batteries form a group (Abtheilung, now officially translated brigade division), two or three groups a regiment, and two regiments a brigade. The corps is made up of infantry divisions, a cavalry brigade or division,[3] and an artillery brigade.

Responsibility and authority begin with the smallest units, the company, squadron, or battery. The captain, the commander of such a unit, is the lowest officer who has the power of punishment. In his hands lies in peace the training, and in war the leading of the company, squadron, or battery. The lieutenants and in a lower sphere the noncommissioned officers are his assistants acting under his responsibility. In the company, to take the infantry as the type, the captain is supreme. The methods of instruction, the distribution of time, and the order to be followed in the process are matters which he settles according to his own judgment. His superiors abstain from any interference. They are concerned only with the result, of which they satisfy themselves by inspection at the end of the period assigned to company training. If any of the soldiers have not been properly instructed, or if the company is not fit to take its place in the battalion, that is the captain's fault, and he is likely to lose his chance of promotion.

The battalion commander receives his trained companies and practises them in battalion manoeuvres. His business is with the battalion as a body composed of four units, not with the internal affairs of the companies. In battle as on the parade ground this rule is observed. For example: "If a battalion receives the order to attack a farm its commander must assign to the several companies the part which each is to play, must prescribe the points of attack, and at least in general terms the directions of their advance. He must also arrange the time of their coming into action so that they may co-operate. But how each company is to accomplish the task assigned to it, in what formation it is to fight—these and similar details he will do well, if he knows that his captains have the necessary insight, to leave to them."[4]

In this way authority and responsibility are graduated throughout the army corps. Every commander above the rank of captain deals with a body composed of units with the interior affairs of none of which he meddles, except in the case of failure on the part of the officer directly responsible. The higher the commander and the greater his authority, the more general becomes the supervision and the less the burden of detail. The superior prescribes the object to be attained. The subordinate is left free to choose the means, and is interfered with only in exceptional circumstances. Thus every officer in his own sphere is accustomed to the exercise of authority and to the free application of his own judgment.

By this system the labour and responsibility of commanding an army corps are reduced to practicable dimensions. Regimental affairs are settled by the colonels; brigade affairs by the major-generals. The divisions commanded by lieutenant-generals are completely organized bodies capable, in case of need, of independent action and requiring little supervision from the corps commander. The general commanding the army corps has to deal directly with only a few subordinates, the commanders of his infantry divisions, of his cavalry brigade or division, and of his artillery brigade, and with the heads of the corps organizations for such purposes as supply and medical service. He inspects and tests the condition of all the various units, but he does not attempt to do the work of his subordinates. He is thus at liberty to keep his mind concentrated upon those essential matters which properly require his decision, for example, in war, whether he will advance or retire, whether he will move to the right or to the left, whether to fight or to postpone an engagement; how to distribute his force;—what portion he will at once engage and where he will place his reserve. When he receives an order from the army headquarters he is able to deliberate upon the best way of realizing the intention conveyed, for he is as far as possible unhampered by the worry of detail. He can make up his mind coolly, a very necessary process, seeing that he will stake life and reputation to carry out what he has once decided.

[1] The civil and military boundaries are not quite identical.

[2] The garrisons of fortresses are exceptions.

[3] In recent years the cavalry division has been made independent of the army corps.

[4] Blume, Strategic, p. 136.

"The demands which war makes upon the troops must determine their training in peace.... The tasks of the soldier in war are simple. He must always be able to march and to use his weapon. He can do both only so far as his moral and intellectual qualities suffice and his bodily and military training has been effective. Moreover, his performance will be fully useful only when it is guided by the will of the leader and regulated by discipline."[1]

The ideal here formulated is realized by devoting much time and attention to training and teaching each individual recruit. Next comes the exercise of the company, also as thorough as possible. These two stages of schooling occupy the greater part of the military year. Then when the companies are perfect they take their places in the battalion, and the battalions in due time in the regiment and in the brigade. The crown of the whole training is formed by the manoeuvres, in which divisions and occasionally army corps are assembled for practice, resembling as nearly as may be the operations of actual war.

Several objects are served by these manoeuvres. In the first place, the separate exercise of brigades preceding the manoeuvres proper completes the formal training of the troops, and gives practice in the evolutions of large homogeneous masses of each of the three arms. The manoeuvres of divisions and army corps serve to accustom the three arms to act in concert, and to overcome the great friction which at first always impedes the movements of such large composite bodies. All the various manoeuvres, moreover, give the superior officers the opportunity of inspecting the work of their inferiors, that is, of ascertaining how far the training of the troops has been thorough, and with what degree of skill they are handled.

Not the least important purpose of the manoeuvres is the training of commanders. The troops are divided into two parties supposed to be enemies at some stage of an imaginary war. The commander of each side learns from the umpire the nature of the supposed operations which have brought his forces into their actual situation, together with such information concerning the enemy as in real war he might be presumed to have obtained. He has then to act according to his own judgment. In this way the generals are practised and tested in the power of rapidly and surely grasping situations such as occur in war and of acting upon the insight thus gained. The arrangements are so made as to afford practice like this to as many officers as possible of all ranks, though it is chiefly the generals, the commanders of brigades, divisions, and army corps who profit by them.

Thus the Prussian system of training produces as the net result on the one hand an army corps as an instrument pliable to its commander's touch, so that it can be surely and easily handled in any situation, and on the other hand a general skilled in the manipulation of this powerful and complicated instrument.

[1] Felddienstordnung, §§ 1, 2.

The Prussian army in 1866 consisted of nine army corps. The German army to-day has twenty, and in case of war the number would be increased. Large forces like these are rendered manageable by grouping them into armies of four or five corps, and dealing with the armies as units. It is evident that the working of the armies and therefore of the whole depends upon the ease and certainty with which the several corps are directed. Some of the means taken to secure this end have been already touched upon. In the first place each of the component parts of the corps must be perfectly trained and disciplined. Secondly, the corps must have had so much practice in working together as a whole that it has none of the weaknesses of a "scratch team." Thirdly, the general must be a real commander, able to read a battle-field, to judge a situation coolly, and to decide promptly. These qualities are secured partly by the selection[1] exercised in the appointment of generals, partly by the frequent opportunities for practice and testing afforded by the manoeuvres.

But it is not enough to secure a general of tactical and strategical ability and experience. He must be protected against the danger of being absorbed by the worries of administration.

Before a body of 30,000 men can be assembled on the ground selected for manoeuvres or on the field of battle, a vast amount of business must be transacted, requiring for its performance abilities of quite another sort than those needed to handle and lead the troops in action. The men must all be clothed and equipped. They must be properly and regularly fed. The task of supplying an army corps with provisions is like that of feeding a small town which, instead of remaining in its place, moves every day to a new site ten or fifteen miles distant from the old one. Among 30,000 men there will always be a number of sick who require attention. If the corps should meet the enemy there may be thousands of wounded to be tended, removed, protected, and fed. Order must be maintained, so that a special set of functionaries is needed to apply and enforce the laws by which the army is regulated. The numbers of the corps can be maintained only by a constant stream of fresh men, trained soldiers not before employed in the war, arriving from its peace quarters.

Every one of these matters needs constant attention, or the whole machine would get out of gear and cease to work.

The friction that inevitably arises from these complicated necessities is diminished and to some extent overcome by the organization of responsibility among the several bodies composing the army corps. But the anxieties of the commanding general can never be removed. In order to realize the magnitude and variety of his cares, the attempt may be made to draw a rough picture of the army corps at work during a campaign.

The corps is moving westward along one of the great Continental high-roads. A vast forest spreading on each side for many miles confines the troops to the actual roadway.

The cavalry division is looking out for the enemy in the open country twenty miles in advance to the west of the forest. Parties of hussars in every road, lane, and bypath are watching the country as they move on across a front of eight or nine miles, followed two or three miles behind on the main road by the rest of the division, a column two miles long of dragoons, uhlans, and horse artillery. At the head of this column is the lieutenant-general commanding the cavalry division, with his staff. It is ten o'clock in the morning, and under the hot July sun a cloud of dust envelops all but the leading squadron as horse and guns move on at a steady trot. Now and then a fitful breeze carries the dust towards the south and reveals for a moment the long cavalcade.

The pace has just slackened to a walk as two horsemen gallop towards the road from the north-west. They are a young officer of hussars and a private whose bandaged arm shows that he has been wounded. Both are covered with dust, and their horses show signs of extreme fatigue. As they approach the road the general and his suite move on to a pasture field to the right to meet them, the column continuing along the road. The lieutenant respectfully salutes and tells his story briefly. A few questions are asked and answered. The column is halted, and during the short rest which ensues the general dictates a note which is written by one of his officers. The note is handed to an uhlan, who gallops off at once along the road towards the rear. A few minutes later the signal to mount is given, and the whole mass of horsemen and guns in a succession of parallel columns leaves the road and trots over the fields to the north-west, soon disappearing in a fold of the ground.

The uhlan sent back with the letter approaches after a five-mile gallop a group of comrades lying by the roadside, with their horses tethered near in the grass. One of the horses is saddled and bridled, and as the messenger comes up its rider springs into the saddle. A few sentences are exchanged as the new-comer, dismounting, hands the note to the fresh rider, who in turn gallops off along the road towards the rear. Three times the note thus changes hands. The fourth rider, whose station was five miles from the western edge of the forest region, is continually meeting troops on the march. He passes first a few squadrons of cuirassiers, then a mile or two further infantry, guns, more infantry, and then a string of waggons a mile long, laden with cartridges, shell, bridging material, and appliances for the comfort of wounded men. All this is merely the advanced guard of the army corps.

As the rider draws nearer to the wood he finds a mile of clear road, and then meets the general commanding the corps to whom his note is addressed.

The hussar lieutenant had started before dawn, and after riding many miles to the front, evading the enemy's scouting parties, had watched a hostile cavalry division break up from its bivouac. He had been able to identify the division and to ascertain that it was unusually strong both in cavalry and horse artillery. On his return he had been seen by an enemy's patrol, and had escaped capture only by running the gauntlet.

The information thus obtained is of great importance, not only to the cavalry division, whose commander has promptly acted upon it, but to the army corps and to the army of which it is a part. The general commanding the army corps therefore sends an officer with the report and a further note from himself to the army headquarters in rear, on the east of the forest. This officer having to follow the high-road, meets and rides past the main body of the army corps on the march.

The leading brigade of infantry, with a number of guns and ammunition waggons, covers the road for a mile and three-quarters; then for another mile and a half is the corps' artillery, then the whole second division of infantry (with its cavalry regiment and its artillery) trailing its length for four and a half miles. Then after having the road to himself for a quarter of an hour, as he emerges from the forest on its eastern side, the rider passes the heavy baggage, a line of military carts and waggons conveying those requisites which the troops need every night for comfort, and which cannot be carried in the knapsacks. These waggons stretch for a mile and a half along the road. Soon after passing them the rider takes a cross-road leading to the north, just as he is meeting the foremost portion of the army corps trains, which in their turn would cover the road for eleven or twelve miles with their long succession of vehicles: ammunition waggons for guns and small arms; provision stores for four days for 30,000 men; hay and oats for the horses of cavalry, artillery, and waggons; the corps pontoon train; the hospital carts, and a multitude of country carts pressed into the service to enable extra stores of provisions to be taken on, and to relieve the military waggons.

Thus from the general to the rear of the baggage proper would be nearly twelve miles, from the rear of the baggage to the rear of the trains, if all were on the march at the same time, another twelve miles, while the general himself was found nearly five miles behind the front of the advanced guard of the corps.

When the officer, late in the afternoon, rides back from the army headquarters with a letter for the corps commander, he finds a different scene. At a village in the middle of the forest the leading waggons of the train are beginning to form up north and south of the road. There is here an extensive open space, which before night will be packed with waggons. Farther on the road is clear. The heavy baggage has dispersed among the cross-roads, each set of waggons seeking the quarters of its regiment. At the western edge of the forest the troops of the army corps have taken possession of all the villages on the road and in the neighbourhood, so that within a radius of six miles from where the road enters the open country every farm or cluster of buildings is tenanted by its company or battery. The villages farthest to the west contain the advanced guard, and beyond them still the outposts have placed picquets and sentries in all the roads and lanes leading to the west.

The general's quarters are in a straggling village on the main road, at the White Cross Inn. In front of the house an officer is explaining to an old farmer that the provisions produced by the villagers are satisfactory, that no further requisition will be made, but that for a further supply of oats, cheese, and bacon, if delivered next morning, payment will be made in cash. In a small parlour of the inn two officers are busy examining the contents of half a dozen mail bags collected from post-offices in the district.

Upstairs the general, who has just come in from the outposts, is hearing reports. The corps intendant proposes to form a temporary depot at the village where the trains are parked, and to send back the requisitioned carts next morning to the railway terminus assigned to the corps. Another officer announces that the telegraph from army headquarters will by evening be opened as far as the same village, a third that 150 horses are unserviceable, and that it will be two days before fresh horses from home will reach the depot. A fourth brings a list of the number of men who are disabled by sore feet, diarrhoea, and sunstroke. At this moment comes the letter from army headquarters, which instructs the general to be ready at short notice to march his whole corps towards the north, along the front of the forest. This involves the movement of the trains along a cross-road through the forest, and arrangements must be made to ensure this road, which is a bad one, being cleared of hindrances and made fit to bear the heavy traffic.

The examination of the mail bags has yielded fresh information about the enemy. All the officers but one are dismissed, and the general, with his confidential secretary, is proceeding to study the new situation thus revealed when a fresh messenger gallops up to the house with a note to the effect that the advanced guard of the neighbouring corps ten miles to the south is attacked by a superior force of the enemy, and that its commander begs the general to move his corps to its assistance, so as to be able to join in the action before noon next day.

This picture is a mere shadow of the reality.[2] It may help however to illustrate the dual nature of the cares by which a general is distracted. He has at the same time to perform the military functions of command and to superintend the business of management. His duty as a commander involves continuous attention to the enemy's movements and to the instructions of his own chief. He must study the intentions of the army commander to whom he is subordinate and conform to them in his own movements against the enemy. But the mere management of his corps requires an effort which tends to absorb his energies and make him forget both his commander and the enemy.

A good system must as far as possible relieve the general from these cares of management, so that he can keep his mind free to study his instructions and watch his foe. Accordingly side by side with that distribution of authority among the combatant units which facilitates the exercise of the general command is an organization upon similar principles of the administrative services. The supervision of each branch is in the hands of an executive officer in the entourage of the general.

The corps intendant is responsible for the supplies of provisions, stores, and money, and for their transport. The hospitals and ambulance work are controlled by the surgeon-general. The legal business is conducted and prepared for the general's decision by an officer called the corps auditeur.

The strictly military functions of command fall naturally into two classes, according as they are concerned with the direction of the troops as pieces in the game played against the enemy, or with their internal management. The everyday life of a soldier is to a great extent a matter of routine. In every regiment there are at all times guards and sentries and an officer of the day; there are patrols and fatigue parties. These duties are undertaken by all in turn, and they therefore need to be equitably distributed from day to day. A roll of the regiment is therefore made every day accounting for all the officers and men. The working of all this internal mechanism is in every regiment arranged by the adjutant, under the authority and supervision of the commanding officer. The brigade, the division, and the army corps are each of them in like manner provided with an adjutancy, which in the case of an army corps is formed by a bureau of four officers.

[1] The thoroughness of this selection has increased in recent years, inasmuch as most of the generals appointed have enjoyed the special training of the staff. An incapable, of any rank is ruthlessly retired.

[2] The details of organization on which it is based are those of the German army in the period between 1875 and 1885. The materials for a similar account of the Prussian army corps of 1866 are not accessible. The reader may imagine the confusion which would follow a battle, especially a defeat which might compel the corps to retreat as best it could through the forest, with its trains perhaps entangled in the cross-road leading north.