The official reports show that the strength of the Spanish position was before the right of our line. Mr. Bonsal says: "Directly in front of the Tenth Cavalry rose undoubtedly the strongest point in the Spanish position—two lines of shallow trenches, strengthened by heavy stone parapets." We must remember that so far as we can get the disposition of these troops from official records, Troop A connected the Rough Riders with the First Cavalry, and Troops I and B were on the right of the First Cavalry. Troop A did not fire a shot; the fighting, therefore, was done by Troops I and B on the extreme right of the line, and it was on their front that "undoubtedly the strongest point in the Spanish position" lay—nor should the reader forget that at this very important moment Troop B was commanded by its First Sergeant, Buck, Lieutenant Williard having by his own report been "unfortunate enough to lose the troop." This is said with no disparagement to Lieutenant Williard. It was merely one of the accidents of battle.
Says Mr. Bonsal: "The moment the advance was ordered the black troopers of the Tenth Cavalry forged ahead. They were no braver certainly than any other men in the line, but their better training enabled them to render more valuable services than the other troops engaged. They had with them and ready for action their machine guns, and shoved them right up to the front on the firing line, from where they poured very effective fire into the Spanish trenches, which not only did considerable execution, but was particularly effective in keeping down the return fire of the Spaniards. The machine guns of the Rough Riders were mislaid, or the mules upon which they had been loaded could not be found at this juncture. It was said they had bolted. It is certain, however, that the guns were not brought into action, and consequently the Spaniards suffered less, and the Rough Riders more, in the gallant charge they made up the hill in front of them, after the Tenth Cavalry had advanced and driven the Spaniards from their position on the right."
Corporal W.F. Johnson, B Troop, was the non-commissioned officer in charge of the machine guns during the brief fight at Las Guasimas, and his action was such as to call forth from the troop commander special mention "for his efficiency and perfect coolness under fire." Here I may be pardoned for calling attention to a notion too prevalent concerning the Negro soldier in time of battle. He is too often represented as going into action singing like a zany or yelling like a demon, rather than as a man calculating the chances for life and victory. The official reports from the Black Regulars in Cuba ought to correct this notion. Every troop and company commander, who has reported upon colored soldiers in that war, speaks of the coolness of the men of his command. Captain Beck, of Troop A, Tenth Cavalry, in the Guasimas fight, says: "I will add that the enlisted men of Troop A, Tenth Cavalry, behaved well, silently and alertly obeying orders, and without becoming excited when the fire of the enemy reached them." The yell, in the charge of the regulars, is a part of the action, and is no more peculiar to Negro troops than to the whites, only as they may differ in the general timbre of voice. Black American soldiers when not on duty may sing more than white troops, but in quite a long experience among them I have not found the difference so very noticeable. In all garrisons one will find some men more musically inclined than others; some who love to sing and some who do not; some who have voices adapted to the production of musical tones, and some who have not, and it is doubtless owing to these constitutional differences that we find differences in habits and expressions.
Lieutenant Miley, of General Shafter's staff, in his description of the departure of General Shatter from General Garcia's tent, gives us a glimpse of the character of the men that composed the Cuban army in that vicinity.
"While the interview was going on, the troops were being assembled to do honor to the General on his departure. Several companies were drawn up in front of the tent to present arms as he came out, and a regiment escorted him to the beach down the winding path, which was now lined on both sides by Cuban soldiers standing about a yard apart and presenting arms. The scene made a strong impression on all in the party, there seemed to be such an earnestness and fixedness of purpose displayed that all felt these soldiers to be a power. About fifty per cent. were blacks, and the rest mulattoes, with a small number of whites. They were very poorly clad, many without shirts or shoes, but every man had his gun and a belt full of ammunition."
B.
EXTRACT FROM A LETTER FROM A SOLDIER OF THE 10TH CAVALRY, TROOP B, CONCERNING THE BATTLE OF LAS GUASIMAS:
"... The platoon which escaped this ditch got on the right of the 1st Cavalry on the firing line, and pushed steadily forward under First Sergeant Buck, being then in two squads—one under Sergeant Thompson. On account of the nature of the ground and other natural obstacles, there were men not connected with any squads, but who advanced with the line.
Both squads fired by volley and at will, at the command of the sergeants named; and their shots reached the enemy and were effective, as it is generally believed.
Private W.M. Bunn, of Sergeant Thompson's squad, is reported to have shot a sharpshooter from a tree just in front of the enemy's work. Private Wheeler was shot twice in the advance. Sergeant Thompson's squad was once stopped from firing by General Wheeler's adjutant-general for fear of hitting the Rough Riders.
It seems that two distinct battles were fought that day. Colonel Wood's command struck the enemy at about the tame time, or probably a Little before, ours did, and all unknown to the men in our ranks; and got themselves into a pretty tight squeeze. About the same time our force engaged the enemy and drew part of the attention they were giving the Rough Riders. This, the latter claimed, enabled them to continue the movement on the enemy's works.
But as our command had an equal number of 1st and 10th Cavalrymen, I am of the opinion that the story of our saving the Rough Riders arose from the fact that as soon as the fight was over, the 1st Regular Cavalry was opening its arms to us, declaring that we, especially B Troop, had saved them; for the 1st Regular Cavalry was first in the attack in General Young's command; and when the enemy began to make it pretty warm, he ordered B and I Troops of the 10th forward on the right. Troop B was in the lead; and the alacrity with which these two troops moved to the front has always been praised by the 1st Cavalry; and they declare that that movement helped them wonderfully. In making this movement my troop had three or four men wounded; and later, when Sergeant Thompson's squad was fighting far to the front, it had in it several members of the 1st Cavalry, who are always glad to praise him.
So, I think that by the Rough Riders first attributing their success, or their rescue from inevitable defeat, to the attack made by our command; and by the 1st Regular Cavalry's very generously, in the heat of success, bestowing upon us the honors of the day, it finally became a settled thing that we saved the whole battle.
That evening, after the battle, I was met by Lieutenant Shipp, later killed at San Juan Hill, who, on inquiring and being told that I belonged to Troop B, congratulated me on its conduct, and said it had made a name for the regiment. Lieutenant Shipp was not in that fight, but had come up after it was over and had heard of us through the 1st Cavalry."
C.
Sergeant John Buck was born September 10th, 1861, at Chapel Hill, Texas; enlisted in 10th Cavalry, November 6, 1880, and passed over ten years in active Indian service. He is a man of strong character, an experienced horseman and packer, and so commanded a portion of the firing line in the battle of June 24 as to elicit remarks of praise from officers of other troops "for his gallantry, coolness and good judgment under fire." Sergeant Thompson's good conduct in the same battle was noticeable also. Sergeant Buck was made second lieutenant in the 7th U.S. Volunteer Infantry and subsequently captain in the 48th United States Volunteers.
FOOTNOTES:
[15] See Note A at the end of this chapter.
THE TWENTY-FIFTH AT EL-CANEY.
American valor never shone with greater luster than when the Twenty-fifth Infantry swept up the sizzling hill of El-Caney to the rescue of the rough riders. Two other regiments came into view of the rough riders. But the bullets were flying like driving hail; the enemy were in trees and ambushes with smokeless powder, and the rough riders were biting the dust and were threatened with annihilation.
A rough rider described the feelings of his brigade when they saw the other regiments appear and retreat. Finally this rough rider, a Southerner, heard a well-known yell. And out of the distance moved a regiment as if on dress parade, faces set like steel, keeping step like a machine, their comrades falling here, there, everywhere, moving into the storm of invisible death without one faltering step, passing the rough riders, conquering up the hill, and never stopping until with the rough riders El-Caney was won. This was the Twenty-fifth Regiment (colored), United States Infantry, now quartered at Fort Logan, Denver. We have asked the chaplain, T.G. Steward, to recite the events at El-Caney. His modesty confines him to the barest recital of "semi-official" records. But the charge of the Twenty-fifth is deserving of comparison with that of "the Light Brigade" in the Crimean War, or of Custer at the massacre of the Big Horn.
(Editorial in religious paper.)
[17] See Note C at the end of this chapter.
CHAPTER VI.
THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY.
The Capture of the Stone Fort by the Twenty-fifth Infantry.
While the battle of Guasimas was going on, in which the Tenth Cavalry took so conspicuous a part, the Twenty-fourth Infantry still remained on board the City of Washington awaiting orders to land. During the night of the 24th such orders were received by the authorities of the transport, and they were directed to land their troops, but the General Commanding, Brigadier-General Kent, did not hear of the matter until some time the next morning. He relates the following circumstances in his official report of the debarkation:
"At 9 a.m. of the 25th Lieutenant Cardin, of the Revenue Marine, came aboard with orders for me to proceed to and disembark at Altares (Siboney). This officer also handed me a letter from the corps commander expressing his astonishment that I had remained away three days."
General Kent also states in his report that his travel rations had been exhausted seven days before and that but one meal of field rations remained, and that the ship's supply both of water and provisions was running low, and that in consequence of these facts as well as for higher considerations he was very anxious to get on shore. The debarkation followed as rapidly as possible, and that afternoon General Kent reported in person to Major-General Wheeler, the troops bivouacking for the night near the landing. The next day Colonel Pearson, who commanded the Second Brigade of Kent's division, took the Second Infantry and reconnoitred along the railroad toward the Morro, going a distance of about six miles and returning in the evening, having found no enemy in that vicinity, although evidences were found that a force had recently retreated from a blockhouse situated on the railroad about two miles from Aguadores.
On the day following, June 27th, the entire division moved out on the road toward Santiago and encamped on the same ground that Lawton had occupied the night previous. The Second Brigade took its place near Savilla, while the Third Brigade, which included the Twenty-fourth Infantry, went into camp at Las Guasimas, where the affair of the 24th had occurred. The order of march had now partially fallen back to the original plan: Lawton in advance, with whom was the Twenty-Fifth Infantry; Wheeler next, with whom was the Ninth and Tenth Cavalry, and Kent in the rear, who had, as we have just related, the Twenty-fourth Infantry in his Third Brigade. In this order the army moved, so far as it moved at all, until the morning of the 30th, when dispositions for the general attack began.
The story of the great battle, or as it turned out, of the two great battles, begins on this day, and the careers of the four colored regiments are to be followed through the divisions of Lawton, Kent and Wheeler. Let us begin, however, with General Shafter's official report and his "Story of Santiago," as told in the "Century" of February, 1899.
From these sources it is learned that on June 30th General Shafter reconnoitered the country about Santiago and determined upon a plan of attack. Ascending a hill from which he could obtain a good view of the city, and could also see San Juan Hill and the country about El Caney, he observed afresh what had impressed itself upon all immediately upon landing, to wit: That in all this country there were no good roads along which to move troops or transport supplies. The General says: "I had never seen a good road in a Spanish country, and Santiago did not disappoint my expectations." The roads as he saw them from the summit of the hill on June 30th were very poor, and indeed, little better than bridle paths, except between El Caney and San Juan River and the city. Within this region, a distance of from four to four and a half miles, the roads were passable. El Caney lay about four miles northeast of Santiago, and was strongly fortified, and, as events proved, strongly garrisoned. This position was of great importance to the enemy, because from it a force might come to attack the right flank and rear of the American Army as it should make its attempt on San Juan Hill. El Caney held the road from Guantanamo, at which point an important Spanish force was posted. While General Shafter was surveying the country from the hill at El Pozo and making what special examination he could of the country toward San Juan Hills, Generals Lawton and Chaffee were making a reconnoisance around El Caney. From General Lawton's report it would appear that the work of reconnoitering around El Caney was done chiefly by General Chaffee. He says: "To General Adna R. Chaffee I am indebted for a thorough and intelligent reconnoissance of the town of El Caney and vicinity prior to the battle and the submission of a plan of attack which was adopted. I consider General Chaffee one of the best practical soldiers in the army and recommend him for special distinction for successfully charging the stone fort mentioned in this report, the capture of which practically closed the battle."
The general plan of attack as explained by General Shafter himself in his "Century" article was "to put a brigade on the road between Santiago and El Caney, to keep the Spaniards at the latter place from retreating on the city, and then with the rest of Lawton's division and the divisions of Wheeler and Kent, and Bates' brigade to attack the Spanish position in front of Santiago." Before that he had said that he wished to put a division in on the right of El Caney and assault the town on that road. To Admiral Sampson on June 26th he said: "I shall, if I can, put a large force in Caney, and one perhaps still farther west, near the pipe-line conveying water to the city, making my main attack from the northeast and east." His desire at this time was to "get the enemy in my front and the city at my back." On June 30th he had modified this plan so as to decide to place one brigade on the road between El Caney and Santiago, with a view merely to keeping the El Caney garrison from retreating into Santiago.
As he was explaining his plan to the division officers and others on the afternoon of the 30th at his own headquarters, Lawton and Chaffee were of the opinion that they could dispose of the Spaniards at El Caney in two hours time. "Therefore," says the General, "I modified my plan, assigning Lawton's whole division for the attack of El Caney and directed Bates' independent brigade to his support." This last modification of General Shafter's plan was made in deference to the opinion of subordinates, and was based upon observations made especially by General Chaffee.
The force assigned for the reduction of El Caney was to begin its work early in the morning, and by ten or eleven o'clock at the outside it was expected that the task would be accomplished and Lawton would join Kent and Sumner in the assault upon San Juan. Early on the morning of July 1st Capron's battery was got into position on a line running directly north from Marianage on a hill about five hundred yards east of Las Guasimas Creek. Lawton's division began its move on the afternoon of the 30th, as did in fact the whole army, and bivouacked that night near El Pozo. The Twenty-fifth Infantry, which belonged to the Second Brigade, commanded by Colonel Miles, a former Major of the Twenty-fifth, left El Pozo at daylight by way of the road leading almost due north, and marched about one mile to the little town of Marianage. Here a halt was made for an hour, from 6.30 to 7.30, during which time reconnoitering parties were sent out to examine the ground toward the Ducoureau House, which lay about one mile to the northward of Marianage, and which had been designated by General Lawton as a general rendezvous after the engagement should terminate. Reconnoissance was made also to the front for the purpose of discovering the enemy, and to ascertain the left of Ludlow's brigade. This was the first brigade of Lawton's division and consisted of the Eighth and Twenty-second Infantry and the Second Massachusetts, the last named regiment being on the right. The Second Brigade was to connect with this on its right and succeeded in finding the position of the Second Massachusetts during this halt. At 11.30 Miles' brigade was ordered to take position on the right of Ludlow's brigade, which it did in the following order: The Fourth Infantry on the left, joining with the Second Massachusetts on Ludlow's right; the Twenty-fifth on the right, with its left joining on the Fourth Infantry.
We must now review the progress of the battle so far as it is possible to do so, from the firing of the first shot by Capron's battery up to 11.30, an hour long after the time at which it had been supposed that El Caney would fall. Capron's reports are very brief. He says: "July 1—Fired shell and shrappnel into El Caney (ranged 2,400) 6.15 a.m. to 11.30 a.m." In another report he says: "Opened fire July 1, with shell and shrappnel at 6.15 on Caney; range, 2,400 yards; continued until 11.30 a.m." He says that the battery "continued its fire against specified objectives intermittently throughout the day under the personal direction of the division commander." The forces we have so far considered, consisting of Ludlow's and Miles' brigades, and of Capron's battery, lay to the south of Caney, between it and Santiago, Ludlow's brigade having been placed there to "cut off the retreat of the garrison should it attempt to escape." Up to 11.30 there had been no call for employing it for that purpose. The garrison had made no attempt to escape. We must now go around to the east and north of Caney. Here the Third Brigade, consisting of the Seventh, Twelfth and Seventeenth Infantry, was posted, and early in the morning joined in the attack, the brigade getting under fire before eight o'clock. Colonel Carpenter, of the Seventh Regiment, says that one company of his regiment, by General Chaffee's direction, was detached and sent forward to reduce a blockhouse, well up on the hill, which commanded the approach of his regiment to the field of action. After several ineffectual attempts by the company, the Captain (Van Orsdale) was directed to abandon the undertaking and rejoin the regiment, which then took up a position on the crest of a hill running nearly parallel with the Spanish lines. From this position the men crawled forward about fifty yards and opened a deliberate fire upon the enemy, keeping it up for about an hour, but as the losses of the regiment at this time were considerable and the fire seemed to be without material effect, the command was withdrawn to its position on the hill where it found protection in a sunken road. In this condition this regiment lay when Capron's battery made its lull at 11.30. The fearful fire this regiment met can be estimated by the losses it sustained, which during the day were as follows: Killed, 1 officer and 33 enlisted men; wounded, 4 officers and 95 enlisted men; missing, 3 enlisted men. The Seventeenth Regiment went into action on the right of the Seventh, doing but little firing, as their orders were not to open fire unless they could make the fire effective. Companies C and G fired a few volleys; the remainder of the regiment did not fire at all. Four enlisted men were killed and two officers severely wounded, one, Lieutenant Dickinson, dying from his wounds within a few hours. Several enlisted men were also wounded. At 11.30 this regiment was lying on the right of the Seventh. The Twelfth Regiment began firing between 6 and 7 in the morning and advanced to take its position on the left of the Seventh Infantry. This regiment early reached a position within 350 yards of the enemy, in which it found shelter in the sunken road, "free from the enemy's fire." The regiment remained in this position until about 4 o'clock in the afternoon, and, hence, was there at 11.30 a.m. The losses of this regiment during the day were, killed, 7 enlisted men; wounded, 2 officers and 31 enlisted men. From these brief sketches the reader will now be able to grasp the position of Lawton's entire division. Beginning on the south, from the west, with Ludlow's brigade, consisting of the Twenty-second, Eighth and Second Massachusetts, the line was continued by Miles' brigade of the Fourth and Twenty-fifth Infantry; then passing over a considerable space, we strike Chaffee's brigade, posted as has just been described. General Bates' brigade probably arrived upon the field about noon. This brigade consisted of the Third and Twentieth Infantry, and is known as "Bates' Independent Brigade." The brigade is reported as going into action about 1 o'clock and continuing in action until 4 o'clock. It took a position on the right, partially filling up the gap between Miles and Chaffee. The first battalion of the Twentieth Infantry went into action on the left of the Twenty-fifth Infantry's firing line, and one company, A, took part in the latter part of the charge by which the stone house was taken. Between 11.30, when Capron's firing stopped, and when Miles' brigade was moved forward to join the right of Ludlow's, and 12.20, when the battery recommenced, the troops, including Bates' brigade, were either in the positions described above or were moving to them. Noon had arrived and El Caney is not taken; the garrison has not attempted to escape, but is sending out upon its assailants a continuous and deadly fire. "Throughout the heaviest din of our fire," says Colonel Carpenter, "could be heard the peculiar high-keyed ring of the defiant enemy's shots."
Twelve o'clock on July 1st, 1898, was a most anxious hour for our army in Cuba. The battle at El Caney was at a standstill and the divisions of Kent and Sumner were in a most perilous situation. Bonsal's description of the state of the battle at that time is pathetic. Speaking of the artillery at El Caney—Capron's battery—he says it was now apparent that this artillery, firing from its position of twenty-four hundred yards, could do very little damage to the great stone fort and earthworks north of the village. The shots were too few and the metal used too light to be effectual. Three hours of the morning had worn away and the advance of our men had been slowly made and at great cost; all the approaches were commanded by Spanish entrenchments and the fighting was very unequal. A soldier of the Twenty-fifth says that when he came in sight of the battle at El Caney, "the Americans were gaining no ground, and the flashes of the Spanish mausers told us that the forces engaged were unequally matched, the difference of position favoring the Spaniards." This view was had about noon, or soon after. At that time "a succession of aides and staff officers came galloping from headquarters with messages which plainly showed that confusion, if not disaster, had befallen the two divisions which, by the heavy firing, we had learned to our great surprise, had become warmly engaged in the centre. The orders to General Lawton from headquarters were at first peremptory in character—he was to pull out of his fight and to move his division to the support of the centre" (Bonsal). This call for Lawton arose from the fact that about noon General Shafter received several dispatches from Sumner, of the Cavalry Division, requiring assistance. General Sumner felt the need of the assistance of every available man in the centre of the line where he was carrying on his fight with the Spaniards on Blue House Hill. This situation so impressed the General, Shafter, that he finally wrote to Lawton, "You must proceed with the remainder of your force and join on immediately upon Sumner's right. If you do not the battle is lost." Shafter's idea then was to fall back to his original plan of just leaving enough troops at El Caney to prevent the garrison from going to the assistance of any other part of the line. Shafter himself says: "As the fight progressed I was impressed with the fact that we were meeting with a very stubborn resistance at El Caney and I began to fear that I had made a mistake in making two fights in one day, and sent Major Noble with orders to Lawton to hasten with his troops along the Caney road, placing himself on the right of Wheeler" (Sumner). Lawton now made a general advance, and it is important to see just what troops did advance. The Seventh Infantry did not move, for Lieutenant-Colonel Carpenter says that after withdrawing "to the partial cover furnished by the road, the regiment occupied this position from 8 o'clock a.m. until about 4.30 p.m." The Seventeenth did not move, for Captain O'Brien, commanding, says the regiment took a position joining "its left with the right of the Seventh Infantry" and that the regiment "remained in this position until the battle was over." The Twelfth Infantry remained in its shelter within 350 yards of the stone fort until about 4 p.m. Then we have Chaffee's brigade on the north of the fort remaining stationary and by their own reports doing but little firing. The Seventeenth fired "for about fifty minutes" about noon, with remarkable precision, but "it seemingly had no effect upon reducing the Spanish fire delivered in our (their) front." The Seventh did not fire to any extent. The Twelfth Infantry lay in its refuge "free from the enemy's fire" and may have kept up an irregular fire.
About this time Bates' brigade entered the field and one battalion of the Twentieth Infantry is reported to have joined the left of the firing line of the Twenty-fifth. General Ludlow says there was a lull from 12 to 1 p.m., "when the action again became violent, and at 3 p.m. the Third Brigade captured the stone fort with a rush and hoisted the American flag." From Ludlow's brigade, Captain Van Horne, commanding the Twenty-second Infantry, after the wounding of Lieutenant-Colonel Patterson, says that the First Battalion of his regiment took a position about 800 yards from the town and kept up firing until the place surrendered. He does not say positively that the firing was upon the town, but he had said just before that the Second Battalion slowly moved forward, firing into the town from the left, so that we may readily conclude from the context as well as from the position that the First Battalion fired into the town also. Hence it seems fair to exclude from the fort all of Ludlow's brigade, and it is observable that Ludlow himself claims no part in the capture of that stronghold.
General Bates says his brigade took position to the right of Colonel Miles' brigade and pushed rapidly to the front. He then says that after remaining sometime in the crossroad to the right of Miles' brigade, under a heavy fire from the enemy, the brigade moved farther "to the right to the assault of a small hill, occupied upon the top by a stone fort and well protected by rifle pits. General Chaffee's brigade charged them from the right, and the two brigades joining upon the crest, opened fire from this point of vantage, lately occupied by the Spanish, upon the village of El Caney." General Chaffee says it was in consequence of the fire of General Bates' troops upon the fort that the assault by the Twelfth Infantry was postponed.
In General Chaffee's report this statement occurs: "The action lasted nearly throughout the day, terminating at about 4.30 p.m., at which time the stone blockhouse was assaulted by Captain Haskell's battalion of the Twelfth Infantry, under the personal direction of Lieutenant-Colonel Comba, commanding the regiment. The resistance at this point had been greatly affected by the fire of Capron's battery. A few moments after the seizure of this point—the key to the situation—my left was joined by General Bates with a portion of his command." It is to be noted in connection with all of the above statements that Major McCaskey, who commanded the Twentieth Infantry (Bates brigade), says: "The First Battalion was moved to the right and put into action on the left of the Twenty-fifth Infantry's firing line, and one company, A, took part in the latter part of the charge by which the stone house was taken." The two points to be noted here are (1) that this battalion was on the left of the Twenty-fifth's firing line, and (2) that one company took part in the charge upon the stone house. When Chaffee's brigade charged the stone house from the right some of Bates' troops, at least this Company A, from the battalion near the firing line of the Twenty-fifth Infantry, took part in the latter part of the charge. The two brigades, Bates' and Chaffee's, joined immediately after the capture of the stone fort and opened fire upon the town.
We have now traced the actions and the fortunes of the three following brigades: Ludlow's Chaffee's and Bates'. But what has become of Miles' brigade? Unfortunately, the Second Brigade has not been so well reported as were the others engaged in the action at El Caney. We have seen that it was ordered to take position on the right of Ludlow's brigade at 11.30, when Capron's battery ceased its firing for the fifty minutes. "We were detained in reaching our position by troops in our front blocking the road," says the brigade commander. "We came into action directly in front of the stone blockhouse at 12.30, and from that hour until about 4.30, when the command 'cease firing' was given, the blockhouse having been captured, my command was continuously under fire." The reader will note in this report that the brigade went into action at 12.30, several hours before the charge was ordered by General Chaffee, and at least an hour and a half before, according to the report of the commander of the Third Brigade, "this fort was practically in the possession of the Twelfth Infantry." Major Baker, who commanded the Fourth Infantry, says: "About 12 m. we received orders directing us to take our place in the line of battle, and arriving at the proper point the regiment was placed in line in the following order: The First Battalion in the fighting line; the Second Battalion in support and regimental reserve. In this order the First Battalion, under my command, took up the advance toward the blockhouse, to our right, south east of Caney." This battalion advanced until it reached a position about 200 yards from the village, where it remained, assisted by the Second Battalion until the capture of the fort. Two companies of this First Battalion "fired into the town and also into the blockhouse until its fall." A good part of the fire of this regiment was directed upon the fort.
Colonel Miles says: "The brigade advanced steadily, with such scanty cover as the ground afforded, maintaining a heavy fire on the stone fort from the time the fight began until it ended." The reader is asked to note particularly that this fire was continuous throughout the fight; that it was characterized by the brigade commander as "heavy," and that it was "on the stone fort". He says: "As the brigade advanced across a plowed field in front of the enemy's position the latter's sharpshooters in the houses in Caney enfiladed the left of our line with a murderous fire. To silence it Major Baker, Fourth Infantry, in command of the battalion of that regiment on the left of our line of battle, directed it to turn its fire upon the town. In so doing this battalion lost heavily, but its steady front and accurate volleys greatly assisted the advance of the remainder of the brigade upon the stone fort."
We have now these facts clearly brought out or suggested: That the brigade took its place in line of battle soon after 12 o'clock; that the Fourth Infantry was on the left; that the advance of the First Battalion of the Fourth Infantry was "toward the blockhouse;" that aside from the companies of the Fourth Infantry that fired into town, "the remainder of the brigade advanced upon the stone fort." The Fourth Infantry, holding the left of the line, however, reached a position from which it could not advance, its commander having "quickly perceived that an advance meant annihilation, as it would involve not only a frontal, but also a flank fire from the town." Here the Fourth Infantry remained, but continued to maintain a fire upon both the blockhouse and the town.
There is but one more regiment in all of Lawton's division to be accounted for, and that is the Twenty-fifth Infantry, holding the right of Miles' brigade in this advance. This regiment was in place in the line under its gallant and experienced commander, Lieutenant-Colonel A.S. Daggett, and contributed its full share of that "heavy fire on the stone fort from the time the fight began until it ended." Major McCaskey says the First Battalion of his regiment took a position on the left of the Twenty-fifth's firing line. The statement seems erroneous, and one is inclined to believe that it was originally written "on the right," instead of "on the left"; but it is enough for our purpose now, that the firing line of the Twenty-fifth is recognized well in advance. Major Baker, who commanded on the left of the brigade line, and whose advance was stopped by the flank fire from the village and a frontal fire from the fort, says: "as a matter of fact the village of El Caney was not charged by any troops. Those of Bates' brigade and the Twenty-fifth Infantry, after having carried the stone fort (on a hill some 75 feet higher, and to the east of the town,) fired into the village, and the Fourth Infantry continued its fire. Nor was it charged by any of the troops to our left. Such a charge would necessarily have been seen by us." Major Baker, who was on the field and had the blockhouse in clear view, declares that some of Bates' brigade and the Twenty-fifth Infantry carried the stone fort. Major McCaskey says that one battalion of the Twentieth Infantry (Bates' brigade) was on the left of the Twenty-fifth's firing line, and that one company (A) took part in the latter part of the charge by which the fort was taken. This battalion may be referred to by Major Baker when he says: "Those of Bates' brigade and the Twenty-fifth Infantry, after having carried, etc."
As there are some matters of dispute concerning the events which I am now going to relate, I will present a soldier's statement before I go to the official records. The soldier in writing to me after the battle says: "I was left-guide of Company G (25th Infantry), and I received orders from Lieutenant McCorkle to guide on Fourth Infantry, which held the left flank. 'Forward, march! Guide left. Don't fire until you see somebody; then fire to hit!' came the orders. Tramp! tramp! Crash! crash! On we walked and stopped. We fired into the underbrush for safety; then in another moment we were under Spanish fire. Balls flew like bees, humming as they went. Soon we found ourselves up against a network of Spanish trickery. Barbed-wire fences, ditches and creeks, too numerous to think of. The only thing left was to go ahead or die; or else retreat like cowards. We preferred to go ahead. At this first fence Lieutenant McCorkle was taken to earth by a Spanish bullet. Lieutenant Moss spoke out, 'Come ahead! Let's get at these Spaniards!' A few moments more and he, too, was almost dead with exertion, loud speaking, running and jumping, as onward we swept toward the Spanish stronghold. The sun was exceedingly hot, as on the slope of a little mound we rested for a few moments. We lay here about five minutes, looking into the Spanish fort or blockhouse; we measured the distance by our eyesight, then with our rifles; we began to cheer and storm, and in a moment more, up the hill like a bevy of blue birds did the Twenty-fifth fly. G and H Companies were the first to reach the summit and to make the Spaniards fly into the city of El Caney, which lay just behind the hill. When we reached the summit others soon began to mount our ladder. We fired down into the city until nearly dusk."
The brigade made its advance under fire almost from the beginning. The commander says it was continuously under fire from 12.30 to 4.30 p.m. "The attack was begun by two companies in each regiment on the firing line, strengthened by supports and reserves from the remaining companies until the brigade had but two companies in reserve. At one time in this hotly engaged contest the commanding officer of the Twenty-Fifth Infantry sent me word that he needed troops on his right. I then sent forward 40 Cubans, under command of Captains Jose' Varges and Avelens Bravo, with Lieutenants Nicholas Franco and Tomas Repelao, to form on the right of the Twenty-fifth, which was also the right of the brigade. With these Cubans I ordered Private Henry Downey, Company H, First Infantry, on duty as interpreter at the headquarters. These men advanced on the stone fort with our line, fighting gallantly, during which Lieutenant Nicholas Franco was mortally wounded and died soon afterwards." (Col. Miles' report.)
From the soldier's story, as well as from the official report of the brigade commander, it is conclusive that the real objective of the Second Brigade was the stone fort, and that the Twenty-fifth Infantry, which occupied the right of the line, had no other objective whatever.* [Transcriber's Note: No footnote text present for this footnote anchor.] It also appears that Bates' brigade, although somewhere on the right, was not so near but that the commanding officer of the Twenty-fifth could see the need of troops at his right; and to meet this need the brigade commander "sent forward 40 Cubans, who advanced on the stone fort with our lines." The fire from this fort continued severe during the whole of the advance, and until the last halt made by the Twenty-fifth. At the first fence met by the Twenty-fifth Lieutenant McCorkle was killed; and, to use the words of a soldier, "as the regiment swept toward the Spanish stronghold" to reach the slope of a little mound for cover, many more fell. Behind this little mound, after resting about five minutes, they began their last fire upon the enemy. This must have been as late as 3 o'clock, and perhaps considerably later, and the fire from the stone fort was vigorous up until their last halt, as their casualties prove. The battery had begun to fire on the fort again at 12.30 and continued from the same position until 2.10, the range being as has been already stated, 2,400 yards. Hence the artillery firing at long range had ceased, and it is generally conceded that this long range firing had been ineffective. Captain Capron says he moved his battery at 2.10 p.m. to 1,000 yards from Caney and opened fire on two blockhouses. He does not say at what hour he opened fire on these two blockhouses, or how long he continued to fire, or what was the effect of his fire upon the two block houses. Lieutenant-Colonel Bisbee, who was acting as support of Capron's battery, says of himself that he "moved with the battery at 3.30 p.m. by the Dubroix (Ducureaux) road." General Lawton says the battery was moved to a new position about 2.30, "about 1,000 yards from certain blockhouses in the town, where a few shots, all taking effect, were fired." From these reports it would appear that after moving to the second station the battery fired upon two blockhouses in the town, and not upon the stone fort. General Ludlow, speaking of the battle, says: "In the present case, the artillery fire was too distant to reduce the blockhouses or destroy the entrenchments, so that the attack was practically by infantry alone." On the other hand, General Chaffee says: "The resistance at this point," meaning the stone fort at the time of assault, "had been greatly affected by the fire of Capron's battery." Colonel Comba, of the Twelfth Infantry, says: "The artillery made the breach through which our men entered the stone work." Bonsal says that Captain Capron, "under the concentrated fire of his four guns at a point blank range of a thousand yards, had converted the fort into a shapeless ruin," when the infantry charged it.
It is probable that in this case, as in most cases of similar nature, the truth divides equally between the apparently opposing views. Of General Ludlow, who is the authority for this statement, that the stone fort at El Caney was taken by infantry alone, General Lawton says: "General Ludlow's professional accomplishments are well known and his assignment to command a brigade in my division I consider a high compliment to myself." "The fighting was all done with small arms" were the words written me by an infantryman soon after the battle. The question, whether Capron fired upon the stone fort after taking his new position, or fired on two blockhouses, entirely distinct from the fort, remains undetermined. The author of this work inclines to the conclusion that the fire of Capron after moving to his new position was directed for a brief period, at least, upon the stone fort.
Inasmuch as we are now to trace the career of the Twenty-fifth Infantry through an unfortunate dispute, on both sides of which are officers of high rank and unimpeachable honor, it is important to note, first, to what extent the several statements, both unofficial and official, can be harmonized and made to corroborate one another. Major Baker says: "Those of Bates' brigade and the Twenty-fifth Infantry, after having carried the stone fort," which he explains was some 75 feet higher than the town, then fired down into the village. The soldier who acted as left-guide of Company G, Twenty-fifth Infantry, says, after getting up on the hill, "we fired down into the city until near dusk." The experience of the soldier agrees exactly with the report of the officer. The fact that the Twenty-fifth went up the hill cannot be questioned, and that up to their last halt, they went under fire, no one will deny. Bonsal, in speaking of Chaffee's brigade, which was "more immediately charged with the reduction of Caney" (Ludlow's report), says: "And it was nearly five o'clock when his most advanced regiment, the gallant Twelfth Infantry, deployed into the valley and charged up the steep hillside, which was lined with Spanish trenches, rising in irregular tiers and crowned with a great stone fort." The stone fort at this time, however, was, as he says, "a shapeless ruin." Where was the Twenty-fifth Infantry at this time? Mr. Bonsal continues: "Almost at the same moment the Twenty-fifth Colored Infantry, the leading regiment of Miles' brigade, which had been advancing in the centre, started up the hill also." General Lawton says that after moving the battery to its new position, 1,000 yards from certain blockhouses in the town, Capron fired a few shots, all of which took effect, and he adds: "This firing terminated the action, as the Spanish garrison were attempting to escape." Colonel Comba says there was a breach in the stonework large enough for his men to enter, and that this had been made by the artillery; General Chaffee says resistance had been greatly affected by the artillery, and Bonsal adds, the garrison resisted the last advance made by the infantry but for a moment.
General Chaffee declares: "The troops arriving at the fort were there in the following order: Twelfth Infantry, which took the place; the command of General Bates some moments later; the Twenty-fifth Infantry."
The facts therefore stand, that the Twenty-fifth Infantry was on the ground with the first troops that reached the fort and that there was a captain of that regiment who then and there claimed the capture of the place, even against the claims of a Major-General. He was told that his proposition was absurd, and so it may have been from one standpoint; and yet there may be a ground upon which the captain's claim was fair and just.
That the Twelfth Infantry arrived on the ground first is not disputed; but it is questioned whether the fort was belligerent at that time. General Chaffee says the resistance had been greatly reduced by the artillery; General Lawton says the action had been finished by Capron's shots and the garrison was trying to escape; a soldier from the Twenty-fifth says the Spaniards flew out of the fort to the town; Bonsal says, they stoutly resisted "for a moment and then fled precipitately down the ravine and up the other side, and into the town." If first occupancy is the only ground upon which the capture of a place can be claimed, then the title to the honor of capturing the stone fort lies, according to official report as so far presented, with the Twelfth Infantry. But even upon this ground it will be shown that the Twenty-fifth's action will relieve the claim of its captain from absurdity. We are now prepared to read the official report of the commanding officer of the Twenty-fifth Regiment, Lieutenant-Colonel Daggett, who was with the regiment all through the fight, and who bore himself so well that the division commander said: "Lieutenant-Colonel Daggett deserves special mention for skillful handling of his regiment, and would have received it before had the fact been reported by his brigade commander."
July 5, 1898.
Intrenchments Twenty-fifth United States Infantry,Adjutant-General, Second Brigade, Second Division, Fifth Corps.
Sir:—I have the honor to submit the following report of the part taken by the Twenty-fifth Infantry in the battle of the 1st instant. The regiment formed firing line on the right of the Fourth Infantry, facing a Spanish fort or blockhouse about half a mile distant. On moving forward, the battalion, composed of Companies C, D, E, G and H, and commanded by Capt. W.S. Scott, received the fire of the enemy, and after advancing about 400 yards was subjected to a galling fire on their left. Finding cover, the battalion prepared for an advance up the hill to the fort. This advance was made rapidly and conducted with great skill by company officers.
"On arriving within a short distance of the fort the white flag was waved to our companies, but a cross fire prevented the enemy from advancing with it or our officers from receiving it. About twenty minutes later a battalion of some other regiment advanced to the rear of the fort, completely covered from fire, and received the flag; but the men of the Twenty-fifth Infantry entered the fort at the same time. All officers and men behaved gallantly. One officer was killed and three wounded; eight men were killed and twenty wounded.
"About 200 men and ten officers were in the firing line. I attribute the comparatively small losses to the skill and bravery of the company officers, viz.: First Lieutenant Caldwell and Second Lieutenants Moss and Hunt. Second Lieutenant French, adjutant of the battalion, was among those who gallantly entered the fort.
"The battle lasted about two hours and was a hotly contested combat.
Very respectfully,
Here it is shown by the testimony of the regimental commander, that a battalion of the Twenty-fifth ascended the hill and arrived at a short distance from the fort about twenty minutes before any other troops are mentioned as coming in sight; and that a white flag was waved to the companies of the Twenty-fifth. It was doubtless upon this ground that a captain of the Twenty-fifth had the temerity to claim the capture of the place, even from a Major-General. I do not know who the captain was, but it is evident that he had what he believed ample grounds for his claim. Colonel Daggett says, also, that when the men of the other regiment advanced to this fort after it had waved the white flag to the companies of the Twenty-fifth, the men of the Twenty-fifth advanced and entered the fort at the same time. Bonsal says: "Almost at the same moment that the Twelfth started up the hill the Twenty-fifth started up the hill also;" while according to Colonel Daggett's testimony the Twenty-fifth was well up the hill already and the fort had waved to it the white flag.
Colonel Daggett makes this further report:
Headquarters Twenty-fifth Infantry,
Near Santiago, Cuba, July 16, 1898.The Adjutant-General, Second Division, Fifth Corps, near Santiago, Cuba.
Sir:—Feeling that the Twenty-fifth Infantry has not received credit for the part it took in the battle of El Caney on the first instant, I have the honor to submit the following facts:
I was ordered by the brigade commander to put two companies (H, Lieutenant Caldwell, and G, Lieutenant McCorkle) on the firing line in extended order. The right being uncovered and exposed to the enemy, I ordered D Company (Captain Edwards) to deploy as flankers. The battalion was commanded by Capt. W.S. Scott. The battalion advanced about 300 yards under fire, the Fourth Infantry on its left, where the line found cover, halted, and opened fire on the blockhouse and intrenchments in front of it. After the line had been steadied and had delivered an effective fire, I ordered a further advance, which was promptly made. As the Fourth Infantry did not advance, my left was exposed to a very severe fire from the village on the left. I immediately ordered Company C (Lieutenant Murdock), which was in support, to the front, and E. Company (Lieutenant Kinnison) from regimental reserve to take its place. Thus strengthened, the four companies moved up the hill rapidly, being skilfully handled by company officers. On arriving near the fort the white flag was waved toward our men, but the fire from the village on our left was so severe that neither our officers nor Spanish could pass over the intervening ground. After about twenty minutes some of the Twelfth Infantry arrived in rear of the fort, completely sheltered from the fire from the village, and received the white flag; but Privates J.H. Jones, of Company D, and T.C. Butler, H. Company, Twenty-fifth Infantry, entered the fort at the same time and took possession of the Spanish flag. They were ordered to give it up by an officer of the Twelfth United States Infantry, but before doing so they each tore a piece from it, which they now have. So much for the facts.
I attribute the success attained by our line largely to the bravery and skill of the company officers who conducted the line to the fort. These officers are: First Lieutenants V.A. Caldwell and J.A. Moss, and Second Lieutenant J.E. Hunt. It is my opinion that the two companies first deployed could not have reached the fort alone, and that it was the two companies I ordered to their support that gave them the power to reach it. I further believe that had we failed to move beyond the Fourth Infantry the fort would not have been taken that night.
The Twenty-fifth Infantry lost one officer killed[18] and three wounded, and seven men killed and twenty-eight wounded.
Second Lieutenant H.W. French, adjutant of Captain Scott's battalion, arrived at the fort near the same time as the other officers.
I request that this report be forwarded to corps headquarters.
Very respectfully,
General Chaffee's statement is not to be questioned for a moment. There is not the least doubt that the troops, as organizations arrived at the fort in the order he describes. General Lawton says: "General Chaffee's brigade was especially charged with the duty of assaulting the stone fort, and successfully executed that duty, after which a portion of the Twenty-fifth, and a portion of Bates' brigade, assisted in the work, all of which is commendable." He says also, that the "Twenty-fifth Infantry did excellent service, as reported, though not better than the others engaged.' This seems to confirm Lieutenant-Colonel Daggett's report, for he says he is sure the regiment did excellent work, "as reported;" and at that time he is commenting on Lieutenant-Colonel Daggett's report, the report printed above. The broad statements of General Lawton do not touch the exact question at issue between the reports of the subordinate commanders; nor do they throw any light on the circumstances of the final charge. Miles' brigade had been advancing on the stone fort for some hours, and the Twenty-fifth was so near when the charge of the Twelfth was made that portions of it were on the hill and near the fort at the same time. The commander of the Third Brigade saw the fight from one side and reported events as he learned them. His official statement requires no support. The commanding officer of the Twenty-fifth Infantry saw the fight from another standpoint, and his official reports are entitled to equal respect. Both the General's and the Lieutenant-Colonel's must be accepted as recitals of facts, made with all the accuracy that high personal integrity armed with thorough military training can command. Happily the statements, which at first appear so widely at variance, are entirely reconcilable. The following supplementary report of the regimental commander, when taken in connection with the final complimentary orders published in the regiment before leaving Cuba, will place the whole subject before the reader and put the question at rest, and at the same time leave undisturbed all the reports of superior officers.
Headquarters Twenty-fifth Infantry,
Montauk Point, Long Island, August 22, 1898.
The Adjutant-General, U.S. Army, Washington, D.C.
Sir:—I have the honor to submit a supplementary report to the original one made on the 19th (16th) of July, 1898, of the battle of El Caney de Cuba, so far as relates to the part taken therein by the Twenty-fifth Infantry:
1. I stated in the original report that the Twenty-fifth Infantry, in advancing, broke away from and left the Fourth Infantry behind. This may inferentially reflect on the latter regiment. It was not so intended, and a subsequent visit to the battle-field convinces me that it would have been impossible for the regiment to advance to the fort, and, although it might have advanced a short distance farther, it would have resulted in a useless slaughter, and that the battalion commander exercised excellent judgment in remaining where he did and by his fire aiding the Twenty-fifth Infantry in its advance.
2. Colonel Miles, the then brigade commander, informed me that his first report of the battle would be brief and that a later and full report would be made. In his former report I think he failed to give credit to myself and regiment. As he was soon after relieved of the command of the brigade I assume that no further report will be made.
I have reported what the regiment did, but said nothing about my own action. I must, therefore, report it myself or let it go unrecorded. Distasteful as it is to me, I deem it duty to my children to state the facts and my claims based thereon, as follows:
1. I was ordered to put two companies in the firing line. Before this line advanced the brigade commander informed me, and personal examination verified, that my right was in the air and exposed. On my own judgment I ordered a company, as flankers, to that part of the line.
2. As soon as the line had rested and become steadied at its first halt I ordered it to advance, and it continued to advance, although it broke away from the rest of the brigade.
3. As this exposed the left to a galling and dangerous fire, I ordered, on my own judgment, a company to re-enforce that part of the line and a company from the regimental reserve also to the fighting line.
These are the facts, and as my orders were to keep my left joined to the right of the Fourth Infantry, and received no further orders, my claims are as follows:
1. That it was necessary to place a company on the right as flankers.
2. That the conditions offered an opportunity to advance after the first halt, and I took advantage of it.
3. That the left being exposed by this advance of the line beyond the rest of the brigade, it was proper and necessary to re-enforce it by two companies.
4. That the two companies first deployed could not have reached the stone fort.
5. That the three companies added to the firing line gave it the power to reach the fort.
6. That the advance beyond the rest of the brigade was a bold and, without support, dangerous movement, but that the result justified the act. Had it failed I would have been held responsible.
7. That I saw at each stage of the battle what ought to be done, and did it. Results show that it was done at the right moment.
8. That the Twenty-fifth Infantry caused the surrender of the stone fort.
I desire to repeat that it is with great reluctance that I make so much of this report as relates to myself, and nothing but a sense of duty would impel me to do it.
Very respectfully,
LOSSES OF THE TWENTY-FIFTH INFANTRY.
Killed.—Lieutenant H.L. McCorkle, Company G; Private Albert Strother, H; Private John W. Steele, D; Corporal Benj. Cousins, H; Private John B. Phelps, D; Private French Payne, B; Private Aaron Leftwich, G; Private Tom Howe, D.
Wounded.—Company A: Private William H. Clarke, Sergeant Stephen A. Browne. Company B: Private Tom Brown. Company C: Lieutenant John S. Murdock, Private Joseph L. Johnson, Private Samuel W. Harley, Private John A. Boyd. Company D; Captain Eaton A. Edwards, Sergeant Hayden Richards, Private Robert Goodwin. Company E: Lieutenant H.L. Kinnison, Private James Howard, Private John Saddler, Private David C. Gillam, Private Hugh Swann. Company F: First Sergeant Frank Coleman. Company G: Corporal James O. Hunter, Private Henry Brightwell, Private David Buckner, Private Alvin Daniels, Private Boney Douglas, Private George P. Cooper, Private John Thomas, Corporal Gov. Staton, Private Eugene Jones. Company H: Private James Bevill, Private Henry Gilbert.
Wounded July 2.—Private Elwood A. Forman, H; Private Smith, D; Private William Lafayette, F.
COMPLIMENTARY ORDER.
Headquarters 25th Infantry,
Near Santiago de Cuba, August 11, 1898.General Orders No. 19.
The regimental commander congratulates the regiment on the prospect of its speedy return to the United States.
Gathered from three different stations, many of you strangers to each other, you assembled as a regiment for the first time in more than twenty-eight years on May 7, 1898, at Tampa, Florida. There you endeavored to solidify and prepare yourselves, as far as the oppressive weather would permit, for the work that appeared to be before you; but, who could have fortold the severity of that work?
You endured the severe hardships of a long sea voyage, which no one who has not experienced it can appreciate. You then disembarked, amidst dangerous surroundings; and on landing were for the first time on hostile ground. You marched, under a tropical sun, carrying blanket-roll, three days' rations, and one hundred rounds of ammunition, through rain and mud, part of the time at night, sleeping on the wet ground without shelter, living part of the time on scant rations, even, of bacon, hard bread and coffee, until on July 1 you arrived at El Caney. Here you took the battle formation and advanced to the stone fort, more like veterans than troops who had never been under fire. You again marched, day and night, halting only to dig four lines of intrenchments, the last being the nearest point to the enemy reached by any organization, when, still holding your rifles, within these intrenchments, notice was received that Santiago and the Spanish army had surrendered.
But commendable as the record cited may be, the brightest hours of your lives were on the afternoon of July 1. Formed in battle array, you advanced to the stone fort against volleys therefrom, and rifle-pits in front, and against a galling fire from blockhouses, the church tower and the village on your left. You continued to advance, skilfully and bravely directed by the officers in immediate command, halting and delivering such a cool and well-directed fire that the enemy was compelled to wave the white flag in token of surrender.
Seldom have troops been called upon to face a severer fire, and never have they acquitted themselves better.
The regimental reserve was called upon to try its nerve, by lying quiet under a galling fire, without the privilege of returning it, where men were killed and wounded. This is a test of nerve which the firing line cannot realize, and requires the highest qualities of bravery and endurance.
You may well return to the United States proud of your accomplishments; and if any one asks you what you have done, point him to El Caney.
But in the midst of the joy of going home, we mourn the loss of those we leave behind. The genial, generous-hearted McCorkle fell at his post of duty, bravely directing his men in the advance on the stone fort. He died as the soldier dies, and received a soldier's burial. He was beloved by all who knew him, and his name will always be fondly remembered by his regiment—especially by those who participated in the Santiago campaign. The officers of the regiment will wear the prescribed badge of mourning for Lieutenant McCorkle for thirty days. And Corporal Benjamin Cousins, Privates Payne, Lewis, Strother, Taliaferro, Phelps, Howell, Steel and Leftwitch, sacrificed their lives on their country's altar. Being of a race which only thirty-five years ago emerged through a long and bloody war, from a condition of servitude, they in turn engaged in a war which was officially announced to be in the interest of humanity and gave all they had—their lives—that the oppressed might be free, and enjoy the blessings of liberty guaranteed by a stable government. They also died like true soldiers and received a soldier's burial.
By order of Lieutenant-Colonel Daggett.
MAJOR GENERAL AARON S. DAGGETT.
General Aaron S. Daggett is a native of Maine, born at Greene Corner, in that State, June 14, 1837. He is descended from a paternal ancestry which can be traced, with an honorable record, as far back as 1100 A.D. His mother was Dorcas C., daughter of Simon Dearborn, a collateral descendant of General Henry Dearborn. His more immediate ancestors came from Old to New England about 1630, and both his grandparents served in the Continental Army during the Revolutionary War. He was educated in his native town, at Monmouth Academy, Maine Wesleyan Seminary and Bates College. At the outbreak of the Civil War he enlisted as a private, April 27th, 1861, in the 5th Maine Infantry; was appointed second lieutenant May 1, and promoted first lieutenant May 24, 1861. He commanded his company at the first Bull Run battle, and was promoted captain August 14, 1861.