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The Great Illusion / A Study of the Relation of Military Power to National Advantage

Chapter 54: INDEX
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About This Book

The author argues that in an interconnected, industrial age, the expected gains of military conquest are largely illusory because commerce, finance, and mutual dependence make territorial conquest economically costly and politically self-defeating. He supports this claim with economic analysis, critiques of popular beliefs about national advantage, and psychological and moral reflections on why nations pursue war. Historical episodes and contemporary conflicts are examined to test the argument, and practical conclusions propose rethinking armaments, defence policy, and the cultivation of public opinion to reduce the likelihood of destructive warfare.

[86] "My Life in the Army," p. 119.

[87] I do not think this last generalization does any injustice to the essay, "Latitude and Longitude among Reformers" ("Strenuous Life," pp. 41-61. The Century Company).

[88] See for further illustration of the difference and its bearing in practical politics Chapter VIII., Part I., "The Fight for the Place in the Sun."

[89] See Chapter VII., Part I.

[90] Aristotle did, however, have a flash of the truth. He said: "If the hammer and the shuttle could move themselves, slavery would be unnecessary."

[91] "Facts and Comments," p. 112.

[92] Buckle ("History of Civilization") points out that Philip II., who ruled half the world and drew tribute from the whole of South America, was so poor that he could not pay his personal servants or meet the daily expenses of the Court!

[93] I mean by credit all the mechanism of exchange which replaces the actual use or metal, or notes representing it.

[94] Lecky ("Rationalism in Europe," p. 76) says: "Protestantism could not possibly have existed without a general diffusion of the Bible, and that diffusion was impossible until after the two inventions of paper and printing.... Before those inventions, pictures and material images were the chief means of religious instruction." And thus religious belief became necessarily material, crude, anthropomorphic.

[95] "Battles are no longer the spectacular heroics of the past. The army of to-day and to-morrow is a sombre gigantic machine devoid of melodramatic heroics ... a machine that it requires years to form in separate parts, years to assemble them together, and other years to make them work smoothly and irresistibly" (Homer Lea in "The Valor of Ignorance," p. 49).

[96] General von Bernhardi, in his work on cavalry, deals with this very question of the bad influence on tactics of the "pomp of war," which he admits must disappear, adding very wisely: "The spirit of tradition consists not in the retention of antiquated forms, but in acting in that spirit which in the past led to such glorious success." The plea for the retention of the soldier because of his "spirit" could not be more neatly disposed of. See p. 111 of the English edition of Bernhardi's work (Hugh Rees, London).

[97] See quotations, pp. 161-166.

[98] The following letter to the Manchester Guardian, which appeared at the time of the Boer War, is worth reproduction in this connection:

"Sir,—I see that 'The Church's Duty in regard to War' is to be discussed at the Church Congress. This is right. For a year the heads of our Church have been telling us what war is and does—that it is a school of character; that it sobers men, cleans them, strengthens them, knits their hearts; makes them brave, patient, humble, tender, prone to self-sacrifice. Watered by 'war's red rain,' one Bishop tells us, virtue grows; a cannonade, he points out, is an 'oratorio'—almost a form of worship. True; and to the Church men look for help to save their souls from starving for lack of this good school, this kindly rain, this sacred music. Congresses are apt to lose themselves in wastes of words. This one must not, surely cannot, so straight is the way to the goal. It has simply to draft and submit a new Collect for war in our time, and to call for the reverent but firm emendation, in the spirit of the best modern thought, of those passages in Bible and Prayer-Book by which even the truest of Christians and the best of men have at times been blinded to the duty of seeking war and ensuing it. Still, man's moral nature cannot, I admit, live by war alone; nor do I say with some that peace is wholly bad. Even amid the horrors of peace you will find little shoots of character fed by the gentle and timely rains of plague and famine, tempest and fire; simple lessons of patience and courage conned in the schools of typhus, gout, and stone; not oratorios, perhaps, but homely anthems and rude hymns played on knife and probe in the long winter nights. Far from me to 'sin our mercies,' or to call mere twilight dark. Yet dark it may become; for remember that even these poor makeshift schools of character, these second-bests, these halting substitutes for war—remember that the efficiency of every one of them, be it hunger, accident, ignorance, sickness, or pain, is menaced by the intolerable strain of its struggles with secular doctors, plumbers, inventors, schoolmasters, and policemen. Every year thousands who would once have been braced and steeled by manly tussles with small-pox or diphtheria are robbed of that blessing by the great changes made in our drains. Every year thousands of women and children must go their way bereft of the rich spiritual experience of the widow and the orphan."

[99] Captain March Phillips, "With Remington." Methuen. See pp. 259-60 for Mr. Blatchford's confirmation of this verdict.

[100] And here as to the officers—again not from me but from a very Imperialist and militarist quarter—the London Spectator (November 25, 1911), says: "Soldiers might be supposed to be free from pettiness because they are men of action. But we all know that there is no profession in which the leaders are more depreciated by one another than in the profession of arms."

[101] Professor William James says: "Greek history is a panorama of war for war's sake ... of the utter ruin of a civilization which in intellectual respects was perhaps the highest the earth has ever seen. The wars were purely piratical. Pride, gold, women, slaves, excitement were their only motives."—McClure's Magazine, August, 1910.

[102] "Britain at Bay." Constable and Co.

[103] See quotation from Sir C.P. Lucas, p. 111-12.

[104] See details on this matter given in Chapter VII., Part I.

[105] London Morning Post, April 21, 1910. I pass over the fact that to cite all this as a reason for armaments is absurd. Does the Morning Post really suggest that the Germans are going to attack England because they don't like the English taste in art, or music, or cooking? The notion that preferences of this sort need the protection of Dreadnoughts is surely to bring the whole thing within the domain of the grotesque.

[106] I refer to the remarkable speech in which Mr. Chamberlain notified France that she must "mend her manners or take the consequences" (see London daily papers between November 28 and December 5, 1899).

[107] Not that a very great period separates us from such methods. Froude quotes Maltby's Report to Government as follows: "I burned all their corn and houses, and committed to the sword all that could be found. In like manner I assailed a castle. When the garrison surrendered, I put them to the misericordia of my soldiers. They were all slain. Thence I went on, sparing none which came in my way, which cruelty did so amaze their fellows that they could not tell where to bestow themselves." Of the commander of the English forces at Munster we read: "He diverted his forces into East Clanwilliam, and harassed the country; killed all mankind that were found therein ... not leaving behind us man or beast, corn or cattle ... sparing none of what quality, age, or sex soever. Beside many burned to death, we killed man, woman, child, horse, or beast or whatever we could find."

[108] In "The Evolution of Modern Germany" (Fisher Unwin, London) the same author says: "Germany implies not one people, but many peoples ... of different culture, different political and social institutions ... diversity of intellectual and economic life.... When the average Englishman speaks of Germany he really means Prussia, and consciously or not he ignores the fact that in but few things can Prussia be regarded as typical of the whole Empire."

[109] "International Law." John Murray, London.

[110] Lord Sanderson, dealing with the development of international intercourse in an address to the Royal Society of Arts (November 15, 1911), said: "The most notable feature of recent international intercourse, he thought, was the great increase in international exhibitions, associations, and conferences of every description and on every conceivable subject. When he first joined the Foreign Office, rather more than fifty years ago, conferences were confined almost entirely to formal diplomatic meetings to settle some urgent territorial or political question in which several States were interested. But as time had passed, not only were the number and frequency of political conferences increased, but a host of meetings of persons more or less official, termed indiscriminately conferences and congresses, had come into being."

[111] January 8, 1910.

[112] March 10, 1910.

[113] "The German Government is straining every nerve, with the zealous support of its people, to get ready for a fight with this country" (Morning Post, March 1, 1912). "The unsatiated will of the armed State will, when an opportunity offers, attack most likely its most satiated neighbors without scruple, and despoil them without ruth" (Dr. Dillon, Contemporary Review, October, 1911).

[114] I have shown in a former chapter (Chapter VI., Part II.) how these international hatreds are not the cause of conflict, but the outcome of conflicts or presumed conflicts of policy. If difference of national psychology—national "incompatibility of temper"—were the cause, how can we explain the fact that ten years since the English were still "hating all Frenchmen like the devil," and talking of alliance with the Germans? If diplomatic shuffling had pushed England into alliance with the Germans against the French, it would never have occurred to the people that they had to "detest the Germans."

[115] The German Navy Law in its preamble might have filched this from the British Navy League catechism.

[116] In an article published in 1897 (January 16) the London Spectator pointed out the hopeless position Germany would occupy if England cared to threaten her. The organ, which is now apt to resent the increased German Navy as implying aggression upon England, then wrote as follows: "Germany has a mercantile marine of vast proportions. The German flag is everywhere. But on the declaration of war the whole of Germany's trading ships would be at our mercy. Throughout the seas of the world our cruisers would seize and confiscate German ships. Within the first week of the declaration of war Germany would have suffered a loss of many million pounds by the capture of her ships. Nor is that all. Our Colonies are dotted with German trading-houses, who, in spite of a keen competition, do a great deal of business.... We should not, of course, want to treat them harshly; but war must mean for them the selling of their businesses for what they would fetch and going home to Germany. In this way Germany would lose a hold upon the trade of the world which it has taken her many years of toil to create.... Again, think of the effect upon Germany's trade of the closing of all her ports. Hamburg is one of the greatest ports of the world. What would be its condition if practically not a single ship could leave or enter it? Blockades are no doubt very difficult things to maintain strictly, but Hamburg is so placed that the operation would be comparatively easy. In truth the blockade of all the German ports on the Baltic or the North Sea would present little difficulty.... Consider the effect on Germany if her flag were swept from the high seas and her ports blockaded. She might not miss her colonies, for they are only a burden, but the loss of her sea-borne trade would be an equivalent to an immediate fine of at least a hundred million sterling. In plain words, a war with Germany, even when conducted by her with the utmost wisdom and prudence, must mean for her a direct loss of a terribly heavy kind, and for us virtually no loss at all." This article is full of the fallacies which I have endeavored to expose in this book, but it logically develops the notions which are prevalent in both England and Germany; and yet Germans have to listen to an English Minister of Marine describing their Navy as a luxury!

[117] Here is the real English belief in this matter: "Why should Germany attack Britain? Because Germany and Britain are commercial and political rivals; because Germany covets the trade, the Colonies, and the Empire which Britain now possesses.... As to arbitration, limitation of armament, it does not require a very great effort of the imagination to enable us to see that proposal with German eyes. Were I a German, I should say: 'These islanders are cool customers. They have fenced in all the best parts of the globe, they have bought or captured fortresses and ports in five continents, they have gained the lead in commerce, they have a virtual monopoly of the carrying trade of the world, they hold command of the seas, and now they propose that we shall all be brothers, and that nobody shall fight or steal any more,'" (Robert Blatchford, "Germany and England," pp. 4-13).

[118] "Facts and Fallacies." An answer to "Compulsory Service," by Field-Marshal Earl Roberts, V.C., K.G.

[119] Discussing the first edition of this book, Sir Edward Grey said: "True as the statement in that book may be, it does not become an operative motive in the minds and conduct of nations until they are convinced of its truth and it has become a commonplace to them" (Argentine Centenary Banquet, May 20, 1910).

[120] Lecky, "History of the Progress of Rationalism in Europe."

[121] I do not desire in the least, of course, to create the impression that I regard the truths here elaborated as my "discovery," as though no one had worked in this field before. Properly speaking, there is no such thing as priority in ideas. The interdependence of peoples was proclaimed by philosophers three thousand years ago. The French school of pacifists—Passy, Follin, Yves Guyot, de Molinari, and Estournelles de Constant—have done splendid work in this field; but no one of them, so far as I know, has undertaken the work of testing in detail the politico-economic orthodoxy by the principle of the economic futility of military force; by bringing that principle to bear on the everyday problems of European statecraft. If there is such an one—presenting the precise notes of interrogation which I have attempted to present here—I am not aware of it. This does not prevent, I trust, the very highest appreciation of earlier and better work done in the cause of peace generally. The work of Jean de Bloch, among others, though covering different ground from this, possesses an erudition and bulk of statistical evidence to which this can make no claim. The work of J. Novikow, to my mind the greatest of all, has already been touched upon.

[122] "Turkey in Europe," pp. 88-9 and 91-2.

It is significant, by the way, that the "born soldier" has now been crushed by a non-military race whom he has always despised as having no military tradition. Capt. F.W. von Herbert ("Bye Paths in the Balkans") wrote (some years before the present war): "The Bulgars, as Christian subjects of Turkey exempt from military service, have tilled the ground under stagnant and enfeebling peace conditions, and the profession of arms is new to them."

"Stagnant and enfeebling peace conditions" is, in view of subsequent events, distinctly good.

[123] I dislike to weary the reader with such damnable iteration, but when a British Cabinet Minister is unable in this discussion to distinguish between the folly of a thing and its possibility, one must make the fundamental point clear.

[124] This Appendix was written before the Balkan States fell to fighting one another. It is scarcely necessary to point out that the events of the last few days (early summer 1913) lend significance to the argument in the text.

[125] See p. 390.

[126] Review of Reviews, November, 1912.

[127] In the Daily Mail, to whose Editor I am indebted for permission to reprint it.


INDEX

  • Bachmar, Dr. F., on union of Germany and South Africa, 24
  • Bacon on nature of man, 58
  • Balfour, Mr. A.J., on independence of the Colonies, 114-115
  • Bank of England: position of, if Germany invaded England, 56-57;
    • helped by Bank of France, 318
  • Banking: Withers on interdependence necessary in, 59-61.
  • Barracks, Mr. R. Blatchford on moral influence of, 259-260
  • Barrès, M., advocate of war, 216
  • Baty, Mr. T., social "stratification" and business, 323-325
  • Beaulieu, Paul, on French indemnity, 94
  • Belgium economic security, 43-44
  • Berliner Tageblatt, 255
  • Bernhardi: on defence of war, 158-159;
    • war advocates and school of, 257;
    • on tactics and "pomp of war," 285;
    • policy of, 342
  • Bertillon, Dr., on relative individual wealth in nations, 36
  • Biermer, Professor, on Protectionist movement in Germany, 95
  • Birrell, Mr. Augustine, 367
  • Bismarck: and Machiavelli's dictum as to policy of a prudent ruler, 41;
    • and the French indemnity, 91;
    • his surprise at the recuperation of France after the war, 96-97
  • Blatchford, Mr. Robert, 18, 177, 178, 215, 216, 259-260, 316, 349, 357
  • Block, Maurice, on French indemnity, 98
  • Blum, Hans, 98
  • Boer War: motives of, 115;
    • results of, 116;
    • cost of, 128
  • Bosnia and Herzegovina. See Austria
  • Bourget, Paul, advocate of war, 216
  • Brazil, international trade of, 78
  • Britain: possibility of being "wiped out" in twenty-four hours, 21-22;
    • conquest of, a physical impossibility, 30;
    • Sir C.P. Lucas's policy of colonial government, 111;
    • position of, with regard to "ownership" of Colonies, 115;
    • attitude of, with regard to German trade in Asia Minor, 147-148;
    • Prussianization of, 258;
    • contrast between, and Ancient Rome, 276;
    • position of, with regard to her independent States, 300-301;
    • cause of hostility towards Germany, 315;
    • what the world has to learn from Imperial development of, 380-381;
    • the real exemplar of the nations, 380-382
  • Brunetière, advocate of war, 216
  • Bülow, Prince von, on Germany's "rage for luxury," etc., 215-216
  • Caivano, Tomasso, 230-231
  • Canada: English merchant in, 35;
    • England's trade with, 75;
    • effect of acquisition of, by Germany, 109;
    • the question of "ownership" of, 112;
    • Sir Wilfrid Laurier on Canadian Navy, 113;
    • war record, 227
  • Capital. See Finance
  • Catholics and Protestants, 205
  • Chamberlain, Mr. Joseph, 310
  • Charles II. of Spain, 208
  • Churchill, Mr. Winston; dictum of, on war, 345-346;
    • on German Navy "luxury," 346-348
  • Colonies: no advantage gained by conquest of, 32-33, 109-111;
    • commercial value of, 107;
    • Sir C.P. Lucas on Britain's policy of colonial government, 111-112;
    • and national independence, 112;
    • Volkstein on colonial neutrality in warfare, 114;
    • Britain's "ownership" of, 115;
    • administrative weaknesses of, 117-119;
    • fiscal position of, 119-121;
    • false policy of conquest of, 121;
    • Méline régime and advantages of independent administration of French, 123-124;
    • impossibility of "possession" of, 135;
    • how Germany exploits her, 135;
    • economic retribution on, 301-302
  • Colonies, Crown, 33, 111-119
  • Commerce: definition of, 71;
    • deterioration of international incident to war, 240.
    • See also Trade
  • Community, what constitutes well-being of a, 173-175
  • Competition: methods of industrial, 11;
    • impossibility of destruction of, 31-34;
    • and co-operation, 185
  • Confiscation, the impossibility of, 63-64
  • Conqueror, policy of, in regard to wealth and territory, 34-36
  • Conquest: Blackwood's Magazine in defence of, 19-20;
    • impossibility of, from point of view of trade, 30-31;
    • of Colonies, no advantages gained by, 32-33;
    • alleged benefits of, disproved by prosperity of small States, 39-40;
    • no advantage gained by, in modern warfare, 44-45, 110;
    • advantage of, in ancient and medieval times, 51-54;
    • alleged benefits of, disproved, 99-101;
    • unable to change national character of conquered territory, 135-136;
    • inadequate value of present methods of, 135;
    • lessening rôle of, in commerce, 139-143;
    • paradox of London police force applied in relation to, 144;
    • where it has benefited nations, 145;
    • effect of co-operation as a factor against, 195;
    • enervating effects of, on Romans, 238;
    • Spain ruined by glamour of, 242-247;
    • co-operation taking place of, 244-248;
    • changed nature of, 283;
    • warlike nations the victims of, 272;
    • logical absurdity of, summed up, 378-382.
    • See also War
  • Conscription: and the peace ideal, 219;
    • in France and Germany, comparison between, 225-226;
    • how it might work in England, 258-260
  • Co-operation and competition, 185-186;
    • the effects of, in international relations, 194;
    • taking place of conquest, 247-249;
    • advantages of, allied to force, 265-266;
    • of States and Nationalism, 312
  • Courtesy in international relations, 374
  • Cox, Sir Edmund C., 351
  • Credit: in its relation to war, 30-31;
    • definition of, 277
  • Critics, arguments of, against "The Great Illusion," 358-359
  • Cuba, War of, financial effect of, to Spain, 241
  • Daily Mail, 45-49, 214-215, 253, 330
  • D'Arbeux, Captain, 214
  • Dawson, Harbutt, 256
  • Defence: Navy League on, 345;
    • the necessity of, 346;
    • problem of, considered, 353
  • Demolins, Edmond, 258
  • Déroulède, advocate of war, 216
  • Dervishes, appreciation of, as fighters, 289;
    • W.H. Steevens quoted on, 289-290
  • Despot, financial embarrassment of the, 273-274
  • Despotism, the reasons for poverty of, 274
  • Dilke, Sir Charles, 116
  • Domination. See Conquest
  • Dreyfus case, Times quoted on, 250-252
  • Duel, survival and abandonment of, 201-204
  • Economics. See Finance
  • Emigration, statistics of, for Germany, 100
  • Emotion, need for the control of, 377
  • Empiricism the curse of political thinking, 262
  • England. See Britain
  • Environment, the rôle of, in the formation of character, 218
  • Faguet, advocate of war, 216
  • Farrar, Dean, advocate of war, 166
  • Farrer, 42
  • Fian, Dr., 208
  • Finance: interdependence of credit-built position of, on German invasion, 31;
    • investment secure in small States, 36, 37, 38, 39, 42, 43;
    • in its relation to industry, 54-56;
    • position of Bank of England on German invasion, 56-58;
    • effect on bank rate of financial crisis in New York, 58-59;
    • effect of repudiation in South American States, 77-78;
    • why repudiation is unprofitable, 78-79;
    • cause of bank crisis in United States, 79;
    • Withers's appreciation of English bankers, 80;
    • Lavisse on Germany's financial crisis, 96;
    • the meaning of "the money of a nation," 172;
    • physical force replaced by economic pressure, 269;
    • economic and physical force in their relation to money, 273;
    • British methods of enforcing financial obligations in South America, 303;
    • organization of capital, 318;
    • Bank of England helped by Bank of France, 318;
    • internationalization of, 318-319;
    • why a Western bank ceased to be robbed, 337-338;
    • Spectator quoted on economic interdependence, 356-357.
    • See also Wealth
  • Fisher, Admiral, 350
  • Fleet. See Navy
  • Force: the diminishing factor of, 185, 263;
    • co-operation and the advantage of, 263;
    • justification of, by police, 264-265;
    • replaced by economic pressure, 269;
    • in its relation to slavery, 269-270;
    • the general domination of, 270-271;
    • Herbert Spencer quoted on limitation implied by physical, 271-272;
    • difference between economic and physical, 273-275
  • France: Max Wirth on her position ftper Franco-German War, 95;
    • Bismarck on, 97-98;
    • standard of comfort in, higher than in Germany, 101;
    • financial superiority of, 102;
    • colonial administration of the Méline régime, 121-124;
    • supposed benefit of "expansion" to, 139-143;
    • a more military nation than Germany, 225-226;
    • conscription in, 226;
    • physical results of Napoleonic wars in, 238;
    • cause of failure of expansion in Asia, 240;
    • stigmatized by Times in Dreyfus case, 250-252;
    • Mr. Chamberlain on, 310;
    • position of the statesman in, 370
  • Franco-German War: position of France after, 95-99;
    • Bismarck on, 97-98;
    • alleged benefit of, to Germany, 99;
    • some difficulties resulting from, in Germany, 100-106;
    • no advantage gained by, to Germany, 252-253
  • Fried, A., 316-317
  • Friendship in international relations, 374;
    • general question of, 374-377
  • Froude, 311
  • Gaevernitz. See Schulze-Gaevernitz
  • Germany: Mr. Harrison on effect of military predominance of, 6;
    • Dr. Schulze-Gaevernitz on German Navy, 6;
    • R. Blatchford on German attack, 18;
    • Admiral von Koster on overseas interest of, 20-21;
    • future demands of, with regard to Europe, 23;
    • aims of Pan-Germanists, 43-44;
    • the position of German citizen if Germany "owned" Holland, 44;
    • value of Alsace-Lorraine to, 45-49;
    • Withers quoted on commerce of, and English credit, 59;
    • false theory of annihilation of, explained, 69;
    • Lavisse on financial crisis in, 96;
    • economic effect of aforesaid crisis, 97-99;
    • progress of Socialism in, after war of 1870, 99;
    • emigration statistics in, 100;
    • financial position in regard to France, 102;
    • political evolution of, before the war, 102;
    • social difficulties in, resulting from Franco-German War, 103;
    • failure of war from point of view of annexation and indemnity, 104;
    • and the acquisition of Canada, 109-110;
    • the case of colonial conquest, 118-121;
    • if Germany had conducted the Boer War, 126-127;
    • trade of, with occupied territory, 132;
    • trade in Egypt, statistics of, 132;
    • benefits of "ownership," fallacy of, 133;
    • growth and expansion of, 140-143;
    • methods of colonial exploitation, 140-142;
    • protection of interests in Asia Minor, 147;
    • commercial supremacy of, in undeveloped territory, 147-148;
    • Sir H. Johnston on Germany's real object of conquest, 150;
    • burden of Alsace-Lorraine, 176;
    • R. Blatchford on policy of, 178;
    • R. Blatchford in defence of, 215;
    • "rage for luxury" in, 216;
    • reputed military character of, disproved on investigation, 217-218;
    • as type of a military nation, 225-226;
    • conscription in, 225-226;
    • wisdom of, in avoiding war, 226;
    • Kotze scandal in, 252;
    • no advantage gained by war of 1870, 252;
    • growth of social democratic movement in, 254;
    • Berliner Tageblatt in praise of England as compared with, 255;
    • progress owing to regimentation, 255-256;
    • Mr. Harbutt Dawson on unified, 256-257;
    • false idea of British hostility to, 310;
    • cause of British hostility towards, 315;
    • R. Blatchford on warlike preparations of, to destroy Britain, 316;
    • Mr. Fried on heterogeneous nature of, 316-317;
    • North German Gazette on strikes in, and effects of co-operation, 319-320;
    • Morning Post on German aggression, 331;
    • Mr. Churchill and German defence, 346;
    • Spectator on position of, if attacked by Britain, 347;
    • Mr. Blatchford on reasons for attack by, 349;
    • Sir E.C. Cox on British policy with regard to, 351;
    • Anglo-German banquets, futility of, towards mutual understanding, 375
  • Giffen, Sir Robert, on cost of Franco-German War, 88, 93, 94
  • Goltz, von der, 178-179
  • "Great Illusion, The," history of, 365-366
  • Grey, Sir Edward, 358
  • Grubb, Mr. Edward, 7
  • Hague Conferences, cause of failures of, 368
  • Hamburg, annexation of, by Britain and probable result, 61-62
  • Harrison, Mr. Frederic: quoted on effect of Germany's predominance in military power, 6;
    • quoted on naval defence and effect of invasion by Germany, 26-27;
    • theories challenged, 28-33
  • Holland: economic security of, on invasion, 42-43;
    • the case of the Hollander if Germany "owned" Holland, 44;
    • greatness of, compared to Prussia, 255
  • Holy Sepulchre, fights between Infidels and Christians for, 206
  • Honour: Mr. Roosevelt on national, 202;
    • consideration of general question of, 202-204
  • Human nature: alleged unchangeability of, 198-200;
  • Hyndman, Mr. H.M., 308
  • Ideas, rationalization of, 367
  • Indemnity; Sir R. Giffen quoted on, from Franco-German War, 91;
    • cost of same considered in detail, 88-91;
    • practical difficulties of, 90-92;
    • doubtful advantage of, to conqueror, 100-104;
    • problems of, not sufficiently studied, 105
  • Individual, false analogy between nation and, 193, 297-301
  • Industrialism, cruelties of, 9, 10
  • Industry, relation of, to finance, 54-56
  • L'Information, 56
  • Intercommunication of States, 193-194
  • Interdependence: plea of, against war, 30-31;
    • theory of, explained, 34-35;
    • development of, 54-55;
    • evolution of, 76-77;
    • diminution of physical force owing to, 277-279;
    • the vital necessity of, 379
  • International politics, obsolete conception of, Admiral Mahan on elements of, 170, 171, 172
  • Investment. See Finance
  • Kidd, Benjamin, 17, 18
  • Kingsley, Charles, 165
  • Kitchener, Lord, 200;
    • W.H. Steevens' description of, 282
  • Korea, position of Japan as "owner" of, 86
  • Koster, Admiral von, 20, 21
  • Kotze scandal, the, and "rottenness" of German civilization, Times on, 252
  • Kropotkin, Prince, 218
  • Machiavelli, 41
  • McDougal, Professor W., 308, 311
  • McKenzie, F.A., 75
  • Mahan, Admiral: quoted on international relations, 15, 16;
    • quoted in criticism of "The Great Illusion," 170;
    • quoted on elements of international politics, 171;
    • quoted on world-politics, 320
  • Manchester Guardian and peace, 287-288
  • Mankind: biological development of, 186;
    • progress of, from barbarity to civilization, 199;
    • psychological change in, 217;
    • reasons for indisposition to fight in, 220;
    • process of civilization of, 219-221;
    • attitude of "average sensual man" towards peace, 371-372
  • Martin, T.G., 18
  • Matin, Le, 9, 10, 214
  • Maxse, Leo, 196, 219
  • Méline régime, the, in French Colonies, 121
  • Merchant adventurer, the case of, in sixteenth century, 108-109
  • Militarists, views of, on war, 178-179
  • Military force: when and where it may be necessary, 146;
    • not essential to national efficiency, 243
  • Military support of Colonies. See Colonies
  • Military training, its influence on peace, 218-219
  • Moltke, von, 163
  • Money. See Finance
  • Morning Post, 304, 331
  • Mulhall on comparative standard of comfort in European countries, 36
  • Murray, Major, 41
  • Napoleonic wars, results of, 238
  • Nation, Nations: falseness of analogy between individual and a, 193, 297-299;
    • honour of, 202;
    • why warlike, do not inherit the earth, 224;
    • warlike and unwarlike, 225, 227, 234;
    • Canada least warlike, 234;
    • power of a, not dependent on its army and navy, 240-241;
    • reason for decay of military, 247-248;
    • complexity of, 317-318;
    • Spectator on economic theories of, 319
  • National efficiency, relation to military power, 244
  • Nationalism and the co-operation of States, 312-313
  • Navy, British: Times on powers of, 17;
    • H.W. Wilson on necessity for powerful, 17;
    • Admiral Fisher on supremacy of, 350
  • Northmen methods, 200
  • Norway: the carrying trade of, 74;
    • no temptation to invade, Sir Wilfrid Laurier on, 113
  • Novikow, J., Darwinian theory of, 184
  • Pacifists: pleas of, 6, 7, 10-12;
    • case of, 168;
    • patriots and, 373
  • Pan-Germanists, aims of, 44
  • Patriots: Patriotism, national honour and, 204;
    • modification of aims of, owing to interdependence, 211;
    • General Lea on extinction of, in United States, 213;
    • the religion of politics, 362;
    • pacifists and, 373, 376
  • Peace: why propaganda has given small results, 10-12;
    • psychological case for, 168-169;
    • qualities necessary to preserve, 217;
    • occupations which tend towards, 218-219;
    • military training and, 219;
    • attitude of "average sensual man" towards, 371-372
  • Penfold, F. C, 87
  • Philippines, financial effect of loss of, to Spain, 241
  • Phillips, Captain March, 291
  • Pitcairn, 208
  • Police Force, London, paradox of, applied in relation to conquest, 144, 145, 264
  • Politics, obsolete terminology of, 76
  • Portugal, cause of failure of expansion in Asia, 239-240
  • Possession: Sir J.R. Seeley on, 129;
    • fallacious theory considered from German point of view, 133-134
  • Printing: results of invention of, 277-279;
    • power of, 364
  • Prussia: cause of prosperity of, 246;
    • agitation for electoral reform in, 254
  • Public Opinion, 81-87
  • Pugnacity: irrational nature of, 187-189;
    • Professor William McDougal on, 308-309
  • Referee, 19
  • Regimentation, Germany's progress owing to, 255-256
  • Religion: early ideals of, 174-175;
    • Critchfield on influence of Catholic priests in South American Republics, 175;
    • struggles of, and the State, 181-182, 205-206, 207;
    • beliefs no longer enforced by Government, 205;
    • Lecky on wars of, 206-211;
    • freedom of opinion in, 212;
    • reason of cessation of wars of, 307;
    • relation to politics of, 362-363
  • Renan, Ernest, 164-229
  • Repudiation. See Finance
  • Revenue, State, what becomes of, 48
  • Rizzi, Francisco, 208
  • Robertson, John M., 249
  • Rohrbach, Dr. P., 136
  • Roman civilization: Mr. Roosevelt on, 223;
    • Sir J.R. Seeley on downfall and decay of, 237
  • Rome, Ancient: Sir J.R. Seeley on downfall and decay of, 237;
    • slave society of, 269;
    • contrast between, and Britain, 276
  • Roosevelt, Mr., 164, 201, 202, 222, 229, 231, 234, 262
  • Salisbury, Lord, 36
  • Samoa, the case of the Powers, 149
  • Sanderson, Lord, 324
  • Schulze-Gaevernitz, Prof. von, 6
  • Sea-Power, overseas trade, Benjamin Kidd on, 17-18.
  • Seeley, Sir J.R., 129, 237
  • Shaw, G.B., 250
  • Slavery, Slaves: society of, in Rome, 268;
    • its relation to physical force, 269-270
  • Socialism, progress of, in Germany after War of 1870, 99
  • Soetbeer, 98
  • Soldier: R. Blatchford on character of, 259-260;
    • Captain March Phillips on, 291-292;
    • Spectator on, 264;
    • our debt to the, 293;
    • boyish appeal of the, 293-294;
    • the "poetic shelf" for the, 295
  • Spain: F.C. Penfold on progress of, since war, 87;
    • failure of expansion of, in Asia, 240-241;
    • Pierre Loti quoted in praise of troops, 242;
    • military virtues of, 242;
    • ruin of, by conquest, 246
  • Spanish American. See America, South
  • Spectator, 156, 209, 210, 292, 333-337, 347, 356
  • Spencer, Herbert, 271-272
  • State, States: analogy between individuals in, 194-195;
    • division of, in relation to conflict, 196;
    • ancient and modern, character of, 296;
    • false analogy between, and a person, 298-301;
    • independent nature of, 300-301;
    • Morning Post on the organism of, 304;
    • heterogeneous elements of, 306;
    • Professor McDougal on pugnacity of barbarous, 308-309;
    • definition of, 313;
    • reasons for lessening "rôle" of hostility among, 313-314;
    • position of citizen of small, if he became citizen of a large, 321-322
  • States small: as prosperous as the Great Powers, 32, 40;
    • investments secure in, 36, 37, 41;
    • cause of prosperity of, 42-43
  • Statesmen: Major Murray on methods of, with regard to treaties, 41;
    • Leo Maxse on character of English, 196
  • Steevens, W.H., 282, 289, 290, 291
  • Steinmetz, S.R., 160
  • Stengel, Baron von, 20, 162, 229
  • Story, General John P., 162
  • Switzerland: the commercial power of, 75;
    • compared to Prussia, 255;
    • position of British subject in, if threatened by Britain, 302
  • Temps, Le, 122
  • Territorial independence, Farrer on, 42
  • Times, the, 17, 232, 250, 252, 319, 331
  • Trade: T.G. Martin on Britain's carrying, 18;
    • Admiral von Koster quoted on German overseas, 20-21;
    • impossible to capture, by military conquest, 30-33;
    • statistics of Britain's overseas, 120;
    • diminishing factor of physical force in, 275-276.
    • See also Competition, Commerce, Industry
  • Transvaal: treatment of British Indian in, before and after the war, 117-119;
    • gold-mines of, as motives for Boer War, 125-127;
    • national character of, still unchanged, 135
  • Treasury, Mr. D. Owen on what enriches, 19
  • Treaties, Major Stuart Murray on futility of, 41
  • Tribute, exaction of, an economic impossibility, 31
  • Tripoli, ineptitude of Italy in, 143
  • War: the case of, from militarist point of view, 6;
    • cost of Franco-German War, 88-91;
    • Bernhardi in defence of, 158;
    • S.R. Steinmetz on the nature of, 160;
    • General Homer Lee in defence of, 161-162;
    • General Storey in defence of, 162;
    • Baron von Stengel in defence of, 163;
    • Moltke in defence of, 163;
    • Roosevelt in defence of, 164-223;
    • Professor James in defence of, 165;
    • famous clergyman in defence of, 165-166;
    • defence of, summarized, 166-167;
    • the reason for, 177;
    • Von der Goltz on nature of, 178;
    • result of armed peace, 179;
    • justification of defender of, 182;
    • and the natural law of man, 185;
    • the irrational aspect of, 191;
    • Spectator on means to an end, 209-210;
    • Procurator of Russian Holy Synod on, 210;
    • General Lea on its relation to commercial activities, 212;
    • Captain d'Arbeux on military deterioration, 214;
    • prominent advocates of, 216;
    • pleas of military authorities, 223;
    • General Homer Lea on military spirit, 223-224;
    • advocates of, criticized, 229-230;
    • the curse of, in South American Republics, 230;
    • the question of just and unjust, 235-236;
    • fundamental error of, 236;
    • real process of, 237;
    • Baron von Stengel's dictum, 238-239;
    • national deterioration owing to, 239;
    • effects of prolonged warfare, 245;
    • changed nature of, 267;
    • not now a physical but an intellectual pursuit, 281-282;
    • General Homer Lea on nature of modern battles, 282;
    • Bernhardi on tactics and "pomp of war," 285;
    • radical change in methods of, 284-285;
    • pleas of militarists analyzed, 286-287;
    • Manchester Guardian on moral influence of, 287;
    • emotional appeal of, 288;
    • Mr. Churchill on, 346.
    • See also Conquest
  • Wealth: Referee on, in time of war, 19;
    • national, not dependent on its political power, 32;
    • policy of conqueror with regard to, 33-34;
    • the question of, in international politics, 36-39,
    • intangibility of, 64.
    • See also Finance
  • Wilkinson, Professor, 29, 298-299
  • Wilson, H.W., 17
  • Wirth, Max, 95
  • Witchcraft: belief in, 341;
    • Lecky on, 377-378;
    • folly of, from modern point of view, 378
  • Withers, Hartley, 59
  • World, the, 116