The Observations of Mr. Thomas Heriot in this Voyage.
For Merchandize and Victualls.
Commodities
What before is writ, is also confirmed by that learned Mathematician Mr. Thomas Heriot, with them in the Country, whose particular Relation of all the Beasts, Birds, Fishes, Foules, Fruites, and Rootes, and how they may be usefull; because I have writ it before for the most part in the Discourse of Captaine Amidas, and Captaine Layne, except Silk grasse, Worme silke, Flax like Hempe, Allum, Wapeith, or Terra sigillata, Tar, Rosen, & Turpentine, Civet-cats, Iron ore, Copper that held Silver, Coprose and Pearle: Let those briefes suffice, because I would not trouble you with one thing twice.
Dyes.
For Dyes, Showmack, the herbe Wasebur, little rootes called Chapacor, and the barke of a tree called by the Inhabitants Tangomockonominge, which are for divers sorts of Reds.
A strange Salt.
What more then is related is an herbe in Dutch called Melden, described like an Orange, growing foure foote [I.10.] high; the seede will make good broth, and the stalke burnt to ashes makes a kinde of Salt: other Salt they know not, and we used of it for Pot-herbs. Of their Tobacco we found plenty, which they esteeme their chiefe Physicke.
Rootes.
Ground nuts, Tiswaw we call China roots; they grow in clusters, and bring forth a bryer stalke, but the leafe is far unlike, which will climbe up to the top of the highest tree: the use knowne is to cut it in small peeces, then stampe & straine it with water, and boyled makes a gelly good to eate. Cassavia growes in Marishes, which the Indians oft use for bread and broth. Habascon is like a Parsnip, naught of it selfe, except compounded: and their Leekes like those in England.
Fruits thats strange.
Sequenummener, a kinde of Berry like Capers, and three kinde of Berries like Acornes, called Sagatamenor, Osamenor, and Pummuckoner.
Beasts extraordinary.
Saquenuckot and Maquowoc, two kinde of beasts, greater then Conies, and very good meate; in some places such plenty of gray Conies, like hayres, that all the people make them mantels of their skins. I have the names of 28. severall sorts that are dispersed in the Country: of which 12. kindes we have discovered and good to eate; but the Salvages sometimes kill a Lyon and eate him.
Fish.
There is plentie of Sturgeon in February, March, Aprill, and May; all Herings in abundance; some such as ours, but the most part of 18. 20. or 24. ynches long, and more. Trouts, Porpisses, Rayes, Mullets, Old-wives, Plaice, Tortoises both by Sea and Land: Crabs, Oysters, Mussels, Scalops, Periwinckles, Crevises, Secanank: we have the Pictures of 12. sorts more, but their names we know not.
Foules.
Turkyes, Stockdoves, Partridges, Cranes, Hernes, Swans, Geese, Parrots, Faulcons, Merlins. I have the names in their language of 86. severall sorts. Their woods are such as ours in England for the most part, except Rakeock, a great sweet tree, whereof they make their Canowes: and Ascopo, a kinde of tree like Lowrell, and Saxefras.
Their Natures and Manners.
Their Clothing, Townes, Houses, Warres, Arts, Tooles, handy crafts, and educations, are much like them in that part of Virginia we now inhabite: which at large you may reade in the Description thereof. But the relation of their Religion is strange, as this Author reporteth.
Their Religion.
How the world was made. {MN}
Some Religion they have, which although it be farre from the truth, yet being as it is there is hope it may be the easier reformed. They beleeve there are many gods which they call Mantoac, but of different sorts and degrees. Also that there is one chiefe God that hath beene from all eternitie, who as they say when he purposed first to make the world, {MN} made first other gods of a principall order, to be as instruments to be used in the Creation and government to follow: And after the Sunne, Moone, and Starres, as pettie gods; and the instruments of the other order more principall. First (they say) were made waters, out of which by the gods were made all diversitie of creatures that are visible or invisible.
How man was made.
For mankinde they say a Woman was made first, which by the working of one of the gods conceived and brought forth children; and so they had their beginning, but how many yeares or ages since they know not; having no Records but onely Tradition from Father to sonne.
How they use their gods.
They thinke that all the gods are of humane shape, and therefore represent them by Images in the formes of men; which they call Kewasowok: one alone is called Kewasa; them they place in their Temples, where they worship, pray, sing, and make many offerings. The common sort thinke them also gods.
Wheter they goe after death.
They beleeve the immortalitie of the Soule, when life departing from the body, according to the good or bad workes it hath done, it is carried up to the Tabernacles of the gods, to perpetuall happinesse, or to Popogusso, a great pit: which they thinke to be at the furthest parts of the world, where the Sunne sets, and there burne continually.
Two men risen from the dead. {MN}
To confirme this they told me of two men that had beene lately dead, and [I.11.] revived againe; the one hapned but few yeares before our comming into the country; of a bad man, which being dead and buried, the next day the earth over him being seene to move, was taken up, who told them his soule was very neare entering into Popogusso, had not one of the gods saved him and gave him leave to returne againe, to teach his friends what they should doe to avoyd such torment. {MN} The other hapned the same yeare we were there, but sixtie myles from us, which they told me for news, that one being dead, buried, & taken up as the first, shewed, that although his body had layne dead in the grave, yet his soule lived, and had travailed far in a long broad way, on both sides whereof grew more sweet, fayre, and delicate trees and fruits, then ever he had seene before; at length he came to most brave and fayre houses, neare which he met his Father, that was dead long agoe, who gave him charge to goe backe, to shew his friends what good there was to doe, to injoy the pleasures of that place; which when hee had done hee should come againe.
The subtiltie of their Priests.
What subtiltie so ever be in the Weroances, and Priests; this opinion worketh so much in the common sort, that they have great respect to their Governours: and as great care to avoyde torment after death, and to enjoy blisse. Yet they have divers sorts of punishments according to the offence, according to the greatnesse of the fact. And this is the sum of their Religion, which I learned by having speciall familiaritie with their Priests, wherein they were not so sure grounded, nor gave such credit, but through conversing with us, they were brought into great doubts of their owne, and no small admiration of ours: of which many desired to learne more then we had meanes for want of utterance in their Language to expresse.
Their simplicitie.
Most things they saw with us as Mathematicall Instruments, Sea-Compasses; the vertue of the Loadstone, Perspective Glasses, burning Glasses: Clocks to goe of themselves; Bookes, writing, Guns, and such like; so far exceeded their capacities, that they thought they were rather the workes of gods then men; or at least the gods had taught us how to make them, which loved us so much better then them; & caused many of them give credit to what we spake concerning our God. In all places where I came, I did my best to make his immortall glory knowne. And I told them, although the Bible I shewed them, contained all; yet of it selfe, it was not of any such vertue as I thought they did conceive. Notwithstanding many would be glad to touch it, to kisse, and imbrace it, to hold it to their breasts, and heads, and stroke all their body over with it.
Their desire of salvation.
The King Wingina where we dwelt, would oft be with us at Prayer. Twice he was exceeding sicke and like to dye. And doubting of any helpe from his Priests, thinking he was in such danger for offending us and our God, sent for some of us to pray, and be a meanes to our God, he might live with him after death. And so did many other in the like case. One other strange Accident (leaving others) will I mention before I end, which mooved the whole Country that either knew or heard of us, to have us in wonderfull admiration.
A wonderful Accident.
There was no Towne where they had practised any villany against us (we leaving it unpunished, because we sought by all possible meanes to winne them by gentlenes) but within a few dayes after our departure, they began to dye; in some Townes twenty, in some forty, in some sixty, and in one an hundred and twenty, which was very many in respect of their numbers. And this hapned in no place (we could learn) where we had bin, but where they had used some practise to betray us. And this disease was so strange, they neither knew what it was, nor how to cure it; nor had they knowne the like time out of minde; a thing specially observed by us, as also by themselves, in so much that some of them who were our friends especially Wingina, had observed such effects in foure or five Townes, that they were perswaded it was the worke of God through our meanes: and that we by him might kill and slay whom we would, without [I.12.] weapons, and not come neare them. And thereupon, when they had any understanding, that any of their enemies abused us in our Journeyes, they would intreat us, we would be a meanes to our God, that they, as the others that had dealt ill with us, might dye in like sort: although we shewed them their requests were ungodly; and that our God would not subject himselfe to any such requests of men, but all things as he pleased came to passe: and that we to shew our selves his true servants, ought rather to pray for the contrary: yet because the effect fell out so suddenly after, according to their desires, they thought it came to passe by our meanes, and would come give us thankes in their manner, that though we satisfied them not in words, yet in deeds we had fulfilled their desires.
Their strange opinions.
This marveilous Accident in all the Country wrought so strange opinions of us, that they could not tell whether to thinke us gods or men. And the rather that all the space of their sicknesse, there was no man of ours knowne to die, or much sicke. They noted also we had no women, nor cared for any of theirs: some therefore thought we were not borne of women, and therefore not mortall, but that we were men of an old generation many yeares past, & risen againe from immortalitie. Some would Prophesie there were more of our generation yet to come, to kill theirs and take their places. Those that were to come after us they imagined to be in the ayre, yet invisible and without bodies: and that they by our intreaties, for love of us, did make the people die as they did, by shooting invisible bullets into them.
To confirme this, their Physicians to excuse their Ignorance in curing the disease, would make the simple people beleeve, that the strings of bloud they sucked out of the sicke bodies, were the strings wherein the invisible bullets were tyed, and cast. Some thought we shot them our selves from the place where we dwelt, and killed the people that had offended us, as we listed, how farre distant soever. And others said it was the speciall worke of God for our sakes, as we had cause in some sort to thinke no lesse, whatsoever some doe, or may imagine to the contrary; especially some Astrologers by the eclipse of the Sunne we saw that yeare before our Voyage, and by a Comet which began to appeare but a few dayes before the sicknesse began: but to exclude them from being the speciall causes of so speciall an Accident, there are farther reasons then I thinke fit to present or alledge.
These their opinions I have set downe, that you may see there is hope to imbrace the truth, and honor, obey, feare and love us, by good dealing and government: though some of our company towards the latter end, before we came away with Sir Francis Drake shewed themselves too furious, in slaying some of the people in some Townes, upon causes that on our part might have bin borne with more mildnesse; notwithstanding they justly had deserved it. The best neverthelesse in this, as in all actions besides, is to be indevoured and hoped; and of the worst that may happen, notice to be taken with consideration; and as much as may be eschewed; the better to allure them hereafter to Civilitie and Christianize.
Palling. Thus you may see. How Nature her selfe delights her selfe in sundry Instruments. That sundry things be done to decke the earth with Ornaments; Nor suffers she her servants all should runne one race, But wills the walke of every one frame in a divers pace; That divers waves and divers workes, the world might better grace. Written by Thomas Heriot, one of the Voyage.
How Sir Richard Grenvill went to relieve them.
A.D. 1586.
In the yeare of our Lord 1586. Sir Walter Raleigh and his Associates prepared a ship of a hundred tun, fraughted plentifully of all things necessary: but before [I.13.] they set sayle from England it was Easter. And arriving at Hatorask, they after some time spent in seeking the Collony up in the Country, and not finding them, returned with all the provision againe to England.
Sir Richard Grenvill left fiftie men. {MN}
About 14. or 15. dayes after, Sir Richard Grenvill accompanied with three ships well appoynted, arrived there. Who not finding the aforesaid ship according to his expectation, nor hearing any newes of the Collony there seated, and left by him as is said 1585. travailing up and downe to seeke them, but when he could heare no newes of them, and found their habitation abandoned, unwilling to lose the possession of the Country, {MN} after good deliberation he landed fiftie men in the Ile of Roanoak, plentifully furnished with all manner of provision for two yeares: and so returned for England.
Where many began strangely to discant of those crosse beginnings, and him; which caused me remember an old saying of Euripides.
Who broacheth ought thats new, to fooles untaught, Himselfe shall judged be unwise, and good for naught.
Three Ships more sent to relieve them by Mr. White.
A.D. 1587.
Master White his Voyages.
We went the old course by the west Indies, and Simon Ferdinando our continuall Pilot mistaking Virginia for Cape Fear, we sayled not much to have beene cast away, upon the conceit of our all-knowing Ferdinando, had it not beene prevented by the vigilancy of Captaine Stafford. We came to Hatorask the 22. of July, and with fortie of our best men, intending at Roanoack to find the 50 men left by Sir Richard Grenvill. But we found nothing but the bones of a man, and where the Plantation had beene, the houses unhurt, but overgrowne with weeds, and the Fort defaced, which much perplexed us.
One of the Council slaine. {MN}
By the History it seemes Simon Ferdinando did what he could to bring this voyage to confusion; but yet they all arrived at Hatorask. They repayred the old houses at Roanock, {MN} and Master George How, one of the Councell, stragling abroad, was slaine by the Salvages. Not long after Master Stafford with 20. men went to Croatan with Manteo, whose friends dwelled there: of whom we thought to have some newes of our 50 men. They at first made shew to fight, but when they heard Manteo, they threw away their Armes, and were friends, and desired there might be a token given to be knowne by, least we might hurt them by misprision, as the yeare before one had bin by Master Layne, that was ever their friend, and there present yet lame.
How the fiftie men were slaine.
The next day we had conference with them concerning the people of Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Pomeiok, willing them of Croatan to see if they would accept friendship, and renew our old acquaintance: which they willingly imbraced, and promised to bring their King and Governours to Roanoak, to confirme it. We also understood that Master Howe was slaine by the men of Wingina, of Dassamonpeack: and by them of Roanoack, {MN} that the fiftie men left by Sir Richard Grenvill, were suddainly set upon by three hundred of Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Dassamonpeack. First they intruded themselves among 11 of them by friendship, one they slew, the rest retyring to their houses, they set them on fire, that our men with what came next to hand were forced to make their passage among them; where one of them was shot in the mouth, and presently dyed, and a Salvage slaine by him. On both sides more were hurt; but our men retyring to the water side, got their boat, & ere they had rowed a quarter of a myle towards Hatorask, they tooke up foure of their fellowes, gathering Crabs and Oysters: at last they landed on a little Ile by Hatorask, where they remained a while, but after departed they knew not whether. So taking our leaves of the Croatans, we came to our Fleet at Hatorask.
The Governour having long expected the King and Governours of Pomeiok, Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Dassamonpeack, and the 7. dayes expired, and no newes of them, being also informed by those of Croatan, that they of Dassamonpeack slew Master How, and were at the driving our men from Roanoack he thought no longer to deferre the revenge. Wherefore about midnight, with Captaine Stafford, and twentie-foure men, whereof Manteo was one, for our guide, (that behaved himselfe towards us as a most faithfull English man) he set forward.
An ill misprision.
A child borne in Virginia. {MN}
The next day by breake of day we landed, and got beyond their houses, where seeing them sit by the fire we assaulted them. The miserable soules amazed fled into the Reeds, where one was shot through, and we thought to have beene fully revenged, but we were deceived, for they were our friends come from Croatan to gather their corne, because they understood our enemies were fled after the death of Master How, and left all behinde them for the birds. But they had like to have payd too deare for it, had we not chanced upon a Weroances wife, with a childe at her backe, and a Salvage that knew Captaine Stafford, that ran to him calling him by his name. Being thus disappointed of our purpose, we gathered the fruit we found ripe, left the rest unspoyled, and tooke Menatonon his wife with her childe, and the rest with us to Roanoak. Though this mistake grieved Manteo, yet he imputed it to their own folly, because they had not kept promise to come to the governor at the day appointed. The 13. of August our Salvage Manteo was Christened, and called Lord of Dassamonpeack, in reward of his faithfulnesse. {MN} And the 18th, Ellinor the Governours daughter, and wife to Ananias Dare, was delivered of a daughter in Roanoak; which being the first Christian there borne, was called Virginia.
A controversie who to send for Factor to England. {MN}
Our ships being ready to depart, such a storme arose, as the Admirall was forced to cut her Cables: and it was six dayes ere she could recover the shore, that made us doubt she had beene lost, because the most of her best men were on shore. {MN} At this time Controversies did grow betwixt our Governour and the Assistants, about choosing one of them 12. to goe as Factor for them all to England; for all refused save one, whom all men thought most insufficient: the Conclusion was by a generall consent, they would have the Governour goe himselfe, for that they thought none would so truly procure there supplyes as he. Which though he did what he could to excuse it, yet their importunitie would not cease till he under-tooke it, and had it under all their hands how unwilling he was, but that necessity and reason did doubly constraine him. At their setting sayle for England, waighing Anchor, twelve of the men in the flyboat were throwne from the Capstern, by the breaking of a barre, and most of them so hurt, that some never recovered it. The second time they had the like fortune, being but 15. they cut the Cable and kept company with their Admirall to Flowres and Corvos; the Admirall stayed there looking for purchase: but the flyboats men grew so weake they were driven to Smerwick in the West of Ireland. The Governour went for England; and Simon Ferdinando with much adoe at last arrived at Portsmouth. 1587.
The Names of those were landed in this Plantation were,
| John White, Governour | John Samson. |
| Roger Bayley. | Thomas Smith. |
| Ananias Dare. | Dionis Harvie. |
| Simon Ferdinando. | Roger Prat. |
| Christopher Couper. | George How. |
| Thomas Stevens. | Antony Cage. |
With divers others to the number of about 115.
[I.15.] The fift Voyage to Virginia; undertaken by Mr. John White.
A.D. 1589.
Master White his return to Virginia.
Captaine Spicer and seaven others drowned. {MN-1}
They finde where they had buryed their provisions. {MN-2}
The 20. of March three ships went from Plimouth, and passed betwixt Barbary and Mogadoro to Dominico in the West Indies. After we had done some exployts in those parts, the third of August wee fell with the low sandy Iles westward of Wokokon. But by reason of ill weather it was the 11. ere we could Anchor there; and on the 12. we came to Croatan, where is a great breach in 35 degrees and a halfe, in the Northeast poynt of the Ile. The 15. we came to Hatorask in 36. degrees & a terse, at 4. fadom, 3 leagues from shore: where we might perceive a smoake at the place where I left the Colony, 1587. The next morning Captaine Cooke, Captaine Spicer, & their companies, with two boats left our ships, and discharged some Ordnance to give them notice of our comming, but when we came there, we found no man, nor signe of any that had beene there lately: and so returned to our Boats. The next morning we prepared againe for Roanoack. Captaine Spicer had then sent his Boat ashore for water, so it was ten of the Clocke ere we put from the ships, which rode two myles from the shore. The Admirals boat, being a myle before the other, as she passed the bar, a sea broke into the boat and filled her halfe full of water: but by Gods good will, and the carefull stearage of Captaine Cook, though our provisions were much wet we safe escaped, the wind blew hard at Northeast, which caused so great a current and a breach upon the barre; Captaine Spicer passed halfe over, but by the indiscreet steering of Ralph Skinner, their boat was overset, the men that could catch hold hung about her, the next sea cast her on ground, where some let goe their hold to wade to shore, but the sea beat them downe. {MN-1} The boat thus tossed up and downe Captaine Spicer and Skinner hung there till they were drowned; but 4. that could swim a little, kept themselves in deeper water, were saved by the meanes of Captaine Cook, that presently upon the oversetting of their boat, shipped himselfe to save what he could. Thus of eleven, seven of the chiefest were drowned. This so discomfited all the Saylers, we had much to do to get them any more to seeke further for the Planters, but by their Captaines forwardnes at last they fitted themselves againe for Hatorask in 2 boats, with 19 persons. It was late ere we arrived, but seeing a fire through the woods, we sounded a Trumpet, but no answer could we heare. The next morning we went to it, but could see nothing but the grasse, and some rotten trees burning. We went up and downe the Ile, and at last found three faire Romane Letters carved. C.R.O. which presently we knew to signifie the place where I should find them, according to a secret note betweene them & me: which was to write the name of the place they would be in, upon some tree, dore, or post: and if they had beene in any distresse, to signifie it by making a crosse over it. For at my departure they intended to goe fiftie myles into the mayne. But we found no signe of distresse; then we went to a place where they were left in sundry houses, but we found them all taken downe, and the place strongly inclosed with a high Palizado, very Fortlike; and in one of the chiefe Posts carved in fayre capitall Letters CROATAN, without any signe of distresse, and many barres of Iron, two pigs of Lead, foure Fowlers, Iron shot, and such like heavie things throwne here and there, overgrowne with grasse and weeds. We went by the shore to seeke for their boats but could find none, nor any of the Ordnance I left them. {MN-2} At last some of the Sailers found divers Chists had beene hidden and digged up againe, and much of the goods spoyled, and scattered up and downe, which when I saw, I knew three of them to be my owne; but bookes, pictures, and all things els were spoyled. Though it much grieved me, yet it did much comfort me that I did know they were at Croatan; so we returned to our Ships, but had like to have bin cast away by a great storme that continued all that night.
The end of the Plantation. {MN}
[I.16.] The next morning we weighed Anchor for Croatan: having the Anchor a-pike, the Cable broke, by the meanes whereof we lost another: letting fall the third, the ship yet went so fast a drift, we fayled not much there to have split. But God bringing us into deeper water; considering we had but one Anchor, and our provision neare spent, we resolved to goe forthwith to S. Johns Ile, Hispaniola, or Trinidado, to refresh our selves and seeke for purchase that Winter, and the next Spring come againe to seeke our Country-men. But our Vice Admirall would not, but went directly for England, and we our course for Trinidado. But within two dayes after, the wind changing, we were constrained for the Westerne Iles to refresh our selves, where we met with many of the Queenes ships our owne consort, and divers others, the 23. of September 1590. And thus we left seeking this our Colony, that was never any of them found, nor seene to this day 1622. {MN} And this was the conclusion of this Plantation, after so much time, labour, and charge consumed. Whereby we see;
Not all at once, nor all alike, nor ever hath it beene, That God doth offer and confer his blessings upon men. Written by Master John White.
CAPTAIN BARTHOLOMEW GOSNOLL
A.D. 1602.
A briefe Relation of the Description of Elizabeths Ile, and some others towards the North part of Virginia; and what els they discovered in the yeare 1602. by Captaine Bartholomew Gosnoll, and Captaine Bartholomew Gilbert; and divers other Gentlemen their Associates.
12. yeares it lay dead.
All hopes of Virginia thus abandoned, it lay dead and obscured from 1590. till this yeare 1602. that Captaine Gosnoll, with 32. and himselfe in a small Barke, set sayle from Dartmouth upon the 26. of March. Though the wind favoured us not at the first, but force us as far Southward as the Asores, which was not much out of our way; we ran directly west from thence, whereby we made our journey shorter then heretofore by 500. leagues: the weaknesse of our ship, the badnes of our saylers, and our ignorance of the coast, caused us carry but a low sayle, that made our passage longer then we expected.
Their first landing. {MN}
On fryday the 11. of May we made land, it was somewhat low, where appeared certaine hummocks or hills in it: the shore white sand, but very rockie, yet overgrowne with fayre trees. Comming to an Anchor, 8 Indians in a Baske shallop, with mast and sayle came boldly aboord us. It seemed by their signes & such things as they had, some Biskiners had fished there: being about the latitude of 43. But the harbour being naught, & doubting the weather, we went not ashore, but waighed, and stood to the Southward into the Sea. {MN} The next morning we found our selves imbayed with a mightie headland: within a league of the shore we anchored, and Captaine Gosnoll, my selfe, & three others went to it in our boat, being a white sand & a bold coast. Though the weather was hot, we marched to the highest hils we could see, where we perceived this headland part of the mayn, neare invironed with Ilands. As we were returning to our ship, a good proper, lusty young man came to us, with whom we had but small conference, and so we left him. Here in 5. or 6. houres we tooke more Cod then we knew what to doe with, which made us perswade our selves, there might be found a good fishing in March, Aprill, and May.
Martha's Vineyard. [I.17]
At length we came among these fayre Iles, some a league, 2. 3. 5. or 6. from the Mayne, by one of them we anchored. We found it foure myles in compasse, without house or inhabitant. In it is a lake neare a myle in circuit; the rest overgrowne with trees, which so well as the bushes, were so overgrowne with Vines, we could scarce passe them. And by the blossomes we might perceive there would be plenty of Strawberries, Respises, Gousberries, and divers other fruits: besides, Deere and other Beasts we saw, and Cranes, Hernes, with divers other sorts of fowle; which made us call it Martha's Vineyard.
Elizabeths Island.
The rest of the Iles are replenished with such like; very rocky, and much tinctured stone like Minerall. Though we met many Indians, yet we could not see their habitations: they gave us fish, Tobacco, and such things as they had. But the next Isle we arrived at was but two leagues from the Maine, & 16. myle about, invironed so with creekes and coves, it seemed like many Isles linked together by small passages like bridges. In it is many places of plaine grasse, and such other fruits, and berries as before were mentioned. In mid-May we did sow Wheat, Barley, Gates, & Pease, which in 14. dayes sprung up 9. inches. The soyle is fat and lusty: the crust thereof gray, a foot or lesse in depth. It is full of high timbred Okes, their leaves thrise so broad as ours: Cedar straight and tall, Beech, Holly, Walnut, Hazell, Cherry trees like ours, but the stalke beareth the blossom or fruit thereof like a cluster of Grapes, forty or fiftie in a bunch. There is a tree of Orange colour, whose barke in the filing is as smooth as Velvet. There is a lake of fresh water three myles in compasse, in the midst an Isle containing an acre or thereabout, overgrowne with wood: here are many Tortoises, and abundance of all sorts of foules, whose young ones we tooke and eate at our pleasure. Grounds nuts as big as egges, as good as Potatoes, and 40. on a string, not two ynches under ground. All sorts of shell-fish, as Schalops, Mussels, Cockles, Crabs, Lobsters, Welks, Oysters, exceeding good and very great; but not to cloy you with particulars, what God and nature hath bestowed on those places, I refer you to the Authors owne writing at large. We called this Isle Elizabeths Isle, from whence we went right over to the mayne, where we stood a while as ravished at the beautie and dilicacy of the sweetnesse, besides divers cleare lakes, whereof we saw no end, & meadows very large and full of greene grasse, &c.
A Copper Mine. {MN-1}
Their return. {MN-2}
Here we espyed 7. Salvages, at first they expressed some feare, but by our courteous usage of them, they followed us to the necke of Land, which we thought had beene severed from the Mayne, but we found it otherwise. Here we imagined was a river, but because the day was farre spent, we left to discover it till better leasure. But of good Harbours, there is no doubt, considering the Land is all rocky and broken lands. The next day we determined to fortifie our selves in the Isle in the lake. Three weekes we spent in building us there a house. But the second day after our comming from the Mayne, 11. Canows with neare 50. Salvages came towards us. Being unwilling they should see our building, we went to, & exchanged with them Knives, Hatchets, Beades, Bels, and such trifles, for some Bevers, Lyzards, Martins, Foxes, wilde Catte skinnes, and such like. {MN-1} We saw them have much red Copper, whereof they make chaines, collars, and drinking cups, which they so little esteemed they would give us for small toyes, & signified unto us they had it out of the earth in the Mayne: three dayes they stayed with us, but every night retyred two or three myle from us: after with many signes of love and friendship they departed, seaven of them staying behind, that did helpe us to dig and carry Saxafras, and doe any thing they could, being of a comely proportion and the best condition of any Salvages we had yet incountred. They have no Beards but counterfeits, as they did thinke ours also was: for which they would have changed with some of our men that had great beards. Some of the baser sort would steale; but the better sort, we found very civill and just. We saw but three of their women, and they were but of meane stature, [I.18.] attyred in skins like the men, but fat and well favoured. The wholesomenesse and temperature of this climate, doth not onely argue the people to be answerable to this Description, but also of a perfect constitution of body, active, strong, healthfull, and very witty, as the sundry toyes by them so cunningly wrought may well testifie. For our selves, we found our selves rather increase in health and strength then otherwise; for all our toyle, bad dyet and lodging; yet not one of us was touched with any sicknesse. {MN-2} Twelve intended here a while to have stayed, but upon better consideration, how meanely we were provided, we left this Island (with as many true sorrowfull eyes as were before desirous to see it) the 18. of June, and arrived at Exmouth, the 23 of July.
But yet mans minde doth such it selfe explay, As Gods great Will doth frame it every way. And, Such thoughts men have, on earth that doe but live, As men may crave, but God doth onely give. Written by John Brierton one of the Voyage.
CAPTAIN MARTIN PRING
A.D. 1603.
A Voyage of Captaine Martin Pring, with two Barks from Bristow, for the North part of Virginia. 1603.
By the inducements and perswasions of Mr. Richard Hackluite, Mr. John Whitson being Maior, with his brethren the Aldermen, & most of the Merchants of the Citie of Bristow, raised a stocke of 1000 L. to furnish out two Barkes, the one of 50. tuns, with 30. men and boyes, the other 26. tuns, with 13. men and boyes, having Martin Pring an understanding Gentleman, and a sufficient Mariner for Captaine, and Robert Salterne his Assistant, who had bin with Captaine Gosnoll there the yeare before for Pilot. Though they were much crossed by contrary windes upon the coast of England, and the death of that ever most memorable, miracle of the world, our most deare soveraigne Lady and Queene Elizabeth: yet at last they passed by the westerne Isles, and about the 7. of June, fell upon the north part of Virginia, about the degrees of fortie three. Where they found plentie of most sorts of fish, and saw a high country full of great woods of sundry sorts. As they ranged the coast at a place they named Whitson Bay, they were kindly used by the Natives, that came to them, in troupes, of tens, twenties, & thirties, and sometimes more. But because in this Voyage for most part they followed the course of Captaine Gosnoll, and have made no relation but to the same effect he writ before, we will thus conclude;
Lay hands unto this worke with all thy wit, But pray that God would speed and perfit it. Robert Salterne.
A.D. 1605.
A relation of a Discovery towards the Northward of Virginia, by Captaine George Waymouth 1605. imployed thether by the right Honorable Thomas Arundell, Baron of Warder, in the Raigne of our most royall King James.
Dangerous shoules. {MN-1}
Cod and Whales. {MN-2}
Their first landing. {MN-3}
Upon tuesday the fift of March we set sayle from Ratcliffe, but by contrary winds we were forced into Dartmouth till the last of this moneth, then with 29. as good sea men, & all necessary provisions as could [I.19.] possibly be gotten, we put to sea; and the 24 of Aprill fell with Flowres and Corvos. We intended as we were directed towards the Southward of 39. {MN-1} But the winds so crossed us wee fell more Northwards about 41. and 20. minuits, we sounded at 100. fathom, & by that we had run 6 leagues we had but 5. yet saw no land; from the mayne top we descryed a whitish sandy clift, West North-west some 6. leagues from us, but ere we had run two leagues further we found many shoules and breaches, sometimes in 4. fadom and the next throw 15. or 18. Being thus imbayed among those shoules, we were constrained to put back againe, which we did with no small danger, though both the winde and weather were as fayre as we could desire. Thus we parted from the Land, which we had not before so much desired, and at the first sight rejoyced, as now we all joyfully praysed God that he had delivered us from so eminent danger. {MN-2} Here we found excellent Cod, and saw many Whales as we had done 2. or 3. daies before. Being thus constrained to put to sea, the want of wood & water caused us take the best advantage of the winde, to fall with the shore wheresoever: but we found our Sea-cards most directly false. The 17. of May we made the Land againe, but it blew so hard, we durst not approach it. The next day it appeared to us a mayne high land, but we found it an Island of 6. myles in compasse: {MN-3} within a league of it we came to an anchor, and went on shore for wood & water, of which we found sufficient. The water gushing forth downe the rocky clifts, in many places, which are all overgrown with Firre, Birch, Beech, & Oke, as the Verge is with Gousberries, Strawberries, wild Pease, and Rose bushes, and much foule of divers sorts that breed among the rockes: here as in all places els where we came, we found Cod enough.
Pentecost harbour. {MN-1}
The Captains diligence. {MN-2}
From hence we might discerne the mayne land and very high mountaines, the next day because we rode too open to the Sea, we waighed, and came to the Isles adjoyning to the mayn: among which we found an excellent rode, defended from all windes, for ships of any burthen, in 6. 7. 8. 9. or 10. fadom upon a clay oze. {MN-1} This was upon a Whitsonday, wherefore we called it Pentecost Harbour. Here I cannot omit for foolish feare of imputation of flattery, the painfull industry of our Captaine, who as at Sea he was alwayes most carefull & vigilant, so at land he refused no paines: {MN-2} but his labour was ever as much or rather more then any mans; which not onely incouraged others with better content, but also effected much with great expedition. We digged a Garden the 22. of May, where among our garden-seeds we sowed Pease and Barley, which in 16. dayes grew up 8. ynches, although this was but the crust of the ground, and much inferiour to the mould we after found in the mayne.
Trade with the Salvages. {MN}
After we had taken order for all our necessary businesses, we marched through two of these Isles. The biggest was 4. or 5. myles in compasse; we found here all sorts of ordinary trees, besides, Vines, Currants, Spruce, Yew, Angelica, and divers gummes: in so much many of our company wished themselves setled here. Upon the 30. our Captaine with 13. went to discover the mayne: we in the ship espyed 3. Canowes that came towards the ship. Which after they had well viewed, one of them came aboord with 3. men, and by our good usage of them not long after the rest, two dayes we had their companies, in all respects they are but like them at Elizabeths Isles, therefore this may suffice for their description. In this time our Captain had discovered a fayre river, trending into the mayne 40 myles, and returned backe to bring in the ship. {MN} The Salvages also kept their words and brought us 40. Bever, Otter, and sable skins, for the value of 5. shillings in knives, glasses, combes, and such toyes, and thus we used them so kindly as we could, because we intended to inhabit in their Country, they lying aboord with us and we ashore with them; but it was but as changing man for man as hostages, and in this manner many times we had their companies.
Their trechery. {MN-1}
Five Salvages surprised. {MN-2}
At last they desired our Captaine to goe with them to the mayne to trade with their Bashabes, which is their chiefe Lord, which we did, our boat well manned with [I.20.] 14. yet would they row faster with 3. Ores in their Canowes then we with 8. but when we saw our old acquaintance, would not stay aboord us as before for hostage, but did what they could to draw us into a narrow cirke, {MN-1} we exchanged one Owen Griffin with them for a yong fellow of theirs, that he might see if he could discover any trechery, as he did, for he found there assembled 283. Salvages with bowes & arrows, but not any thing at all to trade as they pretended. These things considered, we conceited them to be but as all Salvages ever had beene, kinde till they found opportunitie to do mischiefe. {MN-2} Wherefore we determined to take some of them, before they should suspect we had discovered their plot, lest they should absent themselves from us, so the first that ever after came into the ship were three which we kept, and two we tooke on shore with much adoe, with two Canowes, their bowes and arrowes.
A description of the river. {MN}
Some time we spent in sounding all the Isles, channels, and inlets thereabouts, and we found 4. severall waies a ship might be brought into this Bay. In the interim there came 2. Canowes more boldly aboord us, signifying we should bring our ship to the place where he dwelt to trade. We excused our selves why we could not, but used them kindly, yet got them away with all the speed we could, that they should not be perceived by them in the houle, then we went up the river 26. myles, of which I had rather not write, then by my relation detract from it, {MN} it is in breadth a myle, neare 40. myles; and a channell of 6. 7. 8. 9. or 10. fadom, & on both sides every halfe myle gallant Coves, to containe in many of them 100 sayle, where they may lye on Oze without Cable or Anchor, onely mored with a Hauser, and it floweth 18. foot, that you may make, docke, or carine ships with much facilitie: besides the land is most rich, trending all along on both sides in an equall plaine, neither rocky nor mountainous, but verged with a greene border of grasse, doth make tender to the beholder her pleasant fertilitie, if by cleansing away the woods she were converted into meadow.
The woods are great, and tall, such as are spoken of in the Islands, and well watered with many fresh springs. Our men that had seene Oranoque so famous in the worlds eares, Reogrande, Loyer, & Slion, report, though they be great & goodly rivers, yet are not comparable to it. Leaving our ship we went higher, till we were 7. myles higher then the salt water flowed; we marched towards the mountains we had seene, but the weather was so hot, & our labour so great, as our Captaine was contented to returne: after we had erected a crosse we left this faire land and river, in which the higher we went the better we liked it, and returned to our ship. By the way we met a Canow that much desired one of our men to go up to their Basshabes, but we knew their intents, and so turned them off; and though we had both time and provision to have discovered much more, and might have found peradventure good trade, yet because our company was but small, we would not hazzard so hopefull a businesse as this was, either for our private, or particular ends, being more regardfull of a publicke good, and promulgating Gods holy Church by planting Christianity, which was the intent of our adventurers so well as ours; returning by the Isles in the entry of the Sound we called them St. Georges Isles, & because on Sunday we set out of England, on Sunday also the 16. of June we departed hence. When we had run 30. leagues we had 40. fadom, then 70. then 100. After 2. or 3. watches more we were in 24. fadoms, where we tooke so much Cod as we did know what to doe with, and the 18. of July came to Dartmouth, and all our men as well God be thanked as when they went forth.
Thus may you see; God hath not all his gifts bestowed on all or any one, Words sweetest, and wits sharpest, courage, strength of bone; All rarities of minde and parts doe all concurre in none. Written by James Rosier one of the Voyage.