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The false assumptions of "democracy"

Chapter 15: FOOTNOTES:
By Anthony M. Ludovici
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About This Book

The author examines how imprecise political language enables revolutionary agitation and redefines key concepts—private property, justice, equality, and freedom—while critiquing common democratic and socialist assumptions. He analyzes socialism and communism, assesses education and social reform as contributors to unrest and to remedies, and explores physiological and social roots of agitation. Arguing that conceptual confusion undermines social cohesion, he proposes an alternative grounded in enduring institutions and clarified principles instead of rhetorical catchphrases, aiming to redirect political debate toward precise definitions and practical solutions.

FOOTNOTES:

[19] The present writer has purposely avoided reducing the violence to an act of depredation in regard to food, air and space; although in a steadily increasing community, which is the only healthy community, surrounded by other steadily increasing communities, this aspect of the question would have to be taken into account. In such a community every baby born may rightly be said to constitute a menace to every other baby’s food, air and space. Nor has any mention been made of the multiplication of people who become a burden to the rest of the community by the sheer inferiority of their physique. But again in their case provision would have to be made by the administrators of a Socialistic State, just as it is made by capitalistic States; and the parents of such physically inferior people would thus, by the act of procreation alone, have pressed a burden upon their fellow citizens which would virtually amount to an act of violence against them. Though the parents of such physically inferior people might scruple to put their hands in their fellow members’ pockets for food or money, by means of their offspring they thus indirectly perpetrate a predatory act against them.

[20] There are reasons for believing that Socialists promise to make it cease altogether among human beings.

[21] The wisdom of ancient societies in never checking or limiting this right is now becoming more than ever apparent in the light that psycho-analysis has thrown upon the disastrous effects of interfering too drastically with this function in human beings.

[22] Sufferers and suffering are to be understood here as of a kind which the inequalities of life and nature alone bring about—not the sufferers and suffering resulting from ordinary human passions and the accidents of their manifestation: love, hate, indifference, childlessness, spinsterhood, etc.; for it is presumed that no reformer has ever been so foolish as to pretend that he could eliminate these.

[23] This I have demonstrated with sufficient detail elsewhere. See my Defence of Aristocracy, Chapter IV.