CHAPTER X.
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1902—DRIVING CAPITAL FROM THE STATE—THE POLITICAL MINISTER—VICTORY.
The political campaign of 1902 in Idaho was one of the most notable ever waged in the United States. It was interesting to the entire country because it was understood that if the Co-operative Commonwealth was victorious the changes which would be effected in the government, laws and industrial system of the state would be radical and sweeping. The moneyed interests all over the country were alarmed, but it may be said that in those times the “moneyed interests” were always in a state of alarm at every suggestion of a reform which proposed the betterment of the condition of the masses.
As a result of this “alarm” a system of colonization in Idaho was begun with a view to outvoting the co-operators on election day. But the extent of the Brotherhood of the Co-operative Commonwealth was little understood by the business and moneyed interests of the nation. They supposed it to be practically confined to Idaho when in truth it had its branches throughout the entire country. The effort to colonize voters in Idaho was rendered abortive except in the mining regions of the northern part of the state, and even there the colonizers were not as successful as they supposed. The Brotherhood, secretly giving the most useful aid to co-operators, caused many ardent friends to be enlisted as colonists of the enemy, and these, immediately on arrival in Idaho, communicated with our leaders and we were kept constantly informed as to the movements of the opposition.
The Brotherhood numbered one million members outside of Idaho and if we had asked them to contribute to our financial strength they could and would have sent us from one to five million dollars. This, however, was deemed unnecessary, and we confined our expenditures to the education of the masses with regard to our purposes, and the prevention of the gross frauds which we expected the opposition to perpetrate. Great speakers of national fame were sent from all parts of the country to discuss the issues of this campaign. Competition and co-operation had here locked horns and this tremendous issue was to be fought out once for all.
The principal argument made by the opposition was that the success of co-operation, besides destroying personal liberty, would drive out all the capital in the state, and all the capital approaching the state away from it. To this position, which was depicted on every opposition stump, our great leader, President Thompson, always made but one reply.
“Drive capital from the state!” exclaimed he. “Prevent its entrance! Why! Let them take every dollar of gold and silver and every item of what they call credit away forever. Let them leave us the land and ability to labor and we will speedily reverse the order. Instead of Idaho being a suppliant at the door of capital, we shall soon see capital, so boastful and arrogant now, an abject suppliant at the door of Idaho.
“Instead of capital directing industry we shall find industry directing and controlling capital. But how will they withdraw capital? Will they fill up the mines they have dug? Will they tear up the rails they have laid? Will they stop their trains on the boundary line or rush through without stopping? Will they transport the houses and farms on which they hold mortgages? They can, of course, do none of these things, nor do they contemplate it. But they say we intend to repudiate our indebtedness to them. In the great record of the Omniscient Lawgiver, in which the list of those moral obligations which ought to be kept are found, it is not probable that all the debts of the people are numbered, but into that we shall never inquire. All moral and legal obligations which rest upon it shall be strictly and fully paid.”
The fight waxed warmer as election day approached. Every effort was made to stir up the basest passions against the Co-operative Commonwealth. We heard of a riot and what amounted almost to a pitched battle in the mining regions of the Coeur d’Alene Mountains, and learned, to our surprise, that we had a large number of adherents among the Trade Unionists and the Miners’ Unions of that section. An equally great surprise was that, although our movement was in no sense hostile to any church, and as a matter of fact encouraged all religious denominations in their work, the ministers of the gospel were, as a rule, among our most bitter opponents and, excepting those who presided over co-operators of their own denominations, they were disposed to denounce us as opposed to morals. I regret to say that from this class of campaign speakers and political workers came the most outrageous misrepresentations of the campaign.
I beg to be understood aright. I make no charge against the church, or against ministers. God knows that I have the highest regard for both, but I have noticed not only in connection with the campaign of 1902 but other great campaigns before and since that when they step out of their true sphere into politics these amiable, innocent and estimable gentlemen generally become the catspaws of the most unscrupulous political monkeys. They are undeniably caught by men who make the loudest professions of honesty, justice and virtue, when in truth those who proclaim their merits in these regards with the greatest vigor are not necessarily the most sincere or deserving. Vigor of tongue does not always indicate a healthy conscience, but it generally catches the political minister.
The day before election Thompson and I met at the Co-opolitan. The work of the campaign was now practically completed as far as speaking was concerned. Thompson had certainly done his duty, for he had spoken in every county seat and every considerable town in the state. Everywhere he had been welcomed by great crowds and everywhere it had been acknowledged that he was a man of commanding genius. Indeed, all this was conceded by the newspaper press throughout the Union. But he told me confidentially that he did not trust the appearances which seemed so flattering and cited several instances to show the uncertainty of political events. I was a younger man and my enthusiasm caused me to entertain no doubt of the complete success of our entire programme.
Election day passed off without incident. The vote was heavy. Every woman of voting age, as well as every man, voted, and the vote cast was more than twice as large as the state had ever cast in any previous election, the grand total being 190,000. Of these our ticket received 115,000, giving us a majority of 40,000. We had elected more than two-thirds of both houses of the legislature and the victory for the Co-operative Commonwealth was complete.
How we shouted, and went nearly mad with joy in Co-opolis. The total vote of our city, numbering 6,661, had been cast for the entire ticket. I have not mentioned the fact that in the distribution of political honors I had received the nomination, equivalent to election, for state senator, and I may now say that I was unanimously elected.
I did not vote for myself.
I was the only candidate. When the result of the election was known we appointed the following evening for a grand jollification. It was an occasion to be remembered. The army, 7,000 strong, not all residents of Co-opolis, as some were permanently stationed in the country, marched through the streets, with music furnished by the city band. This band consisted of one hundred first-class musicians, and was one of the best in the entire western country. There were other amateur bands which were drilled to a high degree of excellence, and the army marched to such music. There was a grand illumination in the evening, and a magnificent display of fireworks.