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The Elizabethan Stage, Vol. 1

Chapter 21: FOOTNOTES
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About This Book

A detailed historical study traces the development of the English stage under Elizabeth and James, beginning with court spectacle and ceremonial performance. It examines the revels office, pageantry, masks and court plays as formative theatrical institutions, then follows the settlement of players in London, their clash with Puritan and municipal pressures, and the eventual accommodation with monarchical authority. The work surveys individual companies and playhouses, considers actors' quality and economics, and treats surviving plays as documentary evidence for performance practice. Coverage largely ends with the death of Shakespeare rather than the later suppression of the theatres.

FOOTNOTES

[1] Francis to Sir Thomas Chaloner (Dec. 1563) in Froude, vii. 92; cf. Sp. P. i. 10, 127; V. P. vii. 80, 101.

[2] Camden (tr.), 179; Bohun, 345, from R. Johnston, Hist. rerum Brit. (1655), 353; Carey, 2.

[3] Sp. P. iii. 91.

[4] Sp. P. iv. 650; Chamberlain, 99, 126; Hatfield MSS. xii. 253; Boissise, i. 415; Beaumont, 21; Goodman, i. 17.

[5] Carleton to Chamberlain, Jan. 15, 1604 (S. P. D., Jac. I, vi. 21): 'The first holy dayes we had every night a publicke play in the great hale, at which the king was ever present, and liked or disliked as he saw cause; but it seems he takes no extraordinary pleasure in them. The Queen and Prince were more the players frends, for on other nights they had them privately, and hath since taken them to theyr protection.'

[6] J. A. Lester, Some Franco-Scottish Influences on the Early English Drama in Haverford Essays (1909).

[7] Scaramelli wrote to the Signory in July 1603 (V. P. x. 71) that James had eight palaces on the Thames, of which Hampton Court was the biggest. Each had its own furniture, which was never taken to furnish another. I suppose the eight must be Whitehall, St. James's, Somerset House, the Tower, Greenwich, Richmond, Hampton Court, and Windsor. Letters of 1602, when Elizabeth was at Oatlands, contemplate her return to 'Richmond or some other of her houses of abode' and to 'a standing house' (Hatfield MSS. xii. 385, 448). I suppose that these were the permanently furnished houses.

[8] Cheyney, i. 143, says that the Exchequer court near Westminster Hall, the gallery of which was built or repaired in 1570, 'served the queen and court not infrequently as a ball-room'; but this is only an old tradition, for which Smith, Westminster, 54, could find no confirmation in 1807, and for which the records of Court entertainments certainly furnish none.

[9] The accounts of Smith and Sheppard (cf. Bibl. Note) may be supplemented from W. R. Lethaby in Archaeologia, lx. 131; London Topographical Record, i. 38; ii. 23; vi. 23, 35; vii. passim. Von Wedel (2 R. Hist. Soc. Trans. ix. 234) describes the palace in 1584.

[10] E. B. Chancellor, Historical Richmond (1885); R. Garnett, Richmond on the Thames (1896); Chapman, 123; Survey of 1503 in Grose and Astle, Antiquarian Repertory; Survey of 1649 in Nichols, Eliz. ii. 412.

[11] E. Law, History of Hampton Court Palace (1885-91); W. H. Hutton, Hampton Court (1897). De Silva reports to Philip on 13 Oct. 1567 (Sp. P. i. 679) that Elizabeth was then at Hampton Court for the first time since her attack of small-pox there in 1562, after which she took a dislike to it. It was the largest of all the palaces, 'with 1800 inhabitable rooms or at least with doors that lock' (V. P. x. 71).

[12] A. G. K. L'Estrange, The Palace and the Hospital: Chronicles of Greenwich (1886); Chapman, 9. The building is shown in Wyngaerde's drawing of c. 1543 (Mitton, I). Hentzner was told in 1598 that it was Elizabeth's preferred abode.

[13] W. H. St. J. Hope, Windsor Castle (1913); R. R. Tighe and J. E. Davis, Annals of Windsor (1858); E. Ashmole, The Institution, Lawes and Ceremonies of the Garter (1672); J. Pote, History and Antiquities of Windsor Castle (1749); G. M. Hughes, Windsor Forest (1890).

[14] R. Gower, The Tower of London (1901-2); Clapham and Godfrey, 29. Elizabeth was there in 1559, 1561, and 1565.

[15] For its mediaeval use as an occasional royal lodging, cf. N. H. Nicolas, Wardrobe Accounts of Edw. IV, 121, 127.

[16] W. J. Loftie, Memorials of the Savoy (1878); Chapman, 42.

[17] Elizabeth paid visits there in 1559, 1562, 1564, 1566, and 1575.

[18] Chapman, 36; Clapham and Godfrey, 119.

[19] S. Pegge, Curialia (1806); R. Needham and A. Webster, Somerset House, Past and Present (1905). Elizabeth was there in 1558, 1562, 1571, 1573, 1582, 1583, 1585, 1587, 1588, 1589, 1590, 1593, 1594, and 1599. She gave lodgings there to Somerset's son, the Earl of Hertford, and amongst other guests were the Duke of Holstein (1560), Cornelius de la Noye, an alchemist (1567), the Duke of Montmorency (1572), and the Duke of Mayenne (1600). Conferences were held there with Alençon's commissioners in 1581. In 1574 (Berkeley MSS. 223) the keepership was given to Henry Lord Hunsdon, the Lord Chamberlain, who took up his residence there, and after his death to Lady Hunsdon. In early documents of the reign, the name Strand House (P. C. Acts, Jan. 1563; Procl. 496) or Strand Place (Procl. 497) occurs; in the patent of Hunsdon's predecessor John West in 1559 (Berkeley MSS. 218) it is 'Somersett Place al. Strande House al. Somersett House'.

[20] M. A. S. Hume, A Palace in the Strand in The Year after the Armada (1896), 263; Nichols, James, i. 75; Clapham and Godfrey, 151; T. N. Brushfield, The History of Durham House, London, in Trans. of Devon. Assoc. xxxv. 539. Elizabeth was there in 1565 or 1566. Lodgings were assigned to Alvaro de la Quadra, the Spanish ambassador (1559-63), Cecilia of Sweden, Margravine of Baden (1565), Walter, Earl of Essex (1572), Sir Walter Raleigh (1584-1603), Sir Edward Darcy (c. 1600-3). In 1603 James turned Raleigh and Darcy out and restored the freehold to Toby Mathew, Bishop of Durham, who retained the river front, and leased the Gatehouse on the Strand. The lease passed to Lord Salisbury, who built there the New Exchange or Britain's Burse in 1609.

[21] L. Hendriks, The London Charterhouse (1889); W. F. Taylor, The Charterhouse of London (1912). The Charterhouse, after temporary use as a storehouse for the Tents (cf. Tudor Revels, 13), was granted to Sir Edward North, afterwards Lord North of Kirtling, in 1545 and the grant was confirmed by Mary in 1554. Elizabeth visited him there in Nov. 1558 and July 1561. After his death in 1564 the second lord kept a house in Charterhouse Square, which passed to the Earls of Rutland and as Rutland House became the scene of Davenant's First Day's Entertainment in 1656. The main building was bought in 1565 by Thomas, fourth Duke of Norfolk, and called Howard Place. Elizabeth visited him there in 1568. On his attainder in 1572, she lodged the Portuguese ambassador in the house, but afterwards granted it to Norfolk's son Thomas, Lord Howard of Walden, whom she visited there in Jan. 1603. In 1611 Thomas Sutton bought the Charterhouse from Howard for a hospital. On the Blackfriars and Whitefriars, cf. ch. xvii.

[22] Clapham and Godfrey, 165; cf. ch. iii.

[23] E. Sheppard, Memorials of St. James's Palace (1894). Elizabeth was there in 1561, 1564, 1566, 1571, 1572, 1575, 1576, 1581, 1583, 1584, 1588, and 1593.

[24] V. H. Surrey, iii. 478. Elizabeth was there in 1560, 1562, 1564, 1567, 1569, 1570, 1574, 1577, 1580, 1582, 1583, 1584, 1585, 1587, 1589, 1590, 1591, 1593, 1600, and 1602.

[25] V. H. Surrey, iii. 266; Gent. Mag. viii. (1837) 139; Clapham and Godfrey, 3. Elizabeth was there in 1559, 1563, 1565, 1567, 1574, 1580-5 (yearly), 1587, 1589, 1591, 1592, 1593, 1594, 1595, 1596, 1598, 1599, 1600. The house was begun by Henry VIII and finished by Lord Lumley, son-in-law of the Earl of Arundel, to whom the property was alienated in 1556. Elizabeth bought the house about 1590-2. 'Nonsuch, which of all other places she likes best,' wrote Rowland White in 1599 (Sydney Papers, ii. 120).

[26] For Eltham (visits in 1559, 1560, 1576, 1581, 1596, 1597, 1598, 1599, 1601, 1602), once an important palace, cf. J. C. Buckler, Account of Eltham (1828), Chapman, 1, Clapham and Godfrey, 47; for Havering (visits in 1561, 1568, 1572, 1576, 1578, 1579, 1591, 1597), Nichols, Eliz. iii. 70, Clapham and Godfrey, 145; for Hatfield (visits in 1558, 1566, 1568, 1571, 1572, 1575, 1576), V. H. Herts. iii. 92; for Reading (visits in 1568, 1570, 1572, 1574, 1576, 1592, 1601), J. B. Hurry, Reading Abbey (1901), T. J. Pettigrew in Journal of Brit. Arch. Ass. xvi. 192; for Woodstock (visits in 1566, 1572, 1574, 1575, 1592), E. Marshall, Early Hist. of Woodstock Manor (1873), and ch. xxiii, s.v. Lee. Elizabeth was at Enfield in 1561, 1564, 1568, 1572, 1587, 1591, 1594, 1597, and at Winchester in 1560, 1574, 1591.

[27] Schedules of royal houses and other possessions to which places of profit were attached form part of the Fee Lists described in the Bibl. Note to ch. ii. That of 1598 (H. O. 262) includes 37 castles under constables, keepers, or porters, 17 other houses, 11 forests, and 8 parks, together with the Fleet prison under a warden keeper, the Baths (at Bath) under a keeper, the Haven of the Duchy of Cornwall under a havenor, the Honour of Tutbury under a steward, and Paris Garden under the keepers of Bears and Mastiffs (cf. ch. xvi, s.v. Hope); in all 78.

[28] Occasionally it was still used as a guesthouse. The Constable of Castile was lodged here in 1604, the Danish ambassador in 1605, Christian of Denmark in 1606 and 1614. Fuller, Church History, vii. 46, says that the name Denmark House was adopted by proclamation in honour of King Christian, but I can find no such proclamation. Arthur Wilson (Compleat Hist. ii. 685) dates the change c. 1610, and says that the new name 'continued her time among her people; but it was afterwards left out of the common calendar, like the dead Emperor's new-named month'. On the other hand I find Cecil dating from 'Queens Court' on 6 March 1605 (S. P. D. xiii. 15), Chamberlain writing in Feb. 1614 of the performance of Daniel's Hymen's Triumph that it was in a 'little square paved court' at 'Somerset House or Queens Court, as it must now be called' (W. W. Greg in M. L. Q. vi. 59, from Addl. MS. 4173, ff. 368, 371), and plays acted by Anne's men 'at Queenes Court' in 1615 (cf. App. B). The reason suggested in the text for the second attempt to change the name seems to me a plausible conjecture. Perhaps 'Denmark House' was tried at Christian's second visit in 1614. In any case, neither novelty permanently established itself. The first use of 'Denmark House' I have noticed is in 1615; that of 'Somerset House' was resumed under Charles I.

[29] Lodge, iii. 62; Birch, i. 279; Devon, 63, 176; V. P. x. 87; xiii. 81; S. P. D., Jac. I, xxvii. 31; lxv. 79, 80; V. H. Surrey, iii. 478; V. H. Herts. iii. 447; Goodman, i. 174; J. E. Cussans, Hist. of Herts., pts. ix, x. 209; Nichols, James ii. 127. Theobalds, in Cheshunt, had been often visited by Elizabeth; cf. App. A. James had already been there yearly in 1603-1606, and found it convenient for Waltham Forest.

[30] Green, 7; V. P. x. 71.

[31] Green, 8, 17; V. P. xii. 194; Pory to Sir Thomas Puckering (3 Jan. 1633) in Court and Time of Charles I, ii. 213: 'In case the Queen [of Bohemia] do come for England, I hear that her lodging appointed in court is the Cockpit, at Whitehall, where she lay when she was a maid.' On the Cockpit, cf. ch. vii.

[32] Birch, Life of Henry, 330; Cunningham, viii; V. P. xii. 194, 207; Devon 153, 164, 179; S. P. D., Jac. I, viii. 104; Marshall, Woodstock, 174.

[33] Devon, 37, 80; V. P. xiii. 81; Birch, i. 41.

[34] James was at Richmond in 1605, 1606, 1607, and 1611, at Oatlands in 1604, 1606, 1607, 1608, 1610, 1611, 1613, and 1615, and at Woodstock in 1603, 1604, 1605, 1610, 1612, and 1614. Some of his hunting trophies are still preserved at Ditchley Park; cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Lee. Theobalds, like Royston, he visited several times a year. Evidently it was more his than Anne's. In 1607 and 1615 his departure from London is spoken of as going 'home' (Birch, i. 68, 298).

[35] V. H. Herts. iii. 253.

[36] Abstract, 52.

[37] T. F. Ordish in L. T. R. viii. 6. The road crossed Holborn at Kingsgate.

[38] Law, Hampton Court, i. 1.

[39] At the wedding of Princess Elizabeth in 1613 (Rimbault, 163) James went 'from his Privie Chamber, throughe the presence and garde chamber, and throughe a new bankettinge house erected of purpose for to solemnenize this feast in, and so doune a paire of stayers at the upper end therof hard by the Courte gate, wente alonge uppon a stately scaffold to the great chamber stayers, and throughe the greate chamber and lobby to the clossett, doune the staiers to the Chappell'; cf. Pegge, i. 68. Traces of the Great Chamber at Whitehall possibly still exist, over the building known as Cardinal Wolsey's cellar (L. T. R. vii. 40).

[40] Davison to Leicester (1586, Hardwicke Papers, i. 302): 'I found her majesty alone, retired into her withdrawing chamber'; Lord Talbot to Anon. (1587, Rutland MSS. i. 213): 'She had my wife called in to the withdrawing chamber, where no one but the Queen, my Lord, and Secretary Walsingham were'; Sussex to Burghley (1573, 2 Ellis, iii. 27): 'The Queen sate in the grete Closette or Parler [at Greenwich]'; R. Cecil to Essex (1596, Devereux, i. 347), reporting that Sir A. Shirley was 'used with great favour, both in the privy and drawing chambers'. The 'Withdrawing Chamber' of Law's Hampton Court plan appears to be the Privy Chamber. They were certainly distinct at Richmond in 1600, for Vereiken was taken through the Privy Chamber for an audience in the Withdrawing Chamber (Sydney Papers, ii. 170).

[41] Cf. ch. iv.

[42] H. O. 154 (1526); Procl. 962 (1603).

[43] Pegge, i. 68.

[44] V. P. vii. 91 (1559, Montmorency); ix. 531 (1603, Scaramelli).

[45] Cf. App. F. Von Wedel (2 R. Hist. Soc. Trans. ix. 250) describes the ceremony at Hampton Court in 1584.

[46] V. P. x. 46, 121; xi. 430; xii. 273, 547; Gawdy, 132; Birch, i. 69; Sully, Mémoires, 469. Von Wedel, however, saw Elizabeth dine in state at Greenwich in 1584 (loc. cit., 262).

[47] Cf. ch. vii.

[48] The position of the Hall at Whitehall can be fairly well identified as extending across Horse Guards Avenue; cf. L. T. R. vii. 41.

[49] Mediaeval Stage, ii. 189; Reyher, 336.

[50] Tudor Revels, 17; Hatfield MSS. i. 92, from which it appears that there was one house only, with a kitchen, and also stands in Hyde and Marylebone Parks.

[51] V. P. vii. 91; Holinshed, iii. 1510; Machyn, 203: 'The x day of July was set up in Greenwich park a goodly banketting-house made with fir powlles, and deckyd with byrche and all manner of flowers of the feld and gardennes, as roses, gelevors, lavender, marygolds, and all maner of strowhyng erbes and flowrs'; Feuillerat, Eliz. 81: 'Robert Trunckewell ... woorking ... vppon toe modells of the Masters device for a rowfe and a cobboorde of a bancketinge howse', 97, 106.

[52] Feuillerat, Eliz. 163: 'The Banketting House made at Whitehall for thentertaynement of the seide duke did drawe the charges ensving for the covering therof with canvasse: the decking therof with birche & ivie: and the ffretting, and garnishing therof, with fflowers, and compartementes, with pendentes & armes paynted & gilded for the purpose. The ffloore therof being all strewed with rose leaves pickt & sweetned with sweete waters &c.' The details include £9 14s. 4d. 'for flowers broughte into the Cockpitt at White hall with other necessaries, viz. fflowers of all sortes taken vp by comyssion & gathered in the feeldes', while William Hunnis, who was keeper of the gardens at Greenwich, as well as Master of the Chapel, provided 79 bushels of roses, with pinks, honeysuckles, and privet flowers.

[53] Holinshed, iii. 1315, from Harleian MS. 293, f. 217: 'A banketting house was begun at Westminster, on the south west side of hir maiesties palace of White hall, made in maner and forme of a long square, three hundred thirtie and two foot in measure about; thirtie principals made of great masts, being fortie foot in length a peece, standing vpright; betweene euerie one of these masts ten foot asunder and more. The walles of this house were closed with canuas, and painted all the outsides of the same most artificiallie with a worke called rustike, much like to stone. This house had two hundred ninetie and two lights of glasse. The sides within the same house was made with ten heights of degrees for people to stand upon: and in the top of this house was wrought most cunninglie upon canuas, works of iuie and hollie, with pendents made of wicker rods, and garnished with baie, rue, and all maner of strange flowers garnished with spangles of gold, as also beautified with hanging toseans made of hollie and iuie, with all maner of strange fruits, as pomegranats, orenges, pompions, cucumbers, grapes, carrets, with such other like, spangled with gold, and most richlie hanged. Betwixt these works of baies and iuie, were great spaces of canuas, which was most cunninglie painted, the clouds with starres, the sunne and sunne beames, with diuerse other cotes of sundrie sortes belonging to the queenes maiestie, most richlie garnished with gold. There were of all manner of persons working on this house, to the number of three hundred seuentie and fiue: two men had mischances, the one brake his leg, and so did the other. This house was made in three weekes and three daies, and was ended the eighteenth daie of Aprill; and cost one thousand seuen hundred fortie and foure pounds, nineteene shillings and od monie; as I was crediblie informed by the worshipfull maister Thomas Graue surueior vnto hir maiesties workes, who serued and gaue order for the same, as appeareth by record.' Stowe, Annales, 688, copies Holinshed; cf. Sp. P. iii. 91. Von Wedel (2 R. Hist. Soc. Trans. ix. 236) saw the house in 1584, and was told that birds sang in the bushes overhead, while entertainments were in progress. A Record Office was constructed below the banqueting house in 1597 (Hatfield MSS. vii. 431).

[54] Camden, Annalium Apparatus, 6 (c. 12 Oct. 1607), 'Camera convivialis de novo construitur apud Whitehall'; Stowe, Annales, 688, 892, 910, 'the beautiful room at Whitehall'; Devon, 44, 302, 'James Acheson ... hath, by our direction, formed a model for the roof of our Banqueting-house at Whitehall'; V. P. xi. 86, 'At the close of the ceremony [mask of Jan. 1608] he said to me that he intended this function to consecrate the birth of the Great Hall which his predecessors had left him built merely in wood, but which he had converted into stone'. But James had been displeased with the building when he first saw it about 16 Sept. 1607 (S. P. D. xxviii. 51). Goodman, ii. 176, says that the City had to bear the cost in return for the transfer to them of Blackfriars, Whitefriars, and other liberties (cf. ch. xvii, s.v. Blackfriars).

[55] Chamberlain to Carleton (Birch, ii. 124): 'One of the greatest losses spoken of is the burning of all or most of the writings and papers belonging to the offices of the Signet, Privy Seal, and Council Chamber, which were under it'; cf. Reyher, 342; Goodman, ii. 175, 187.

[56] V. P. xii. 533; Stowe, 916; Birch, i. 229; Finett, 11; cf. p. 14.

[57] Stowe, 787, 789, 791; Von Wedel in 2 R. Hist. Soc. Trans. ix. 256; P. P. Laffleur de Kermaingant, Mission de Jean de Thumery, i. 368, both describing the procession at length; Mission de Christophe de Harlay, 252, 'la coustume a tousjours esté, et mesmes du temps de la feue Royne de trés heureuse memoire, que les ambassadeurs residens en Angleterre sont priez d'accompagner les roys, lorsqu'ilz retournent en leur ville de Londres, après leur progrès'; Goodman, i. 164, 'The Queen's constant custom was a little before her coronation-day to come from Richmond to London, and to dine with my lord Admiral at Chelsea, and to set out from Chelsea at dark night, where the Lord Mayor and the Aldermen were to meet her'. Precepts by the Lord Mayor and other records of civic expenditure on the receptions are in Arber, i. 510; v. lxxvii; Kitto, 538; Young, Barber Surgeons, 108; Welch, Pewterers, ii. 33.

[58] Camden, 191, 'Anno iam regni Elizabethae duodecimo feliciter exacto, in quo aureum ut vocarunt diem creduli Pontificii sibi ex ariolorum predictione expectabant, boni omnes per Angliam laetanter triumphabant et xvii Novembris Anniversarium regni inchoati diem, gratiarum actionibus, concionibus per Ecclesias, votis multiplicatis, laetisona campanarum pulsatione, hastiludiis, et festiva quadam laetitia celebrare coeperunt, et in obsequiosi amoris testimonium, dum illa viveret, non destiterunt'; La Mothe, v. 204; Arber, i. 561, 566, 578; Sydney Papers, i. 371, 'the Triumphes of her Coronation'; Ellis, II. iii. 160, citing Pauls Cross Sermon of T. Holland on 17 Nov. 1599, published 1601, with a Defence of the Church of England for keeping Queen's Day, for the origin at Oxford under Vice-Chancellor Cooper, which is perhaps confirmed by the records of the tilt (cf. ch. iv). But the City churches rang their bells on the day before 1570; cf. Westminster, 18 (1568), 'ringing for the prosperous reign of the eleventh year of Queen Elizabeth'; Kitto, 248, 'ringing for the quene the xvij of November 1569', 269 (1572), 'ringing at the quenes maᵗᶦᵉˢ chaunginge of her raign', &c. The Chamber Accounts for 1595-6 use the term 'Raigne day'. Goodman, i. 98, notes the Jacobean revival.

[59] Birch, Eliz. i. 92.

[60] Sp. P. iv. 494; cf. Kitto, 407: 'Pᵈ ye iijᵈ of November to yᵉ Parritoʳ for a warrant to kepe holy yᵉ xixᵗʰ day At wᶜʰ tyme heʳ maᵗᶦᵉ should a gone to Powles'. The ceremony, however, was deferred to 24 Nov. There was also a tilt on 19 Nov. in 1590. Von Wedel (2 R. Hist. Soc. Trans. ix. 236, 256) says in 1584 that this was a regular day for tilting; but he also says it was the royal birthday, which was 7 Sept.

[61] I find no prolonged stay at Whitehall between May 1584 and Jan. 1589. If her presence in London was necessary during this period Elizabeth seems to have preferred St. James or Somerset House. She opened Parliament in Feb. 1586 from Lambeth; there were other visits to Lambeth and the Lord Admiral's house (Hance's) in Westminster.

[62] V. P. vii. 374 (6 Jan. 1566). Machyn, 273, records a visit to the court of a lord of misrule from the city in 1561.

[63] Cf. Mediaeval Stage, i. 238. Nichols, Eliz. i. 108; ii. 65, 249; iii. 1, 445, prints rolls of gifts to and from the Queen for 1562, 1578, 1579, 1589, and 1600 from manuscripts in the British Museum and in private hands. A roll for 1585 is noticed in Arch. i. 11. Those for 1563, 1577, 1598, and 1603 appear to be among the Miscellaneous Rolls of Chancery in the R. O. (Scargill-Bird², 363), but are unprinted. Nichols also prints shorter lists of jewels given to the Queen for a number of years.

[64] Machyn, 195, 232, 257, 280, 305; V. P. vii. 74; Hawarde, 74, 109; Sydney Papers, ii. 44; cf. E. Ashmole, The Institution of the Order of the Garter (1672); N. H. Nicolas, Orders of Knighthood (1841); G. F. Beltz, Memorials of the Order of the Garter (1841). Henri IV was installed by proxy in Apr. 1600, and the attendance of the Admiral's men perhaps implies a play (Hatfield MSS. x. 118, 269; Henslowe, i. 120). There are Garter allusions in Merry Wives of Windsor.

[65] Cf. Appendix A. The Chamber Accounts show an annual payment for a bonfire on Midsummer Day.

[66] Westminster, 19 (1579), &c., and Kitto, 364 (1584), &c., record the ringing of London bells. It can hardly have been a day for tilting (cf. p. 19) as the Court was usually in progress.

[67] V. P. xi. 57, 59, refers to an 'old custom' of keeping All Saints' Day in the city (i.e. Westminster) with the Knights of the Garter and the court; cf. Nichols, James, ii. 155. It can only have been a Jacobean custom, for Elizabeth did not as a rule reach Westminster by 1 Nov.

[68] Cf. Mediaeval Stage, i. 124, 248. V. P. xii. 237, notes ringing on 5 Nov. 1611. Williams, Founders, 86, prints a guild order of 1611 for sermons at Paul's Cross and dinners on 'Coronation' day, 5 Aug. and 5 Nov., as days 'of meeting for the kings majesties sarves'.

[69] Cf. ch. iv.

[70] Camden, Annalium Apparatus, 2 (Aug. 1603), 'Indicitur ut hic dies festus celebretur ob Regem à Gowriorum conjuratione liberatum'; cf. Goodman, i. 3; Boderie, i. 283; V. P. xii. 26, 196, 409. The question as to the bona fides of the plot commemorated is discussed by A. Lang, James VI and the Gowrie Mystery (1902).

[71] Goodman, i. 247.

[72] S. P. D. xii. 13; V. P. x. 81, 90, 95, 195, 218; xi. 276; xii. 41, 381; Lodge, iii. 41, 108, 110, 141; Sully, 455, 458; Boderie, i. 310; Winwood, iii. 182.

[73] V. P. vii. 23, describes the ceremony in 1559, and Von Wedel, 2 R. Hist. Soc. Trans. ix. 260, in 1584.

[74] Cf. ch. iv and App. A. In 1612 the Elector Palatine attended the banquet on Lord Mayor's Day; Henry's illness kept him away.

[75] Conspiracy of Byron, iv. 25. An undated letter from Elizabeth to Henri regrets that in spite of 'nostre sejour en deux lieux si proches l'un de l'autre ... nous sommes tous deux empeschez de passer la mer'; she adds, 'je me resoudray dans peu de jours de m'en retourner à Londres' (Sully, 364; Berger de Xivrey, Lettres missives de Henri IV, v. 464). This was doubtless written early in Sept. 1601 when Elizabeth was at Basing and Henri at Calais. Sully, followed by Strickland, 678, has an elaborate account of the business, including an interview between himself and Elizabeth at Dover, but the itinerary (cf. App. A) makes it impossible that she can have gone to Dover.

[76] V. P. viii. 496; cf. ch. v.

[77] Cf. ch. v for Harington's description of a drunken mask at Theobalds; there is confirmatory evidence in V. P. x. 386; Boderie, i. 241, 283, 297.

[78] Cf. ch. xiii, s.v. King's.

[79] Gilles de Noailles, Abbé de Lisle (1559), Michel de Seurre (1560-2), Paul de Foix (1562-6), Jacques Bochetel, Sieur de la Forest (1566-8), Bertrand de Salignac de la Mothe-Fénelon (1568-75), Michel de Castelnau, Sieur de Mauvissière (1575-85), Guillaume de L'Aubespine, Baron de Chasteauneuf (1585-9), Le Sieur de Beauvoir (de La Nocte) (1589-98?), Le Sieur Thumery de Boissise (1598-1601), Christophe de Harlay, Comte de Beaumont (1601-5), Antoine Le Fèvre, Sieur de la Boderie (1606-11), Samuel Spifame, Sieur des Bisseaux (1611-15), Gaspard Dauvet, Sieur des Marets (1615-18). Complete lists of lieger and extraordinary ambassadors, with notes of the manuscripts containing their dispatches, are given by A. Baschet in Reports of Deputy Keeper of the Records, xxxvii, App. 1, 188; xxxix, App. 573; and C. H. Firth and S. C. Lomax, Notes on the Diplomatic Relations of England and France, 1603-88 (1906); cf. General Bibl. Note, s.v. Beaumont, Boissise, La Boderie, La Mothe.

[80] The Spanish ambassadors during 1558-84 were Don Gomez Suarez de Figueroa, Count of Féria (Jan. 1558-May 1559), Don Alvaro de la Quadra, Bishop of Aquila (May 1559-Aug. 1563), Don Diego Guzman de Silva (Jan. 1564-Sept. 1568), Don Guerau de Spes (Sept. 1568-Dec. 1571), Don Bernardino de Mendoza (March 1578-Jan. 1584); their dispatches are in Colección de Documentos Inéditos para la Historia de España, lxxxvii, lxxxix-xcii, and are calendared, with those of Antonio de Guaras, a merchant who acted as agent 1573-7, in M. A. S. Hume, Calendar of Letters and State Papers relating to English Affairs, preserved principally in the Archives of Simancas (1892-9, cited as Sp. P.). The ambassadors 1603-16 were Don Juan de Taxis, Count of Villa Mediana (Aug. 1603-July 1605), Don Juan Fernandez de Velasco, Duke of Frias and Constable of Castile, and Alessandro Rovida, Senator of Milan (extraordinary as commissioners, with John de Ligne, Prince of Brabançon and Count of Aremberg, Juan Richardot, Councillor of State, and Ludovic Verreyken, Audiencier, representing the Archduke Albert and Archduchess Isabella of Flanders, for the treaty of Aug. 1604), Don Pedro de Zuniga (July 1605-May 1610), Don Fernando de Giron (extraordinary, 1608-9), Don Alonzo de Velasco (May 1610-Aug. 1613), Don Diego Sarmiento de Acuña, afterwards Conde de Gondomar (Aug. 1613). Their dispatches are not in print, but a Relacion de la Jornada del Excᵐᵒ Condestable de Castilla is in the Colección de Documentos Inéditos, lxxi. 467.

[81] The Venetian ambassadors were Giovanni Carlo Scaramelli (Secretary, Feb.-Nov. 1603), Pietro Duodo (extraordinary, 1603), Nicolò Molin (Nov. 1603-Dec. 1605), Giorgio Giustinian (Dec. 1605-Oct. 1608), Marc' Antonio Correr (Oct. 1608-Apr. 1611), Francesco Contarini (extraordinary, 1610), Antonio Foscarini (Apr. 1611-Dec. 1615), Gregorio Barbarigo (Sept. 1615-May 1616). Reports of the state of England by Molin, Contarini, and Correr are in N. Barozzi e Guglielmo Berchet, Le Relazioni degli Stati Europei ... nel secolo decimosettimo, iv (1863). The current dispatches are calendared in Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts relating to English Affairs ... in Venice and ... Northern Italy (cited as V. P.). A report to the Senate by Zuanne Falier and others who visited England privately in 1575 states that they were advised by a Bolognese groom of the privy chamber, favoured by Elizabeth as an excellent musician [? Alfonso Ferrabosco], to suggest the desirability of an embassy (V. P. vii. 524). Retiring Venetian ambassadors were sometimes knighted and given a lion of England to quarter on their shields (V. P. xii. 163; xiv. 85).