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The Formation of Christendom, Volume II

Chapter 11: Footnotes
By T. W. Allies
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About This Book

The work traces how Christianity transformed individual spiritual life into a distinctive social order, situating that development within the political unity of the Roman Empire and the multiplicity of contemporary polytheistic cults. It examines the contrast between Christian monotheism and pagan religions, analyzes successive ages of martyrdom and the historical affirmation of Christ's role as the second man, and considers the complex encounter between Christian doctrine and Greek philosophy. The author combines theological reflection, historical narrative, and institutional analysis to explain how beliefs, practices, and communal structures shaped the emergence of a Church presented as a kingdom of truth and grace.

Footnotes

1.
Tertull. Apolog. xxiv, “Ideo et Ægyptiis permissa est tam vanæ superstitionis potestas, avibus et bestiis consecrandis, et capite damnandis qui aliquem hujusmodi Deum occiderint. Unicuique etiam provinciæ et civitati suus Deus est, ut Syriæ Astartes, ut Arabiæ Disares, ut Noricis Belenus, ut Africæ Cælestis, ut Mauritaniæ Reguli sui,” &c.; and Minucius Felix, Octavius vi., in like manner.
2.
See Aug. de Civ. Dei, l. viii. 24.
3.
Döllinger, Heidenthum und Judenthum, pp. 528, 529.
4.
From Heidenthum und Judenthum, pp. 101-2.
5.
Heidenthum und Judenthum, p. 480.
6.
Heidenthum und Judenthum, p. 107.
7.
Heidenthum und Judenthum, p. 469.
8.
Ibid. pp. 468, 480.
9.
Heidenthum und Judenthum, p. 344.
10.
Ibid. p. 312.
11.
“Epulæ, lectisternia, nudipedalia.”
12.
These incidents are taken from various places in Heidenthum und Judenthum, pp. 531, 549, 550, &c.
13.
Champagny, Les Antonins, liv. v. c. 3.
14.
De Divinat. ii. 72.
15.
Valerius Max. i. c. 2, 3.
16.
Merivale's History of the Romans, ii. 447.
17.
See Varro, quoted by S. Aug. De Civ. Dei, lib. vi. 5.
18.
De Civ. Dei, l. vi. 5, 6, 7.
19.
“Illam theatricam et fabulosam theologiam ab ista civili pendere noverunt, et ei de carminibus poetarum tanquam de speculo resultare: et ideo ista exposita, quam damnare non audent, illam ejus imaginem liberius arguunt.” De Civ. Dei, vi. 9; id. vi. 7.
20.
“Quæ sunt ergo illa sacra quibus agendis tales elegit sanctitas quales nec thymelica in se admittit obscœnitas.” De Civ. Dei, vi. 7.
21.
“Omnes cultores talium deorum—magis intuentur quid Jupiter fecerit, quam quid docuerit Plato vel censuerit Cato.” De Civ. Dei, ii. 7.
22.
De Civ. Dei, ii. 6. “Demonstrentur vel commemorentur loca—ubi populi audirent quid dii præciperent de cohibenda avaritia, ambitione frangenda, luxuria refrænanda.” See also sec. 28.
23.
See Heidenthum und Judenthum, p. 398. Herodotus, i. 199. Baruch, vi. 42-3.
24.
See S. Athan, con. Gentes, 5-9. In like manner S. Theophilus, lib. i. ad Autolyc. c. 2.
25.
In order to form a notion how far this division of gods could descend, and what an incredible depth of turpitude it reached, see De Civ. Dei, l. vi. c. 9, de officiis singulorum deorum. Its foulness prevents any adequate representation of it.
26.
See S. Thomas, Summa, 2, 2, q. 94, a. 4.
27.
Of this whole polytheism in the mass S. Paul pronounces the judgment: Οἵτινες μετήλλαξαν τὴν ἀλήθειαν τοῦ Θεοῦ ἐν τῷ ψεύδει, καὶ ἐσεβάσθησαν καὶ ἐλάτρευσαν τῇ κτίσει παρὰ τὸν κτίσαντα. Rom. i. 25. And the Psalmist adds: Ὅτι πάντες οἱ θεοὶ τῶν ἐθνῶν δαιμόνια; ὁ δὲ Κύριος τοὺς οὐρανοὺς ἐποίησεν. Sept. xcv. 5. See also Ps. cv. 37.
28.
See John xii. 31; xiv. 30; xvi. 11; Luke xxii. 53; x. 19; Apoc. xii. 9; Heb. ii. 14; 1 John v. 18; Ephes. vi. 12; ii. 2; 2 Cor. iv. 3.
29.
These two subjects occupy respectively the first five and the second five books of S. Augustine's City of God, where the argument is carried out in great detail.
30.
Rom. i. 20. See the Stoical argument for the unity of the deity in Cic. de Nat. Deor. 2.
31.
Tertullian de Testimonio Animæ, 2.
32.
Οὔτω τοίνυν ἀλογωθέντων τῶν ἀνθρώπων, καὶ οὕτω τῆς δαιμονικῆς πλάνης ἐπισκιαζούσης τὰ πανταχοῦ, καὶ κρυπτούσης τὴν περὶ τοῦ ἀληθινοῦ Θεοῦ γνῶσιν. S. Athan. de Incar. 13.
33.
See S. August. de Civ. Dei, viii. 24. “Immundi spiritus, eisdem simulacris arte illa nefaria colligati, cultorum suorum animas in suam societatem redigendo miserabiliter captivaverant.”
34.
Called by S. Athan. ἡ τῶν δαιμόνων ἀπάτη—μανία—φαντασίαι. Thus De Inc. 47. πάλαι μὲν δαίμονες ἐφαντασιασκόπουν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους. προκαταλαμβάνοντες πηγὰς ἢ ποταμοὺς, ἢ ξύλα, ἢ λίθους, καὶ οὕτω ταῖς μαγγανείαις ἐξέπληττον τοὺς ἄφρονας. Νῦν δὲ τῆς θείας ἐπιφανείας τοῦ Λόγου γεγενημένης. πέπαυται τούτων ἡ φαντασία.
35.

“Humana ante oculos fœde quam vita jaceret
In terris, oppressa gravi sub religione,” &c. Lucret. i. 63.

“Felix qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas,
Atque metus omnes et inexorabile fatum
Subjecit pedibus, strepitumque Acherontis avari.”

Virg. Geo. ii. 491.

36.
Acts xvi. 16.
37.
1 Cor. x. 21.
38.
Tertullian, Apologeticus, 23; S. Athanas. de Inc. 48; S. Aug. de Civ. Dei, xxi. 6, who says, “Ut autem demones illiciantur ab hominibus, prius eos ipsi astutissima calliditate seducunt, vel inspirando eorum cordibus virus occultum, vel étiam fallacibus amicitiis apparendo, eorumque paucos discipulos suos faciunt, plurimorumque doctores. Neque enim potuit, nisi primum ipsis docentibus, disci quid quisque illorum appetat, quid exhorreat, quo invitetur nomine, quo cogatur, unde magicæ artes carumque artifices exstiterunt.”
39.
Merivale, iii. 496.
40.
Beugnot, Destruction du Paganisme, i. 8.
41.
ῥώμη, strength; ruma, a mother's breast.
42.
Beugnot, i. 17.
43.
Οἱ ἐγχώριοι θεοί.
44.
S. Aug. de Trin. l. xv. c. 14, tom. viii. 984.
45.
S. Cyril. Alex. tom. v. 1, pp. 544, 557 a.
46.
S. Cyril. Alex. in Joh. x. p. 858 b.
47.
Petav. de Trin. lib. viii. c. 7.
48.
An exception must be made in favour of Persia, where the original monotheism was preserved with more or less corruption.
49.
“Das Heidenthum ist nichts anderes als der gefallene und nicht wiedergeborne Mensch im Grossen.” Möhler, Kirchengeschichte, i. 169.
50.
Suarez, de Gratia, Proleg. 4, cap. i. sec. 3.
51.
Suarez, de Gratia, Proleg. cap. ii. sec. 3.
52.
Kleutgen, die Theologie der Vorzeit, ii. p. 559.
53.
Suarez, de Grat. Proleg. 4, cap. v. sec. 3.
54.
Kleutgen, die Theologie der Vorzeit, vol. ii. 650.
55.
This is called by S. Peter 1. i. 18 ἡ ματαία ἀναστροφὴ πατροπαράδοτος.
56.
The apostle speaks here not of “wickedness,” but of a personal agent, “the wicked or malignant one;” as the context shows. “He who is born of God keeps himself, and the malignant one touches him not. We know that we are of God, and the whole world lies in the malignant one.” 1 John v. 18, 19.
57.
Gal. iv. 4. τὸ πλήρωμα τοῦ χρόνου.
58.
τύπος τοῦ μέλλοντος. Rom. v. 14. “Forma futuri e contrario Christus ostenditur.” S. Aug. tom. x. 1335.
59.
“Adam unus est, in quo omnes peccaverunt, quia non solum ejus imitatio peccatores facit, sed per carnem generans pœna: Christus unus est, in quo omnes justificentur, quia non solum ejus imitatio justos facit, sed per spiritum regenerans gratia.” S. Aug. tom. x. p. 12 c.
60.
John xvii. 4.
61.
S. Thomas, Summa contra Gentiles, l. i. c. 1.
62.
John xviii. 37. “Thou sayest that I am a king. To this end was I born, and for this cause came I into the world, to bear witness unto the truth.”
63.
Acts i. 8; Luke xxiv. 49.
64.
See S. Aug. tom. iv. 1039 e. “Ipse ergo Adam,” &c.
65.
Οἴδαμεν ὅτι ἐκ τοῦ Θεοῦ ἐσμὲν, καὶ ὁ κόσμος ὅλος ἐν τῷ πονηρῷ κεῖται; οἴδαμεν δὲ ὅτι ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ Θεοῦ ἥκει, καὶ δέδωκεν ἡμῖν διάνοιαν ἵνα γινώσκωμεν τὸν ἀληθινόν; καὶ ἐσμὲν ἐν τῷ ἀληθινῷ, ἐν τῷ υἱῷ αὐτοῦ Ἰησοῦ Χριστῷ. 1 Joh. v. 19. Two persons are here opposed to each other, ὁ πονηρός and ὁ ἀληθινός. Compare the Lord's Prayer, ῥῦσαι ἡμᾶς ἀπὸ τοῦ πονηροῦ. Matt. vi. 13 and Joh. xvii. 14, 15. ἐγὼ δέδωκα αὐτοῖς τὸν λόγον σου, καὶ ὁ κόσμος ἐμίσησεν αὐτοὺς, ὅτι οὐκ εἰσὶν ἐκ τοῦ κόσμου, καθὼς ἐγὼ οὐκ εἰμὶ ἐκ τοῦ κόσμου. οὐκ ἐρωτῶ ἵνα ἀρῇς αὐτοὺς ἐκ τοῦ κόσμου, ἀλλ᾽ ἵνα τηρησῇς αὐτοὺς ἐκ τοῦ πονηροῦ.
66.
Heb. iii. 1-6; Ephes. ii. 19-22; 1 Cor. iii. 9, 10-15; 2 Cor. vi. 16; 1 Peter ii. 4, 5.
67.
Τοῦτο γὰρ ἐστὶ τὸ συνέχον τὴν πίστιν καὶ τὸ κήρυγμα. S. Chrys. in loc. Compare S. Irenæus, lib. i. c. 10. Τοῦτο τὸ κήρυγμα παρειληφυῖα, καὶ ταύτην τὴν πίστιν, ὡς προέφαμεν, ἡ Ἐκκλησία, καίπερ ἐν ὅλῳ τῷ κόσμῳ διεσπαρμένη, ἐπιμελῶς φυλάσσει, ὡς ἕνα οἶκον οἰκοῦσα.
68.
S. Aug. in Ps. ix. tom. iv. 51.
69.
Ibid. in Ps. cxxxi. tom. iv. 1473.
70.
Petavius on the Headship of Christ.
71.
Passaglia de Ecclesia.
72.
S. Cyprian de Unitate, 5.
73.
All these five relations between Christ and the Church are mentioned in one passage of S. Paul, Ephes. v. 22-33.
74.
Luke i. 35. Πνεῦμα ἅγιον ἐπελεύσεται ἐπί σε, καὶ δύναμις ὑψίστου ἐπισκιάσει σοι. Acts i. 8. λήψεσθε δύναμιν, ἐπελθόντος τοῦ ἁγίου Πνεύματος ἐφ᾽ ὑμᾶς. Luke xxiv. 49. ἕως οὗ ἐνδύσησθε δύναμιν ἐξ ὕψους.
75.
The Church is so called by S. Augustine.
76.
These five are taken from Passaglia de Ecclesia, lib. i. cap. 3, p. 34, 5.
77.
Compare S. Athanasius cont. Arian. de Incarn. p. 877 c.—καὶ ὅταν λέγῃ ὁ Πέτρος, ἀσφαλῶς οὖν γινωσκέτω πᾶς οἶκος Ἰσραὴλ ὅτι καὶ Κύριον καὶ Χριστὸν αὐτον ἐποίησεν ὁ Θεὸς τοῦτον τὸν Ἰησοῦν ὂν ὑμεῖς ἐσταυρώσατε, οὐ περὶ τῆς Θεότητος αὐτοῦ λέγει, ὅτι καὶ Κύριον αὐτὸν καὶ Χριστὸν ἐποίησεν, ἀλλὰ περὶ τῆς ἀνθρωπότητος αὐτοῦ, ἥτις ἐστι πᾶσα ἡ ἐκκλησία, ἡ ἐν αὐτῷ κυριεύουσα καὶ βασιλεύουσα, μετὰ τὸ αὐτὸν σταυρωθῆναι; καὶ χριομένη εἰς βασίλειαν οὐρανῶν, ἵνα συμβασιλεύσῃ αὐτῷ, τῷ δι᾽ αὐτὴν ἑαυτὸν κενώσαντι, καὶ ἀναλαβόντι αὐτὴν διὰ τῆς δουλικῆς μορφῆς.
78.
S. Aug. serm. 267, tom. v. p. 1090 e.
79.
Luke xxiv. 49 and John xvi. 13. ἐκεῖνος, τὸ πνεῦμα τῆς ἀληθείας, ὁδηγήσει ὑμᾶς εἰς πᾶσαν τὴν ἀλήθειαν; and 14, 15. ἐγὼ ἐρωτήσω τὸν Πατέρα, καὶ ἄλλον παράκλητον δώσει ὑμῖν, ἵνα μένῃ μεθ᾽ ὑμῶν εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα, τὸ πνεῦμα τῆς ἀληθείας.
80.
Plato.
81.
πανταχοῦ συνάπτει καὶ συγκολλᾷ τὴν πίστιν καὶ τὴν ἀγάπην, θαυμαστήν τινα ξυνωρίδα. S. Chrys. 3d Hom. on Ephes. tom. xi. p. 16.
82.
S. Aug. serm. 272, tom. v. p. 1104 c.
83.
“Quid tibi fecit Ecclesia, ut eam velis quodammodo decollare? Tollere vis Ecclesiæ caput et capiti credere, corpus relinquere, quasi exanime corpus. Sine caussa capiti quasi famulus devotus blandiris. Qui decollare vult, et caput et corpus conatur occidere.” S. Aug. tom. v. p. 636.
84.
S. Aug. in Ps. ci. tom. iv. p. 1105 d.
85.
S. Augustine, tom. iv. p. 1677. “Elegit hic sibi thalamum castum, ubi conjungeretur Sponsus Sponsæ. Verbum caro factum est, ut fieret caput Ecclesiæ.”
86.
By the “Gloria in excelsis,” &c. in the Mass.
87.
Οὐδὲν γὰρ αὐτῶν καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸ σῶμα δύναται ποιεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ ὁμοίως ἕκαστον λείπεται εἰς τὸ ποιεῖν σῶμα, καὶ δεῖ τῆς συνόδου; ὅταν γὰρ τὰ πολλὰ ἓν γίνηται, τότε ἐστὶν ἓν σῶμα.... τὸ γὰρ εἶναι ἢ μὴ εἶναι σῶμα ἐκ τοῦ ἡνῶσθαι ἢ μὴ ἡνῶσθαι γίνεται.... τῶν γὰρ μελῶν ἡμῶν ἕκαστον καὶ ἴδιαν ἐνέργειαν ἔχει καὶ κοινήν; καὶ κάλλος ὁμοίως καὶ ἴδιον καὶ κοινόν ἐστιν ἐν ἡμῖν, καὶ δοκεῖ μὲν διηρῆσθαι ταῦτα, συμπέπλεκται δὲ ἀκιβῶς, καὶ θατέρου διαφθαρέντος καὶ τὸ ἕτερον συναπόλλυται. S. Chrys. on 1 Cor. xii. tom. x. pp. 269, 271, 273.
88.
S. Aug. Op. imp. contr. Julian. lib. ii. tom. x. p. 1018 d.
89.
“Grana illa quæ modo gemunt inter paleas, quæ massam unam factura sunt, quando area in fine fuerit ventilata.” S. Aug. in Ps. cxxvi. tom. iv. p. 1429.
90.
See Origen on Matt. xiv. 17. καὶ ὁ κτίσας γε ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς τὸν κατ᾽ εἰκόνα ὃς ἐν μορφῇ Θεοῦ ὑπάρχων ἄῤῥεν αὐτὸν ἐποίησε, καὶ θῆλυ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν, ἓν τὸ κατ᾽ εἰκόνα ἀμφοτέροις χαρισάμενος; καὶ καταλέλοιπέ γε διὰ τὴν ἐκκλήσιαν κύριος ὁ ἀνὴρ πατέρα ὃν ἑώρα, ὅτε ἐν μορφῇ Θεοῦ ὑπῆρχε, καταλέλοιπε δὲ καὶ τὴν μητέρα καὶ αὐτὸς υἱὸς ὢν τῆς ἂνω Ἱερουσαλὴμ, καὶ ἐκολλήθη τῇ ἐνταῦθα καταπεσούσῃ γυναικὶ αὐτοῦ, καὶ γεγόνασιν ἐνθάδε οἱ δύο εἰς σάρκα μίαν. διὰ γὰρ αὐτὴν γέγονε καὶ αὐτὸς σὰρξ, ὅτε ὁ λόγος σὰρξ ἐγένετο καὶ ἐσκήνωσεν ἐν ἡμῖν, καὶ οὐκέτι γέ εἰσι δύο, ἀλλὰ νῦν μία γέ ἐστι σὰρξ, ἔπει τῇ γυναικὶ λέγεται τὸ, ὑμεῖς δέ ἐστε σῶμα Χριστοῦ καὶ μέλη ἐκ μέρους, οὐ γάρ ἐστί τι ἰδιᾳ Χριστοῦ σῶμα ἕτερον παρὰ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν οὖσαν σῶμα αὐτοῦ, καὶ μέλη ἐκ μέρους. καὶ ὁ Θεός γε τούτους τοὺς μη δύο ἀλλὰ γεγομένους σάρκα μίαν συνέζευζεν, ἐντελλόμενος ἵνα ἄνθρωπος μὴ χωρίζη τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ἀπὸ τοῦ κυρίου.
91.
As S. Irenæus, v. 20. “Omnibus unum et eundem Deum Patrem præcipientibus, et eamdem dispositionem incarnationis Filii Dei credentibus, et eamdem donationem Spiritus scientibus;” and S. Aug. tom. v. app. p. 307 f. “Ecce iterum humanis divina miscentur, id est, Vicarius Redemtoris: ut beneficia quæ Salvator Dominus inchoavit peculiari Spiritus Sancti virtute consummet, et quod ille redemit, iste sanctificet, quod ille acquisivit, iste custodiat.” This striking sermon is quoted by Petavius as genuine, but placed by the Benedictines in the appendix.
92.
There is in the original words here something which is lost both in the Vulgate and in the English translation. First, c. xiv. 6. ἐγώ εἰμι ἡ ὁδὸς, καὶ ἡ ἀλήθεια, καὶ ἡ ζωή; then c. xvi. 13. ὅταν δὲ ἔλθη ἐκεῖνος τὸ Πνεῦμα τῆς ἀληθείας, ὁδηγίσει ὑμᾶς εἰς πᾶσαν τὴν ἀλήθειαν. As Christ is the ὁδὸς, so His Spirit is the ὁδηγῶν. “Ego sum via et veritas; ille vos docebit omnem veritatem,” does not render this: and as little, “I am the way, the truth, and the life; He shall lead you into all truth.”
93.
S. Aug., quoted above in note.
94.
This word is used as the equivalent of λόγος, ratio, Vernunft, in man.
95.
See Petavius de Trin. vii. 7, where he states it to be the general belief of the ancient writers that a new and substantial presence of the Holy Ghost began at the day of Pentecost.
96.
S. Aug. tom. v. 398 g.
97.
S. Aug. tom. iii. pp. 2, 527.
98.
Ib. tom. v. 47.
99.
Ib. tom. v. 392 e.
100.
S. Thomas in Joh. i. lec. 10: “Nam unitas Spiritus Sancti facit in Ecclesia unitatem.”
101.
ὁδηγεῖν.
102.
Epist. 185. tom. ii. p. 663. “Proinde Ecclesia Catholica sola corpus est Christi, cujus ille caput est, Salvator corporis sui. Extra hoc corpus neminem vivificat Spiritus Sanctus, quia sicut ipse dicit Apostolus; Caritas Dei diffusa est in cordibus nostris per Spiritum Sanctum, qui datus est nobis. Non est autem particeps divinæ caritatis, qui hostis est unitatis. Non habent itaque Spiritum Sanctum qui sunt extra Ecclesiam.”
103.
Matt. xxiv. 14.
104.
See Möhler, Die Einheit in der Kirche, p. 176. “Der Körper des Menschen ist eine Offenbarung des Geistes, der in ihm sein Dasein bekundet, und sich entwickelt. Der Staat ist eine nothwendige Erscheinung, eine Bildung und Gestaltung des von Gott gegebenen κοινωνικόν.”
105.
Möhler, Einheit, &c. p. 8. “Wie das Leben des sinnlichen Menschen nur einmal unmittelbar aus der Hand des Schöpfers kam, und wo nun sinnliches Leben werden soll, es durch die Mittheilung der Lebenskraft eines schon Lebenden bedingt ist, so sollte das neue göttliche Leben ein Auströmen aus den schon Belebten, die Erzeugung desselben sollte ein Ueberzeugung sein.”
106.
For instance, two passages on the Incarnation in S. Cyril of Alexandria, tom. iv. pp. 819-824 and 918-920, set forth the whole sequence of the Fall and the Restoration, and how wonderfully the gift of the Spirit replaces what was lost in Adam.
107.
See S. Cyril. Alex. in Joan. p. 997 e. ἐν δὲ τούτοις ἤδη πως καὶ φυσικὴν τὴν ἑνότητα δεικνῦναι σπουδάζομεν, καθ᾽ ἢν ἡμεῖς τε ἀλλήλοισ καὶ οἱ πάντες Θεῷ συνδούμεθα; κ.τ.λ.; and p. 998. τίς γὰρ ἂν καὶ διέλοι καὶ τῆς εἰς ἀλλήλους φυσικῆς ἑνώσεως ἐξοικέοι τοὺς δι᾽ ἑνὸς τοῦ ἁγίου σώματος πρὸς ἑνότητα τὴν εἰς Χριστὸν ἀναδεσμουμένουσ?
108.
S. Iren. iv. c. 33, 7. ἀνακρινεῖ τοὺς τὰ σχίσματα ἐργαζομένους, κένους ὄντας τῆς τοῦ Θεοῦ ἀγάπης, καὶ τὸ ἴδιον λυσιτελὲς σκοποῦντας, ἀλλὰ μὴ τὴν ἕνωσιν τῆς ἐκκλησίας; καὶ διὰ μικρὰς καὶ τὰς ὑψούσας αἰτίας τὸ μέγα καὶ ἔνδοξον σῶμα τοῦ Χριστοῦ τέμνοντας καὶ διαιροῦντας, καὶ ὅσον τὸ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἀναιροῦντας, τοὺς εἰρήνην λαλοῦντας καὶ πόλεμον ἐργαζομένους, ἀληθῶς διυλίζοντας τὸν κώνωπα, καὶ τὸν κάμηλον καταπίνοντας.
109.
Acts ii. 3. ὤφθησαν αὐτοῖς διαμεριζόμεναι γλῶσσαι ὡσεὶ πυρὸς, ἐκάθισέ τε ἐφ᾽ ἕνα ἕκαστον αὐτῶν, καὶ ἐπλήσθησαν ἅπαντες Πνεύματος ἁγίου.
110.
“Non jam visitator subitus, sed perpetuus consolator et habitator æternus.” S. Aug. tom. v. d. app. p. 307.
111.
Con. Crescou. lib. ii. c. 14, tom. ix. p. 418. “Hic Spiritus sanctus veniens in eos tale signum primitus dedit, ut qui eum acciperent linguis omnium gentium loquerentur, quia portendebat Ecclesiam per omnes gentes futuram, nec quemquam accepturum Spiritum sanctum nisi qui ejus unitati copularetur. Hujus fontis largo atque invisibili flumine lætificat Deus civitatem suam, quia Propheta dixit: Fluminis impetus lætificat civitatem Dei. Ad hunc enim fontem nullus extraneus, quia nullus nisi vita æterna dignus accedit. Hic est proprius Ecclesiæ Christi.”
112.

Ἡ ἀλήθεια: there seems to be no one word in the New Testament of more pregnant signification than this, which in a great number of instances bears the sense of the whole body of the divine revelation. The root of this meaning would seem to lie in Christ Himself, who as the Divine Word is the αὐτοαλήθεια, the εἰκὼν of the Father; on which title S. Athanasius and S. Cyril of Alexandria specially dwell, while S. Hilary expresses the Blessed Trinity by “Æternitas in Patre, Species in Imagine, Usus in Munere,” on which see S. Augustine's magnificent comment, de Trin. l. vi. 10, p. 850; and as our Lord is from eternity the Truth, so in and by His Incarnation He becomes in a special sense the Truth to man: ἐγώ εἰμι ἡ ὁδὸς, καὶ ἡ ἀλήθεια, καὶ ἡ ζωή: and so the Spirit who proceeds from the Father and the Son, “ille ineffabilis quidam complexus Patris et Imaginis” (S. Aug.), is τὸ Πνεῦμα τῆς ἀληθείας, who ὁδηγήσει ὑμᾶς εἰς πᾶσαν τὴν ἀλήθειαν: and again, 1 John v. 6, τὸ Πνεῦμά ἐστι τὸ μαρτυροῦν, ὅτι τὸ Πνεῦμά ἐστιν ἡ ἀλήθεια. This is the first meaning. Secondly, as derived from it, the Truth is the whole body of the divine revelation. In this sense it is used in a great many places of S. John's Gospel and the Apostolic Epistles, e.g. John i. 14, 17; viii. 31; xvi. 13; xvii. 17; xviii. 37; 1 John ii. 21; iii. 19; 2 John i. 1-3; 3 John 3, 4, 8, 12; 1 Tim. iii. 15, where, because this whole body of truth dwells in the Church of Christ and there alone, it is emphatically called the “House of God, which is the Church of the living God, the pillar and ground of the Truth;” 1 Tim. ii. 3; Rom. xv. 8; 2 Cor, iv. 2; xiii. 8; Gal. iii. 1; v. 7; Ephes. i. 13; iv. 21-24 (in which passage the Apostle contrasts heathen man with Christian, the one, τὸν φθειρόμενον κατὰ τὰς ἐπιθυμίας τῆς ἁπάτης; the other, τὸν κατὰ Θεὸν κτισθέντα ἐν δικαιοσύνῃ καὶ ὁσιότητι τῆς ἀληθείας, and again, the mass of the Gentiles, as τὰ ἔθνη περιπατεῖ ἐν ματαιότητι τοῦ νοὸς αὐτῶν, ἐσκοτισμένοι τῇ διανοίᾳ, while Christians ἐν αὐτῷ ἐδιδάχθητε, καθώς ἐστιν ἀλήθεια ἐν τῷ Ἰησοῦ); 2 Thess. ii. 8-13; 1 Tim. iv. 3; vi. 5; 2 Tim. ii. 15, 25; iii. 7, 8; iv. 4; Titus i. 1 and 14; Heb. x. 26; Jac. v. 19; 1 Pet. i. 22; 2 Pet. ii. 2. In this second sense, as signifying the whole body of the divine revelation, the expression has been searched for, but without success, in the Gospels of S. Matthew, S. Mark, and S. Luke, and in the Acts.

Thirdly, as the effect of this revelation to man, the Truth signifies uprightness, as equivalent to justice or sanctity, in the individual.

Fourthly, it means sincerity, absence of hypocrisy: and Fifthly, correspondence to fact.

In the Apocalypse our Lord is designated “the holy, the true,” “the Amen, the Witness faithful and true,” the rider of the white horse, “called faithful and true,” “whose name is the Word of God.” iii. 7, 14; xix. 11.

113.
“La creatura, la più amabile, la più amata, e la più amante di Dio.” S. Alfonso, Gran Mezzo della Preghiera, p. 280.
114.
Acts ii. 38.
115.
“Non te fefellit sponsus tuus: non te fefellit qui suo sanguine te dotavit.” S. Aug. tom. v. 1090 b.
116.
“Quod tunc faciebat unus homo accepto Spiritu sancto, ut unus homo linguis omnium loqueretur, hoc modo ipsa unitas facit, linguis omnibus loquitur. Et modo unus homo in omnibus gentibus linguis omnibus loquitur, unus homo, caput et corpus, unus homo, Christus et Ecclesia, vir perfectus, ille sponsus, illa sponsa. Sed erunt, inquit, duo in carne una; judicia Dei vera, justificata in idipsum: propter unitatem.” S. Aug. in Ps. xviii. 2, tom. iv. 85 f.
117.
Ephes. iv. 11-16. ἀληθεύοντες ἐν ἀγάπῃ. Joh. xvii. 19. ἡγιασμένοι ἐν ἀληθείᾳ.
118.
1 Cor. xii. 12. οὕτω καὶ ὁ Χριστός.
119.
So says the great maintainer of episcopal power, S. Cyprian, in his famous aphorism: “Episcopatus unus est, cujus a singulis in solidum pars tenetur.”
120.
Matt. xxiv. 14.
121.
Rom. x. 15.
122.
ἡ παράδοσις. It will be shown hereafter that the four great writers, Irenæus, Tertullian, Clement of Alexandria, and Origen, unanimously refer to Tradition in this sense.
123.
See S. Irenæus, ii. 1. expressly stating this of S. Mark's and S. Luke's Gospel, and of the Apostles generally: “quod (Evangelium) quidem tunc præconaverunt, postea vero per Dei voluntatem in Scripturis nobis tradiderunt;” which is repeated by Euseb. Hist. ii. 15, who declares that the Roman Christians, not content τῇ ἀγράφῳ τοῦ θείου κηρύγματος διδασκαλία, besought Mark with many prayers ὡς ἂν καὶ διὰ γραφῆς ὑπόμνημα τῆς διὰ λόγου παραδοθείσης αὐτοῖς καταλείψοι διδασκαλίας, which S. Peter afterwards approved.
124.
Luke i. 2-4.
125.
John xx. 30.
126.
As one instance out of many take the words of S. Paul, 2 Cor. i. 22: “He that confirms us with you is Christ, and that has anointed us is God; who has also sealed us, and given the pledge of the Spirit in our hearts.” How differently would this passage appear to one who had received the confirming chrism, with the words conveying it, “Signo te signo crucis, et confirmo te chrismate salutis;” and to one who had lost the possession of this Sacrament. Those who have deserted the ecclesiastical tradition and practice read the Scriptures with a negative mind, and so fail to draw out the truth which is in them.
127.
Eine Gnadenanstalt: our language does not supply the expression.
128.
Heb. iv. 2; Acts xvi. 14.
129.
By Möhler.
130.
See Macaulay's Essays.
131.
S. Aug. de Trin. iv. 11, 12, tom. viii. 817.
132.
Tertullian, Apol. 50. “O gloriam licitam, quia humanam, cui nec præsumptio perdita nec persuasio desperata deputatur in contemptu mortis et atrocitatis omnimodæ, cui tantum pro patria, pro imperio, pro amicitia pati permissum est, quantum pro Deo non licet.” See again the instances he collects ad Martyres, 4; and Eusebius, Hist. 5, proœm., draws the same contrast.
133.
Celsus only alleges the suffering of Socrates as a parallel to that of the martyrs. Origen c. Cels. i. 3.
134.
With an appeal to this fact Athenagoras begins his apology to the Emperors Marcus Aurelius and Commodus, about a.d. 177. ἑνὶ λόγῳ κατὰ ἔθνη καὶ δήμους θυσίας κατάγουσιν ἂς ἂν ἐθέλωσιν ἄνθρωποι καὶ μυστήρια. οἱ δὲ Αἰγύπτιοι καὶ αἰλούρους καὶ κροκοδείλους καὶ ὄφεις καὶ ἀσπίδας καὶ κύνας θεούς νομίζουσι. καὶ τούτοις πᾶσιν ἐπετρέπετε καὶ ὑμεῖς καὶ οἱ νόμοι ... ἡμῖν δὲ (καὶ μὴ παρακρουσθῆτε, ὡς οἱ πολλοὶ, ἐξ ἀκοῆς) τῷ ὀνόματι ἀπεχθάνεσθε. Ch. i. See also Kellner's Hellenismus und Christenthum, p. 79; and Champagny, Les Antonins, ii. 189.
135.
1 Tim. vi. 13; ii. 6.
136.
“Æmulos nos ergo Sibi esse voluit, ac primus virtute cœlesti injustorum justus obtemperavit arbitrio; dans scilicet secuturis viam, ut pius Dominus exemplum famulis Se præbendo, ne onerosus præceptor a quodam putaretur. Pertulit ante illa quæ aliis perferenda mandavit.” Epist. Ecc. Smyr. i. Ruinart, p. 31.
137.
Apoc. ii. 2, 10, 14.
138.
This is what Tertullian calls “sub umbraculo insignissimæ religionis, certe licitæ,” Apolog. 21; and ad Nationes, i. 11, “Nos quoque ut Judaicæ religionis propinquos.”
139.
See Justin Martyr, Dial. c. Tryph. 17, who speaks of the Jews as sending everywhere deputies in order to defame Christians.
140.
Acts xxviii. 22.
141.
Tacitus, Ann. xv. 44.
142.
Ὁ Παῦλος, μαρτυρήσας ἐπὶ τῶν ἡγουμένων, οὕτως ἀπηλλάγη τοῦ κόσμου. S. Clem. Rom. ad Cor. 5.
143.
Tertull. Apol. 10. “Sacrilegii et majestatis rei convenimur: summa hæc causa, immo tota est.” Lassaulx says, “die beiden Hauptanklagen, die Religion-verachtung, die Majestäts-beleidigung.” Fall des Hellenismus, p. 11.
144.
Matt. x. 22; xxiv. 9.
145.
S. Clemens Rom., writing just after Domitian's time, associates as sufferers with S. Peter and S. Paul in his own time πολὺ πλῆθος ἐκλεκτῶν, οἵτινες πολλὰς αἰκίας καὶ βασάνους διὰ ζῆλον παθόντες ὑποδεῖγμα κάλλιστον ἐγένοντο ἐν ἡμῖν. Ad Cor. 6.
146.
Euseb. Hist. iv. 25; Tertull. Apol. 5.
147.
In Tertullian's words, “debellator Christianorum,” Apol. 5.
148.
Thus a late Protestant writer, Schmidt (Geschichte der Denk- und Glaubensfreiheit, p. 165), remarks of the condition of Christians, “Vollkommen gewiss ist, dass unter Domitian eine neue Drangperiode für die Christen begann, die sich in Verfolgungen, in Hinrichtungen, und Verbannungen äusserte. (Dio. 67, 14, und die Ausleger.) Damals soll auch der Apostel Johannes nach Pathmos verwiesen worden sein. Erst Nerva lüftete wiederum diesen Druck, indem er den Verhafteten die Freiheit gab, und die Verbannten zurückberief. (Dio. 68, 1.) Es war dies aber doch nur als eine Amnestie, als ein Gnadenact anzusehen, nicht als eine Anerkennung der Unsträflichkeit, wie das schwankende Verhalten des nicht minder hochherzigen und freisinnigen Trajan zur Genüge darthut.”
149.
Döllinger, Heidenthum und Judenthum, Vorwort, iv.
150.
Justin, Dialog. with Tryphon, 117. Tertullian, 50 years later, adv. Judæos, 7, goes beyond this.
151.
Kellner, Hellenismus und Christenthum, p. 85.
152.
Origen cont. Cels. i. 27.
153.
Lib. iii.3. Ἔτι ἔναυλον τὸ κήρυγμα τῶν ἀποστόλων καὶ τὴν παράδοσιν πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν ἔχων, οὐ μόνος, ἔτι γὰρ πολλοὶ ἐπελείποντο τότε ἀπὸ τῶν ἀποστόλων δεδιδαγμένοι: where τὸ κήρυγμα and ἡ παράδοσις τῶν ἀποστόλων indicate the whole body of truth which they communicated to the Church, whether written or unwritten.
154.
S. Ign. ad Smyrn. 1 and 8.
155.
S. Ignat. ad Ephes. i.-iv.
156.
Ad Ephes. xix.
157.
Another point on which S. Ignatius dwells repeatedly is the receiving the flesh of Christ in the Eucharist: thus he says of the heterodox, ad Smyrn. 6: “They abstain from the Eucharist and prayer, because they do not confess that the Eucharist is that flesh of our Saviour Jesus Christ which suffered for our sins, which in His goodness the Father raised.”
158.
He says, ad Rom. ii.: Ὅτι τὸν ἐπίσκοπον Συρίας ὁ Θεὸς κατηξίωσεν εὑρεθῆναι εἰς δύσιν ἀπὸ ἀνατολῆς μεταπεμψάμενος. Merivale, Hist. c. lxv. p. 150, note 1, says, “We are at a loss to account for the bishop being sent to suffer martyrdom at Rome.” This passage in the epistle confirms the acts of martyrdom. It was the wish of Trajan to make a great example, and the Bishop of Rome, S. Alexander, was at this time in prison, and shortly afterwards martyred.
159.
See Epist. ad Magnes. 13.
160.
Ad Trall. 6.
161.
Ad Smyrn. viii.
162.
Compare with this expression of S. Ignatius that of the Church of Polycarp, fifty years later, describing how after his martyrdom, σὺν τοῖς Ἀποστόλοις καὶ πᾶσι δικαίοις ἀγαλλιώμενος, δοξάζει τὸν Θεὸν καὶ Πατέρα, καὶ εὐλογεῖ τὸν Κύριον ἡμῶν καὶ κυβερνήτην τῶν [ψυχῶν τε καὶ] σωμάτων ἡμῶν, καὶ ποιμένα τῆς κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην καθολικῆς ἐκκλησίας. Acta Polycarpi, xix Ruinart, p. 45.
163.
Ephes. iv. 4-16.
164.
See Eusebius, Hist. iii. 37, who speaks exactly in this sense; and an important passage in Döllinger, Kallistus und Hippolytus, 338-343, on the force of the word πρεσβύτερος, as Ecclesiæ Doctor, one particularly charged with the magisterium veritatis. See also Hagemann, die Römische Kirche, pp. 607-8.
165.
Tillemont, Ecc. Hist. ii. 132.
166.
Tertull. Apol. 5, and Euseb. Hist. v. 21, assert the existence of this law.
167.
Tillemont, E. H. ii. 182-3.
168.
See the singular instance given by Euseb. v. 21, in the reign of Commodus. An informer accuses Apollonius of being a Christian, at a time when the imperial laws made such an accusation a capital offence. The accuser is put to death; but Apollonius, who is supposed to have been a senator, having made a brilliant defence before the Senate, suffers martyrdom.
169.
Duci jussi (confer Acts xii. 19, ἐκέλευσεν ἀπαχθῆναι). The extreme brevity with which the most urbane, kind-hearted, and accomplished of Roman gentlemen, as Mr. Merivale conceives him, describes himself as having ordered a number of men and women to be put to death for the profession of Christianity, is remarkable and significant. Compare it with the bearing of his friend Trajan to S. Ignatius below. As soon as the saint's confession of “bearing the Crucified in his heart” is specific, Trajan without a word of remark orders his execution. The “duci jussi” of Pliny and Trajan's manner in sentencing perfectly correspond and bear witness to each other's authenticity. So later the like tone used by Junius Rusticus, prefect of the city under Marcus Aurelius, to Justin Martyr, as will be seen further on.
170.
Pliny, Ep. x. 97, chiefly Melmoth's translation.
171.
Acts of S. Ignatius, Ruinart, pp. 8, 9.
172.
Ad Rom. iv.
173.
Ἐκκλησίᾳ—ἥτις καὶ προκάθηται ἐν τότῳ χωρίου Ῥωμαίων—προκαθημένη τῆς ἀγάπης.
174.
S. Chrysostom, Hom. on S. Ignatius, tom. ii. 600.
175.
S. Ignatius in the 11th sec. of his epistle to the Smyrnæans requests them to send a messenger to congratulate the church of Antioch, ὅτι εἰρηνεύουσιν, καὶ ἀπέλαβον τὸ ἵδιον μέγαθος, ἀποκατεστάθη αὐτοῖς τὸ ἴδιον σωματεῖον. The word σωματεῖον, or corpusculum, indicates the completeness of a diocesan church with its bishop, the whole Church being σῶμα Χριστοῦ, as S. Ignatius had said in sec. I of the same epistle, ἐν ἑνὶ σώματι τῆς ἐκκλησίας αὐτοῦ.
176.
There is some doubt about the time of S. Ignatius's martyrdom. We suppose it to be at the end of Trajan's reign. S. Alexander I. is reckoned a martyr, and placed in the canon of the Mass next after S. Ignatius, which seems to indicate a connection between their deaths.
177.
So the persecution of Diocletian is said to have arisen from Apollo declaring that the just who were upon the earth prevented him from uttering true oracles; and a like answer was received by Julian the Apostate at Antioch, where the relics of S. Babylas had been translated by Gallus to Daphne, near a celebrated temple of Apollo. Here Julian, offering in vain a great number of sacrifices to the demon, was at length informed that the body of the saint condemned him to silence, and ordered the Christians to remove it. S. Chrys. tom. ii. 560.
178.
Acts of S. Symphorosa, from Dom Ruinart, pp. 23-4.
179.
Justin. 1 Apol. 1, 2.
180.
Sec. 7.
181.
Sec. 11.
182.
Sec. 17.
183.
Sec. 45.
184.
Sec. 68. Chevallier's translation, sometimes altered.
185.
Origen c. Cels. i. 3. Περὶ τοῦ κρύφα Χριστιανοὺς τὰ ἀρέσκοντα αὐτοῖς ποιεῖν καὶ διδάσκειν εἰπὼν, καὶ ὅτι οὐ μάτην τοῦτο ποιοῦσιν, ἅτε διωθούμενοι τὴν ἐπηρτημένην αὐτοῖς δίκην τοῦ θανάτου.
186.
Σὲ τὸν καθωσιωμένον ὥσπερ ἄγαλμα αὐτῷ δήσας ἀπάγει καὶ ἀνασκολοπίζει. viii. 38, 39.
187.
viii. 69; by this we should judge that the work of Celsus appeared not long after the punishment of the Jews by Hadrian.
188.
Attached to Justin's first Apology.
189.
See Trajan's remark to S. Ignatius: “You mean him that was crucified under Pontius Pilate.”
190.
See the curious letter of Hadrian about the Alexandrians, in which the Christians spoken of are probably heretics.
191.
They are first mentioned at Rome in the reign of Alexander Severus.
192.
See Origen c. Cels. vii. 62.
193.
See Trajan's question, “Who art thou who art zealous to transgress our commands, besides persuading others to come to an evil end?”
194.
Αἷρε τοὺς ἀθέους.
195.
The Roman legionary, if he wished to lay aside his helmet, was only allowed to go bareheaded.
196.
Champagny remarks, that the emperors were never in the mind of the Romans sovereigns in the modern acceptation of the word, but life-presidents with absolute power.
197.
Champagny, Les Antonins, iii. 311.
198.
“Christianos esse passus est.” Lampridius.
199.
Tillemont, Hist. Ecc. iii. 250.
200.
Apolog. iv. “Jampridem, cum dure definitis dicendo, non licet esse vos, et hoc sine ullo retractatu humaniore describitis, vim profitemini et iniquam ex arce dominationem, si ideo negatis licere quia vultis, non quia debuit non licere.”
201.
“Res olim dissociabiles, principatum et libertatem.” Tacit. Agric. 3.
202.
“Primo statim beatissimi sæculi ortu.” Ibid.
203.
Agricola, 2.
204.
See Döllinger, Hippolytus und Kattistus, p. 187, who quotes from Dio Cassius, l. 75, p. 1267, Reimar. This was a.d. 203.
205.
Tillemont, Life of Severus, iii. 75, from Dio: a.d. 206.
206.
Tertullian, ad Martyres, 4: about a.d. 196.
207.
Dio, quoted by Döllinger, ut supra.
208.
Euseb. Hist. v. 21.
209.
Tertullian, Apol. i. 37; ad Scap. 2.
210.
De Rossi, Archeol. Cristiana, 1866, p. 33, makes this estimate.
211.
From a passage in the account of the Martyrs of Lyons, a.d. 177 (Euseb. Hist. v. 1, p. 201, l. 3), it appears that the word “Church” was only given to a mother or cathedral church by writers of that time.
212.
Thus S. Irenæus (iii. 3. 3) speaks of S. Peter and S. Paul as θεμελιώσαντες καὶ οἰκοδομήσαντες the Church of Rome, and of the Church of Ephesus (ibid. iv.) as τεθεμελιωμένη ὑπὸ Παύλου.
213.
This S. Innocent states to S. Augustine and the African bishops in 417 as a fact well known to them: “Scientes quid Apostolicæ Sedi, cum omnes hoc loco positi ipsum sequi desideremus Apostolum, debeatur, a quo ipse episcopatus et tota auctoritas nominis hujus emersit.” Coustant, Epist. Rom. Pontif. 888.
214.
Photius, συναγωγαὶ καὶ ἀποδείξεις, quoted by Döllinger, Hippolytus und Kallistus, p. 264, 5.
215.
Can. 6. Concil. Nic. τὰ ἀρχαῖα ἔθη κρατείτω, τὰ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ καὶ Λιβύῃ καὶ Πενταπόλει, ὥστε τὸν Ἀλεξανδρείας ἐπίσκοπον πάντων τούτων ἔχειν τὴν ἐξουσίαν, ἐπειδὴ και τῷ εν Ῥωμῃ επισκοπῳ τοῦτο συνηθεσ εστιν. See Hagemann, die Römische Kirche, 596-8.
216.
“Traducem fidei et semina doctrinæ.” De Præscrip. 20.
217.
See Döllinger, Hipp. u. Kall. p. 338-343, for the meaning of this word in the time of S. Irenæus, as carrying with it a special magisterium fidei. “Presbyteros” was added as a title of honour to the name of Bishop. In S. Irenæus tho same persons have as Bishops the succession of the Apostles, as Presbyteri “the charisma of the truth.” Papias marks the Asiatic Presbyteri as those who had heard of S. John; and Clement of Alex. speaks of Presbyteri who, occupied with the office of teaching, and deeming it diverse from that of composition, did not write. Eclogæ xxvii. p. 996.
218.
I am indebted for the above sketch of Gnosticism mainly to Schwane, Dogmengeschichte der vornicänischen Zeit, p. 648-51.
219.
Tillemont, Hist. des Emp. iii. 281, deduces it from a passage of Origen on S. Matt. tom. iii. p. 857 c.
220.
Frag. Epist. ad Florin. tom. i. p. 340.
221.
He seems to refer to Matt. x. 24: οὐκ ἔστι μαθητὴς ὑπὲρ τὸν διδάσκαλον.
222.
S. Irenæus, lib. iii. c. 2; lib. iii. c. 1.
223.
“Quos et successores relinquebant, suum ipsorum locum magisterii tradentes.”
224.
S. Irenæus, lib. iii. c. 3, 4.
225.
“Hoc enim Ecclesiæ creditum est Dei munus.”
226.
Lib. iii. c. 24.
227.
Lib. v. c. 20.
228.
“Qui cum episcopatus successione charisma veritatis certum secundum placitum Patris acceperunt.” iv. 26, 2; and 5, “ubi igitur charismata Domini posita sunt, ibi discere oportet veritatem, apud quos est ea quæ est ab apostolis ecclesiæ successio.”
229.
S. Ignatius, quoted above, p. 206.
230.
Schwane, p. 661.
231.
Hagemann, p. 622.
232.
Letter of the Synod of Arles to Pope Sylvester: “Quoniam recedere a partibus istis minime potuisti, in quibus et Apostoli quotidie sedent, et cruor ipsorum sine intermissione Dei gloriam testatur.” Mansi, Concilia, ii. 469.
233.
Tertull. de Præsc. 19, 20.
234.
The word here stands evidently for the whole body of Christian truth, rites, and discipline, the communication of which was a sacramentum.
235.
That is, he opposes the word choosers to the word Christians; the one signifying those who believe what they choose, the other those who believe what Christ taught.
236.
De Præscrip. 37.
237.
ἡ τοῦ κυρίου κατὰ τὴν παρουσίαν διδασκαλία.
238.
Clem. Alex. Strom. vii. 16, p. 890-894; 17, p. 897-900. The sections 15-17, p. 886-900, treat of the spirit and conduct of heresy.
239.
De Principiis, pref. p. 47. See also on Matt. tom. iii. 864, a passage equally decisive.
240.
Cont. Cels. vi. 48, tom. i. 670.
241.
De Civ. Dei, xvi. 2.
242.
De dono persev. 53.
243.
Enarr. in Ps. 54, tom. iv. 513.
244.
Serm. 51, tom. v. 288.
245.
S. Mark's Gospel would be referred to S. Peter, and S. Luke's writings to S. Paul.
246.
See Schwane, p. 779-80.
247.
Schwane, p. 783-4.
248.
“Quia a patribus ista accepimus in ecclesia legenda.” n. 47.
249.
Stromata, vii. c. 16, p. 896.
250.
See Kleutgen, Theologie der Vorzeit, iii. 957; Schwane, vol. i. 3.
251.
L. iv. 26. 2, p. 262. “Quapropter iis qui in Ecclesia sunt presbyteris obaudire oportet,” &c.
252.
L. iii. 24, p. 223.
253.
Schwane, p. 683.
254.
Observed by Hagemann, p. 618, referring to the words of S. Irenæus, “ad hanc enim Ecclesiam propter potiorem prinicipalitatem necesse est omnem convenire Ecclesiam,” &c. It must be remembered that the proper word for the power which held together the whole Roman empire was Principatus, the very word used by S. Augustine to express the original authority of the Roman See: “Romanæ Ecclesiæ, in qua semper apostolicæ cathedræ viguit principatus.” Ep. 43.
255.
See Kuhn, Einleitung in die katholische Dogmatik, i. 345-6.
256.
Guizot ranks Marcus Aurelius with S. Louis, as the only rulers who preferred conscience to gain in all their conduct.
257.
Maximus Tyrius, diss. 17, 12; Reiske, and diss, ii. 2. 10.
258.
Acta Martyrum sincera, Ruinart, p. 58-60.
259.
Ruinart, p. 67.
260.
Ruinart, p. 68.
261.
Ruinart, p. 69.
262.
Hist. v. i. μυριάδας μαρτύρων διαπρέψαι στοχασμῷ λαβεῖν ἔνεστιν.
263.
Ib, v. 21.
264.
Clem. Alex. Strom. ii. c. 20, p. 494.
265.
Euseb. Hist. vi. 1.
266.
Champagny, les Antonins, iii. 326, 338.
267.
Philostratus in his Life of Apollonius of Tyana, written at the request of the empress Julia Domna. See Kellner, Hellenismus und Christenthum, c. v. s. 4, 81-4.
268.
Orig. c. Cels. viii. 68, tom. i. p. 793.
269.
Churches in private houses, under cover of that great liberty which invested with a sort of sacred independence the Roman household, it had from the beginning: the church of S. Pudentiana in the house of the senator Pudens still guards the altar on which S. Peter offered.
270.
The reign of Louis XIV.
271.
Am. Thierry, Tableau de l'Empire Romain, p. 412.
272.
Zach. ii. 11, Is. ii. 2, Mich. iv. 1, compared with Titus ii. 14 and 1 Pet. ii. 9.
273.
Ep. ad Diognetum, 5, 6.
274.
S. Justin Martyr, Tryphon, sec. 135, 42, 116; where he refers to and explains the vision of the high-priest Jesus in the prophet Zacharias iii. 1.
275.
ὡς υἱὸν Θεοῦ, Θεὸν ἐληλυθότα ἐν ἀνθρωπίνῃ ψυχῇ καὶ σώματι. Cont. Cels. iii. 29.
276.
Ibid. viii. 74.
277.
Cont. Cels. viii. 75.
278.
Ibid. vi. 48, p. 670.
279.
Cont. Cels. vi. 79, p. 692.
280.
Κωλύοντος τοῦ Θεοῦ τὸ πᾶν ἐκπολεμηθῆναι αὐτῶν ἔθνος; συστῆναι γὰρ αὐτὸ ἐβούλετο καὶ πληρωθῆναι πᾶσαν τὴν γῆν τῆς σωτηρίου ταύτης καὶ εὐσεβεστάτης διδασκαλίας. Cont. Cels. iii. 8. It must be remembered that Celsus in the passage to which this is an answer had asserted that the Christians had arisen out of the Jews through a sedition; which makes the train of thought pertinent. For Origen is contrasting the losses which occur through exterminating wars, such as a sedition, or civil war, excites, with the losses to the Christian body through martyrdom. The comparison therefore lies between the whole number of Christians viewed en masse and the martyrs. Lasaulx remarks that this was written before the Decian persecution.
281.
Preface to the Oxford edition of S. Cyprian's treatise on the Unity of the Church.
282.
De Unitate, iii. &c.
283.
Epist. 70 and 73.
284.
τῇ γὰρ ἐλπίδι ἐσώθημεν.
285.
Ep. 1, Oxford translation.
286.
S. Irenæus, lib. iv. 33 g.
287.
Dan. ii. 44. Compare Apoc. i. 9. ὁ ἀδελφὸς ὑμῶν καὶ συγκοινωνὸς ἐν τῇ θλίψει καὶ ἐν τῇ βασιλείᾳ καὶ ὑπομονῇ Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ.
288.
Κατανοήσατε τὸν ἀπόστολον καὶ ἀρχιερέα τῆς ὁμολογίας ἡμῶν Χριστὸν Ἰησοῦν. Heb. iii. 1.
289.
Thus S. Gregory the Great wrote to Eulogius, Patriarch of Alexandria, that the three original patriarchal Sees were all Sees of Peter: “Cum multi sint Apostoli, pro ipso tamen principatu sola Apostolorum Principis Sedes in auctoritate convaluit, quæ in tribus locis unius est.” Epist. lib. vii. 40. The Patriarchal authority is a derivation from the Primacy, which is the well-head.
290.
Κηρύσσων τὸ εὐαγγέλιον τῆς βασιλείας. Matt. iv. 23.
291.
S. Dionys. Alex. Ep. 2. Gallandi, iii. 512.
292.
Answer of Pope Innocent I. to the Council of Carthage in 416, among the letters of S. Augustine.
293.
Constant. Epist. Rom. Pontif. p. 1037.
294.
Ephes. iv., written during S. Paul's imprisonment at Rome.
295.
This text is continually used by S. Augustine against the Donatists, as containing an express divine prophecy that the one Catholic Church should continue to the end of the world. The Gospel of the Kingdom, and the Gospel without the Kingdom, are ideas far as the poles apart.
296.
De Pudicitia, § 1. See Hagemann, p. 54.
297.
He is so represented by Hippolytus, Philosophumen, lib. ix. p. 209. See Hagemann, p. 59.
298.
“Nec hoc nobis nunc nuper consilium cogitatum est, nec hæc apud nos adversus improbos modo supervenerunt repentina subsidia: sed antiqua hæc apud nos severitas, antiqua fides, disciplina legitur antiqua; quoniam nec tantas de nobis laudes Apostolus protulisset dicendo: Quia fides vestra prædicatur in toto mundo, nisi jam exinde vigor iste radices fidei de temporibus illis mutuatus fuisset: quarum laudum et gloriæ degenerem fuisse maximum crimen est.” Epist. Cleri Rom. ad Cyprian. 31.
299.
Hagemann, p. 77.
300.
In Matt. tom. iii. 857 c.
301.
“Cum Fabiani locus, id est, cum locus Petri et gradus cathedræ sacerdotalis vacaret.” Epist. lii. p. 68. “Sedisse intrepidum Romæ in sacerdotali cathedra eo tempore cum tyrannus infestus sacerdotibus Dei fanda atque infanda comminaretur, cum multo patientius et tolerabilius audiret levari adversus se æmulum principem quam constitui Romæ Dei sacerdotem.” Ibid. p. 69.
302.
Epist. lii. p. 69.
303.
Compare with the savageness of the Prefect of Rome in torturing S. Laurence the following incident which occurred five years later. Valerian had been captured by the Persian monarch, and his son the Emperor Gallienus bore the reproach with great tranquillity. In the great festival which he held at Rome about 263, to commemorate the victory of Odenatus over Sapor, some revellers mixed themselves with the pretended Persian captives, and examined their faces closely. When asked what they meant, they replied, “We are looking for the emperor's father.” The jest so stung Gallienus that he had them burnt alive. Weiss, Lehrbuch der Weltgeschichte, ii. 224. It was for showing him the Church's spiritual treasures, the poor, the helpless, and the suffering, instead of the coveted gold and silver, that the Prefect burnt S. Laurence alive.
304.
De Lapsis, iv. p. 182-3, Oxford translation.
305.
Euseb. Hist. l. vii. c. 10.
306.
Ib. l. vii. c. 13.
307.
See the martyrdom of the favourite chamberlain Peter, who, says Eusebius (Hist. viii. 6), was violently scourged, and then slowly roasted alive.
308.
“Diocletianus ... excarnificare omnes suos protenus cœpit. Sedebat ipse atque innocentes igne torrebat.... Omnis sexus et ætatis homines ad exustionem rapti; nec singuli, quoniam tanta erat multitudo, sed gregatim circumdato igni amburebantur,” &c. Lactant. 14, 15.
309.
Eusebius, Hist. viii. 2.
310.
Lactantius, de Morte Persecutorum, 13.
311.
Euseb. viii. 4.
312.
“Statim productus non modo extortus sed etiam legitime coctus cum admirabili patientia, postremo exustus est.” Lact. de Mort. Pers. 13; Euseb. viii. 5.
313.
Euseb. de Vita Constant. 1. i. 13.
314.
Lactant. Divin. Institut. 1. v. 9. Gallandi, tom. iv. 313-4.
315.
Ib. 1. v. 11.
316.
Euseb. Hist. viii. 11.
317.
Lactantius, as above.
318.
Hist. viii. 9.
319.
Euseb. Hist. viii. 10.
320.

Σωκ. Ἀναγκαῖον οὖν ἐστὶ περιμένειν ἕως ἄν τις μάθῃ ὡς δεῖ πρὸς θεοὺς καὶ πρὸς ἀνθρώπους διακεῖσθαι.

Αλκ. Πότε οὖν παρέσται ὁ χρόνος οὗτος, ὦ Σώκρατες? καὶ τίς ὁ παιδεύσων? ἥδιστα γὰρ ἄν μοι δοκῶ ἰδεῖν τοῦτον τὸν ἄνθρωπον τίς ἐστιν.

Σωκ. Οὗτος ἐστιν ᾧ μέλει περὶ σοῦ.

321.
1 Cor. i. 21.
322.
Zeller, die Philosophie der Griechen, 2te Aufl. vol. i. pp. 6 and 35. “Philosophy,” says Grote, Plato, vol. i. v. “is, or aims at becoming, reasoned truth: an aggregate of matters believed or disbelieved after conscious process of examination gone through by the mind and capable of being explained to others:” who quotes Cicero's “Philosophia ex rationum collatione consistit.”
323.
Thus Herodotus says of Solon, τῆς θεωρίης ἐκδημήσας εἵνεκεν, i. 30; and presently, ξεῖνε Ἀθηναῖε, παρ᾽ ἡμέας γὰρ περὶ σέο λόγος ἀπῖκται πολλὸς, καὶ σοφίης εἵνεκεν τῆς σῆς καὶ πλάνης, ὡς φιλοσοφέων γῆν πολλὴν θεωρίης εἵνεκεν ἐπελήλυθας.
324.
Zeller, i. 39, quoted.
325.
Zeller, i. p. 38.
326.
Newman, Verses on various occasions; Heathen Greece, p. 158.
327.
Zeller, i. p. 43. “Aber es liegt überhaupt nicht in der Weise des Alterthums, die gottesdienstlichen Handlungen zur Belehrung durch Religionsvorträge zu benützen. Ein Julian mochte in Nachahmung christlicher Sitte dazu den Versuch machen, aus der klassischen Zeit selbst ist uns kein Beispiel hievon überliefert.”
328.
Zeller, i. p. 141.
329.
Ib. i. pp. 449-452.
330.
Ueberweg, Grundriss der Geschichte der Philosophie, drit. Aufl. i. p. 65.
331.
Ueberweg, i. 68.
332.
Ib. i. 72.
333.
Döllinger, Heidenthum und Judenthum, p. 272, and Zeller, i. p. 139, who states this of the Eleatics, Heracleitus, Democritus, and even the Pythagoreans, who, though they put Number instead of Matter, yet conceived incorporeal principles as material, and so considered from the same point of view the soul and the body, the ethical and the physical, in man.
334.
Zeller, ibid.
335.
Ueberweg, i. 75. “Die Sophistik bildet den Uebergang von der kosmologischen zu der auf das denkende und wollende Subject gerichteten Philosophie.” p. 76. “Sokrates... theilt mit den Sophisten die allgemeine Tendenz der Reflexion auf das Subject, tritt aber zu ihnen dadurch in Gegensatz, das seine Reflexion sich nicht bloss auf die elementaren Functionen des Subjects, die Wahrnehmung und Meinung und das sinnliche und egoistische Begehren, sondern auch auf die höchsten gestigen, zur Objectivität in wesentlicher Beziehung stehenden Functionen, nämlich auf das Wissen und die Tugend richtet.”
336.
Ib. i. 76.
337.
Thus Zeller throughout his great work perpetually deplores that through this long period, and with increasing force after Aristotle's time, pure science, die reine Wissenschaft, was not studied for its own sake, but was subordinate to a moral purpose, the question, that is, of man's greatest good, and his happiness.
338.
Simplicius, in the sixth century.
339.
Zeller, i. p. 117.
340.
Ueberweg, i. p. 88.
341.
xiii. 4.
342.
Metaph. i. 6.
343.
Σωκράτης φρονήσεις ᾤετο εἶναι πάσας τὰς ἀρετάς ... λόγους τὰς ἀρετὰς ᾤετο εἶναι; ἐπιστήμας γὰρ εἶναι πάσας. Ethic. Nic. vi. 13.
344.
Xen. Mem. i. 1. 16.
345.
Xen. Mem. iv. 6. 1.
346.
Ibid. iii. 4. 9.
347.
Ibid. iii. 9, iv. 6; Sympos. ii. 12. Plat. Apol. 25 e; Protag. p. 329 b.
348.
Memor. i. 6, 10.
349.
Tusc. v. 4.
350.
ἡ μαιευτική, Plat. Theæt. p. 149.
351.
ἐξέτασις, Plat. Apol. p. 20.
352.
Xen. Mem. i. 4. 7. σοφοῦ τινὸς δημιουργοῦ καὶ φιλοζώου.
353.
Ibid. iv. 3.
354.
ὁ τὸν ὅλον κόσμον συντάττων τὲ καὶ συνέχων, ἐν ᾣ πάντα τὰ καλὰ καὶ ἀγαθά ἐστι, καὶ ἀεὶ μὲν χρωμένοις ἀτριβῆ τε καὶ ὑγιᾶ καὶ ἀγήρατον παρέχων, θᾶττον δὲ νοήματος ἀναμαρτήτως ὑπηρετοῦντα, οὗτος τὰ μέγιστα μὲν πράττων ὁρᾶται, τάδε δὲ οἰκονομῶν ἀόρατος ἡμῖν ἐστι. Compare the famous passage of S. Paul, Rom. i. 19, 20. διότι τὸ γνωστὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ φάνερόν ἐστιν ἐν αὐτοῖς; ὁ γὰρ Θεὸς αὐτοῖς ἐφανέρωσε; τὰ γὰρ ἀόρατα αὐτοῦ ἀπὸ κτίσεως κόσμου τοῖς ποιήμασι νοούμενα καθορᾶται, ἥτε ἀΐδιος αὐτοῦ δύναμις καὶ θειότης εἰς τὸ εἶναι αὐτοὺς ἀναπολογήτους. Socrates draws precisely the conclusion which S. Paul asserts that the premises warrant.
355.
τὸ δαιμόνιον.
356.
Plato, Apol., at the end.
357.
Phædo, p. 118.
358.
The view here taken would be powerfully confirmed by citing at length the interview of Socrates with the hetæra Theodote, as given by Xen. Mem. iii. 11. The unconscious absence from the mind of Socrates of any notion of turpitude in the occupation of Theodote is very striking indeed. One is reminded that Socrates took lessons in rhetoric of that Aspasia, herself the hetæra of Pericles, who is recorded to have educated a school of Theodotes. Thus Plutarch, Pericles, 24, says of her, παιδίσκας ἑταιρούσας τρέφουσα. In the Meneximus, p. 235, Socrates claims her as being his διδάσκαλος οὖσα οὐ πάνυ φαύλη περὶ ῥητορικῆς, quoted by Wallon, de l'Esclavage, vol. i. p. 190.
359.
Ueberweg, i. 92, 93.
360.
Ueberweg, i. 91.
361.
Ibid. i. 117.
362.
Ibid. i. 118.
363.
Ueberweg, i. 120, from Aristotle, Metaph. i. 6 and 9, and xiii. 4.
364.
Zeller, i. 119.
365.
Ueberweg, i. 120, remarks: “Die Eintheilung der Philosophie in Ethik, Physik und Dialektik (die Cicero Acad. pos. i. 5, 19, Plato zugeschreibt), hat nach Sextus Empir (adv. Math. vii. 16) zuerst Plato's Schüler Xenocrates förmlich aufgestellt: Plato aber sei, sagt Sextus mit Recht, δυνάμει ihr Urheber, ἀρχηγός.”
366.
See Zeller, vol. ii. part 2, p. 599. Döllinger, p. 299, sec. 122; p. 279, sec. 87.
367.
Zeller, ii. part 1, p. 598. “Ueber diese beiden Gegenstände (die Religion und die Kunst) hat sich Plato ziemlich häufig, aber immer nur gelegenheitlich geäussert.”
368.
Döllinger, p. 290, sec. 110.
369.
Timæus, 28.
370.
Thus Grote, Plato, i. 230, speaks of “the early caution produced by the fate of Socrates,” and believes “such apprehension to have operated as one motive deterring him from publishing any philosophical exposition under his own name, any Πλάτωνος σύγγραμμα,” p. 231.
371.
This has been done by Zeller, vol. ii. part 1, pp. 599-602, from whom I take it. He supports his analysis with a great number of references to various works of Plato.
372.
Zeller, vol. ii. part 1, p. 487, remarks of Plato's doctrine: “So far as things are the appearance and the image of the Idea, they must be determined by the Idea; so far as they have in themselves a proper principle in matter, they must be determined likewise by necessity: since, certain as it is that the world is the work of reason, it is as little to be left out of mind that in its formation beside reason another blindly working cause was in play, and that even the Godhead could make its work not absolutely perfect, but only so good as the nature of the finite permitted;” and he refers to many passages of the Timæus, of which one will suffice, wherein at the conclusion of a review of the physical causes of things Plato says: ταῦτα δὴ πάντα τότε ταύτῃ πεφυκότα ἐξ ἀνάγκης ὁ τοῦ καλλίστου τε καὶ ἀρίστου δημιουργὸς ἐν τοῖς γιγνομένοις παρελάμβανεν ἡνίκα τὸν αὐτάρκη τε καὶ τὸν τελεώτατον Θεὸν ἐγέννα, χρώμενος μὲν ταῖς περὶ ταῦτα αἰτίαις ὑπηρετούσαις, τὸ δὲ εὖ τεκταινόμενος ἐν πᾶσι τοῖς γιγνομένοις αὐτὸς; διὸ δὴ χρὴ δὔ αἰτίας εἴδη διορίζεσθαι, τὸ μὲν ἀναγκαῖον, τὸ δὲ θεῖον, καὶ τὸ μὲν θεῖον ἐν ἅπασι ζητεῖν κτήσεως ἕνεκα εὐδαίμονος βίου, καθ᾽ ὅσον ἡμῶν ἡ φύσις ἐνδέχεται, τὸ δὲ ἀναγκαῖον ἐκείνων χάριν, λογιζομένους ὡς ἄνευ τούτων οὐ δυνατὰ αὐτὰ ἐκεῖνα, ἐφ᾽ οἷς σπουδάζομεν, μόνα κατανοεῖν, οὐδ᾽ αὖ λαβεῖν, οὐδ᾽ ἄλλως πως μετασχεῖν. p. 68. Compare p. 48. μεμιγμένη γὰρ οὖν ἡ τοῦδε τοῦ κόσμου γένεσις ἐξ ἀνάγκης τε καὶ νοῦ συστάσεως ἐγεννήθη; κ.τ.λ.
373.
Döllinger, p. 297, sec. 119, quoted.
374.
So likewise Zeller remarks, vol. ii. part 1, p. 604: “Die Gesetze, welchen die philosophischen Regenten fehlen, behandeln die Volks-religion durchweg als die sittliche Grundlage des Staatswesens.”
375.
Ibid. p. 605.
376.
Here Zeller remarks: “Diese Voraussetzung liegt der ganzen Behandlung dieser Gegenstände bei Plato zu Grunde.... Dass die philosophische Erkenntniss immer auf eine kleine Minderheit beschränkt sein müsse ist Plato's entschiedene Ueberzeugung.”
377.
Döllinger, p. 293.
378.
See Zeller, vol. ii. part 1, pp. 448-457.
379.
“Wie es sich aber in dieser Beziehung mit der Persönlichkeit verhalte, dies ist eine Frage, welche sich Plato wohl schwerlich bestimmt vorgelegt hat, wie ja dem Alterthum überhaupt der schärfere Begriff der Persönlichkeit fehlt, und die Vernunft nicht selten als allgemeine Weltvernunft in einer zwischen Persönlichem und Unpersönlichem unsicher schwankenden Weise gedacht wird.” Zeller, p. 454.
380.
Döllinger, p. 286, sec. 103. Zeller, vol. ii. part 1, p. 538.
381.
Theætetus, p. 176. Σωκ. Ἀλλ᾽ οὔτ᾽ ἀπόλεσθαι τὰ κυκὰ δυνατόν, ὦ Θεόδωρε; ὑπενάντιον γὰρ τι τῷ ἀγαθῷ ἀεὶ εἶναι ἀνάγκη; οὔτ᾽ ἐν θεοῖς αὐτὰ ἴδρυσθαι, τὴν δὲ θνητὴν φύσιν καὶ τόνδε τὸν τόπον περιπολεῖ ἐξ ἀνάγκης.
382.
See Zeller, vol. ii. part 1, pp. 541-4, who points out a string of difficulties on the subject of personality, free-will, as maintained by Plato, and his doctrine that no one is willingly wicked.
383.
See Grote's Plato, i. pp. 133, 4.
384.
Ueberweg, i. p. 116.
385.
So Zeller sets forth at length, i. p. 206; and Ueberweg, i. p. 47.
386.
Ueberweg, i. p. 50. Plato calls it ὁδόν τινα βίου, for which Pythagoras αὐτός τε διαφερόντως ἠγαπήθη, καὶ οἱ ὕστερον ἔτι καὶ νῦν Πυθαγόρειον τρόπον ἐπονομάζοντες τοῦ βίου διαφανεῖς πη δοκοῦσιν εἶναι. Polit. x. p. 600.
387.
Grote, Plato, i. p. 221.
388.
Ueberweg, i. 115.
389.
Phæd. sec. 135, p. 274.
390.
τὸν τοῦ εἰδότος λόγον λέγεις ζῶντα καὶ ἔμψυχον, οὗ ὁ γεγραμμένος εἴδωλον ἄν τι λέγοιτο δικαίως.
391.
ἔχοντες σπέρμα, ὅθεν ἄλλοι ἐν ἄλλοις ἤθεοι φυόμενοι τοῦτ᾽ ἀεὶ ἀθάνατον παρέχειν ἱκανοί.
392.
See his averseness to write on such doctrines at all set forth in his 7th epistle.
393.
Grote observes, Plato, i. 216: “Plato was not merely a composer of dialogues. He was lecturer and chief of a school besides. The presidency of that school, commencing about 386 b.c., and continued by him with great celebrity for the last half (nearly forty years) of his life, was his most important function. Among his contemporaries he must have exerted greater influence through his school than through his writings.”
394.
Grote, Plato, i. p. 138.
395.
Ueberweg, i. p. 140, from Diogenes.
396.
Aulus Gellius, N. A. xx. 5, quoted by Ueberweg.
397.
Ἐν κοινῷ γιγνόμενοι λόγοι ... ἐκδεδομένοι λόγοι; οἱ κατὰ φιλοσοφίαν λόγοι, or διδασκαλικοὶ λόγοι, οἱ ἐκ τῶν οἰκείων ἀρχῶν ἑκάστου μαθήματος καὶ οὐκ ἐκ τῶν τοῦ ἀποκρινομένου δοξῶν συλλογιζόμενοι, which last are λόγοι πειραστικοὶ. Simplicius calls τὰ ἐξωτερικὰ, τὰ κοινὰ καὶ δι᾽ ἐνδόξων περαινόμενα; Philoponus, λόγοι μὴ ἀποδεικτικοὶ, μηδὲ πρὸς τοὺς γνησίους τῶν ἀκροατῶν εἰρημένοι, ἀλλὰ πρὸς τοὺς πολλοὺς, ἐκ πιθανῶν ὡρμημένοι. Quoted by Ueberweg, i. p. 146.
398.

Vidi il maestro di color che sanuo
Seder tra filosofica famiglia.

Dante, Inf. iv. 131.

399.
διδασκαλία.
400.
ὑπόμνησις.
401.
Ueberweg, i. p. 188, from Diogenes and Themistius.
402.
Ibid, from Noack, Psyche, v. i. sec. 13.
403.
Zeller, vol, iii. part 1, p. 343.
404.
Ep. vii. p. 341. οὔκουν ἐμόν γε περὶ αὐτῶν ἐστι σύγγραμμα, οὐδὲ μή ποτε γένηται; ῥητὸν γὰρ οὐδαμῶς ἐστὶν ὡς ἄλλα μαθήματα, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ πολλῆς συνουσίας γιγνομένης περὶ τὸ πρᾶγμα αὐτὸ καὶ τοῦ συζῇν ἐξαίφνης, οἷον ἀπὸ πυρὸς πηδήσαντος ἐξαφθὲν φῶς, ἐν τῇ ψυχῇ γενόμενον αὐτὸ ἑαυτὸ ἤδη τρέφει and much more to the same effect; after which he says, ὧν ἕνεκα νοῦν ἔχων οὐδεὶς τολμήσει ποτὲ εἰς αὐτὸ τιθέναι τὰ νενοημένα, καὶ ταῦτα εἰς ἀμετακίνητον, ὃ δὴ πάσχει τὰ γεγραμμένα τύποις. So again in his second letter, p. 314. πολλάκις δὲ λεγόμενα καὶ ἀεὶ ἀκουόμενα καὶ πολλὰ ἔτη μόγις, ὥσπερ χρυσὸς, ἐκκαθαίρεται μετὰ πολλῆς πραγματείας.... μεγίστη δὲ φυλακὴ τὸ μὴ γράφειν ἀλλ᾽ ἐκμανθάνειν; οὐ γὰρ ἔστι τὰ γραφέντα μὴ οὐκ ἐκπεσεῖν. Grote seems to me fully justified in counting these epistles as genuine, against the attacks of some modern German sceptics.
405.
Μετὰ τριβῆς πάσης καὶ χρόνου πολλοῦ, ὅπερ ἐν ἀρχαῖς εἶπον; μόγις δὲ τριβόμενα πρὸς ἄλληλα αὐτῶν ἕκαστα, ὀνόματα καὶ λόγοι ὄψεις τε καὶ αἰσθήσεις, ἐν εὐμενέσιν ἐλέγχοις ἐλεγχόμενα καὶ ἄνευ φθόνων ἐρωτήσεσι καὶ ἀποκρίσεσι χρωμένων, ἐξέλαμψε φρόνησις περὶ ἕκαστον καὶ νοῦς, συντείνων ὅτι μάλιστ᾽ εἰς δύναμιν ἀνθρωπίνην. Ep. vii. p. 344.
406.
Grote, Plato, i. 229. “When we see by what Standard Plato tests the efficacy of any expository process, we shall see yet more clearly how he came to consider written exposition unavailing. The standard which he applies is, that the learner shall be rendered able both to apply to others and himself to endure a Socratic Elenchus or cross-examination as to the logical difficulties involved in all the steps and helps to learning.” Without this “Plato will not allow that he has attained true knowledge” (ἐπιστήμη). Compare the system pursued in the mediæval schools and universities.
407.
Ueberweg, i. pp. 242, 3.
408.
Zeller, vol. ii. part 2, p. 632.
409.
Döllinger, pp. 304, 305.
410.
Döllinger, pp. 309, 310, sec. 137, 138.
411.
Döllinger, p. 310, sec. 139.
412.
Ibid. p. 311, sec. 140.
413.
See p. 411, above.
414.
Döllinger, pp. 307 and 311.
415.
Διὸ καὶ πειρᾶσθαι χρὴ ἐνθένδε ἐκεῖσε φεύγειν ὅτι τάχιστα; φυγὴ δὲ ὁμοίωσις Θεῷ κατὰ τὸ δυνατόν; ὁμοίωσις δὲ δίκαιον καὶ ὅσιον μετὰ φρονήσεως γενέσθαι. κ.τ.λ. Theætet. p. 176.
416.
Zeller, vol. ii. part 2, p. 623.
417.
Zeller, ii. 2, p. 625.
418.
Ibid. p. 629.
419.
Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, p. 7.
420.
Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, p. 14.
421.
Ibid. p. 18.
422.
Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, p. 12. Döllinger, p. 318.
423.
Döllinger, pp. 319-321.
424.
The doctrine of Hylozoismus.
425.
Döllinger, pp. 322-324.
426.
Ibid. p. 324.
427.
Döllinger, p. 326.
428.
ὁμολογουμένως τῇ φύσει ζῆν. Ueberweg, i. p. 198.
429.
Döllinger, p. 340.
430.
Ibid. p. 330.
431.
Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, p. 370.
432.
Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, p. 398.
433.
Döllinger, pp. 331-333. Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, p. 392.
434.
Döllinger, p. 335.
435.
Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, p. 427. ἀπαθία and ἀταραξία.
436.
Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, i. p. 107.
437.
Ibid. p. 435.
438.
Döllinger, p. 336, who quotes Sextus, Hypot. i. 8.
439.
Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, p. 477.
440.
Döllinger, p. 338.
441.
For a full account of the line of thought followed by Carneades, see Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, pp. 454-477.
442.
Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, p. 436.
443.
Ibid. pp. 482, 492.
444.
Ueberweg, i. p. 218; and Zeller, iii. part 1, p. 593, calls him “neben seinem Lehrer Antiochus den eigentlichsten Vertreter des philosophischen Eklekticismus in dem letzen Jahrhundert vor dem Anfang unserer Zeitrechnung.”
445.
Ueberweg, i. pp. 221-2.
446.
Ueberweg, i. 219, 223.
447.
Döllinger, p. 313.
448.
Döllinger, p. 254.
449.
Döllinger, p. 307. “Er wirkt also zwar auf die Welt, aber ohne sie zu kennen, wie der Magnet auf das Eisen, und seine Action auf die Welt ist keine freiwollende.”
450.
Ibid. pp. 340, 572.
451.
Ζεῦ, φύσεως ἄρχηγε, νόμου μέτα πάντα κυβερνῶν;—
Σοὶ δὴ πᾶς ὅδε κόσμος ἐλισσόμενος περὶ γαῖαν
Πείθεται ᾗ μὲν ἄγης, καὶ ἑκὼν ὑπὸ σεῖο κρατεῖται—
Ἀλλὰ σὺ καὶ τὰ περισσὰ, ἐπίστασαι ἄρτια θεῖναι,
Καὶ κοσμεῖς τὰ ἄκοσμα, καὶ οὐ φίλα σοὶ φίλα ἐστίν.
Ὧδε γὰρ εἰς ἓν ἅπαντα συνήρμοκας ἐσθλὰ κακοῖσιν,
Ὥσθ᾽ ἕνα γίγνεσθαι πάντων λόγον ἀὲν ἔοντα.
452.
Cleanthes preferred expressly the poetic form; see the note in Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, p. 289: for poetry and music are better suited to reach the truth of divine contemplation than the bare philosophical expression.
453.
Ueberweg, i. p. 195.
454.
Zeller, vol. iii. pp. 130, 131: see the many authorities he produces, pp. 126-131.
455.
He says of the opposite theory of Epicurus, the construction of the world from the chance falling-together of atoms: “Hoc qui existimat fieri potuisse, non intelligo, cur non idem putet, si innumerabiles unius et viginti formæ literarum, vel aureæ vel quales libet, aliquo conjiciantur, posse ex his in terram excussis annales Ennii, ut deinceps legi possint, effici: quod nescio an ne in uno quidem versu possit tantum valere fortuna.” De Nat. Deor. ii. 37.
456.
So Zeller remarks, iii. 1, p. 296: “A Pantheism, such as the stoic, could take up into itself the most boundless polytheism, a double liberty only being allowed, that of passing on to derived beings the name of deity, from the Being to whom alone originally and in the strict sense it belonged, and that of personifying as God the impersonal, which is an appearance of divine power.”
457.
See Hasler, Verhältniss der heidnischen und christlichen Ethik, p. 28; and Zukrigl's commentary on the same, Tübingen theol. Quartalschrift, 1867, pp. 475-482.
458.
Zeller, iii. 1, pp. 288-9.
459.
Zeller, iii. 1, 12.
460.
Καὶ μὴν ἡ πολὺ θαυμαζομένη πολιτεία τοῦ τὴν Στωϊκῶν αἵρεσιν καταβαλλομένου Ζήνωνος εἰς ἓν τοῦτο συντείνει κεφάλαιον, ἵνα μὴ κατὰ πόλεις μηδὲ κατὰ δήμους οἰκῶμεν, ἰδίοις ἕκαστοι διωρισμένοι δικαίοις, ἀλλὰ πάντας ἀνθρώπους ἡγώμεθα δημότας καὶ πολίτας, εἷς δὲ βίος ᾖ, καὶ κόσμος, ὥσπερ ἀγέλης συννόμου νόμῳ κοινῷ τρεφομένης. Plutarch, Alex. M. Virt. i. 6, p. 329, quoted by Zeller, iii. 1, p. 281.
461.
De Finibus, iii. sec. 19.
462.
De Legibus, i. 7, 6.
463.
Zeller, iii. 1, p. 278, from Seneca and Marcus Aurelius, who here, however, only enlarge on Cicero's idea, or rather Zeno's.
464.
“Jam vero virtus eadem in homine ac Deo est, neque ullo alio ingenio præterea. Est autem virtus nihil aliud quam in se perfecta, et ad summum perducta natura.” De Legibus, i. 8.
465.
De Officiis, i. 5.
466.
Cic. de Nat. Deor. iii. 36. “Virtutem nemo unquam acceptam deo retulit. Nimirum recte. Propter virtutem enim jure laudamur, et in virtute recie gloriamur: quod non contingeret, si id donum a deo, non a nobis, haberemus.”
467.
Champagny, les Césars, iii. 333.
468.
“Ἐξαγωγὴ ist bei den Stoïkern der stehende Ausdruck für den Selbstmord.” Zeller, vol. iii. part 1, p. 284 n. 2, who quotes Diog. vii. 130. Ἐλλόγως τέ φασιν ἐξάξειν ἑαυτὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ βίου τὸν σοφὸν καὶ ὑπὲρ πατρίδος καὶ ὑπὲρ φίλων, κὰν ἐν σκληροτέρᾳ γένηται ἀλγηδόνι, ἢ πηρώσεσιν, ἢ νόσοις ἀνιάτοις.
469.
“Qui omnem orbem terrarum unam urbem esse ducunt.” Cicero, Paradoxon 2.
470.
Grote, Plato, vol. i. p. 87.
471.
Döllinger, p. 315, from Numenius, quoted by Eusebius. Ueberweg, i. 205, says of them, that up to the rise of Neoplatonism they were the most numerous of all.
472.
See Döllinger, pp. 341 and 572-584; so Champagny, les Césars, iii. 294.
473.
Ueberweg gives them thus: to the first Academy belong Plato's successor Speusippus, who taught 347-339 b.c.; Xenocrates, 339-314; Polemo, 314-270; Crates, a short time. The second Academy was founded by Arcesilaus, who lived 315-241, taking more and more a sceptical direction, which was carried out to the utmost by Carneades, 214-129, in the third: in the fourth, Philo of Larissa, about 80 b.c., returned to the dogmatic direction; and Antiochus of Ascalon, Cicero's friend, founded the fifth, in which he fused Platonic, Aristotelian, and Stoic doctrines together. S. Augustine, de Civ. Dei, viii. 3, puts his finger on the variations of the Socratici.
474.
“Lier ensemble les dogmes, une morale, et un culte, c'est-à-dire donner à la société une foi, une règle, et des pratiques, c'était l'œuvre que le genre humain appelait de ses vœux, et sur laquelle pourtant tous les efforts humains semblaient échouer.” A. Thierry, Tableau de l'Empire Romain, p. 328.
475.
S. Thomas, Summa, p. 1. 9. 1. a. 1.
476.
Sap. xiii. 9.
477.
Reading with S. Chrys. and S. Gregory ἐκ μεγέθους καὶ καλλονῆς κτισμάτων ἀναλόγως, cognoscibiliter, i.e. by a conclusion of reason.
478.
Μάταιοι μὲν γὰρ πάντες ἄνθρωποι φύσει, οἷς παρῆν Θεοῦ ἀγνωσία ... πάλιν δὲ οὐδ᾽ αὐτοὶ συγγνωστοί. Sap. xiii. 1, 8.