The Greville Memoirs, Part 1 (of 3), Volume 2 (of 3) / A Journal of the Reigns of King George IV and King William IV

March 15th, 1833

Ministerial changes are going on; Durham is out, and to be made an earl. Yesterday his elevation was known, and it is amusing enough that the same day an incident should have occurred in the House of Lords exhibiting in a good light the worthiness of the subject, and how much he merits it at the hands of Lord Grey.

March 29th, 1833

Lord Goderich is Privy Seal,[3] and Stanley Secretary for the Colonies, after much trouble. Last year a positive pledge was given to Stanley that he should not meet Parliament again but as Secretary of State. It was not, however, specified who was to make room for him. The Cabinet settled that it should be Goderich, when Durham went out, and Palmerston was charged with the office of breaking it to Goderich with the offer of an earldom by way of gilding the pill, but Goderich would not hear of it, said it would look like running away from the Slave question, and, in short, flatly refused. Stanley threatened to resign if he was not promoted, and in this dilemma the Duke of Richmond (who was going to Windsor) persuaded Lord Grey to let him lay the case before the King, and inform him that if this arrangement was not made the Government must be broken up. He did so, and the King acquiesced, and at the same time a similar representation was made to Goderich, who after a desperate resistance knocked under, and said that if it must be so he would yield, but only to the King’s express commands.

March 30th, 1833

Saw Madame de Lieven yesterday, who told me the story of the late business at St. Petersburg. The Sultan after the battle of Koniah applied to the Emperor of Russia for succour, who ordered twelve sail of the line and 30,000 men to go to the protection of Constantinople. At the same time General Mouravieff was sent to Constantinople, with orders to proceed to Alexandria and inform the Pacha that the Emperor could only look upon him as a rebel, that he would not suffer the Ottoman Empire to be overturned, and that if Ibrahim advanced ‘il aurait affaire à l’Empereur de Russie.’ Orders were accordingly sent to Ibrahim to suspend his operations, and Mouravieff returned to Constantinople. Upon the demand for succour by the Sultan, and the Emperor’s compliance with it, notification was made to all the Courts, and instructions were given to the Russian commanders to retire as soon as the Sultan should have no further occasion for their aid. So satisfactory was this that Lord Grey expressed the greatest anxiety that the Russian armament should arrive in time to arrest the progress of the Egyptians. They did arrive—at least the fleet PRECARIOUS STATE OF THE GOVERNMENT. did—and dropped anchor under the Seraglio. At this juncture arrived Admiral Roussin in a ship of war, and as Ambassador of France. He immediately informed the Sultan that the interposition of Russia was superfluous, that he would undertake to conclude a treaty, and to answer for the acquiescence of the Pacha, and he sent a project one article of which was that the Russian fleet should instantly withdraw. To this proposition the Sultan acceded, and without waiting for the Pacha’s confirmation he notified to the Russian Ambassador that he had no longer any wish for the presence of the Russian fleet, and they accordingly weighed anchor and sailed away. This is all that is known of the transaction, but Madame de Lieven was loud and vehement about the insolence of Roussin; she said the Emperor would demand ‘une satisfaction éclatante’—‘le rappel et le désaveu de l’amiral Roussin,’ and that if this should be refused the Russian Ambassador would be ordered to quit Paris. She waits with great anxiety to see the end of the business, for on it appears to depend the question of peace or war with France. She said that the day before Namik went away intelligence of this event arrived, which Palmerston communicated to him. The Turk heard it very quietly, and then only said, ‘Et où était l’Angleterre dans tout ceci?’

I have heard to-night the Goderich version of his late translation. He had agreed to remain in the Cabinet without an office, but Lord Grey insisted on his taking the Privy Seal, and threatened to resign if he did not; he was at last bullied into acquiescence, and when he had his audience of the King his Majesty offered him anything he had to give. He said he had made the sacrifice to please and serve him, and would take nothing. An earldom—he refused; the Bath—ditto; the Garter—that he said he would take. It was then discovered that he was not of rank sufficient, when he said he would take the earldom in order to qualify himself for the Garter, and so it stands. There is no Garter vacant, and one supernumerary already, and Castlereagh and Lord North, viscounts, and Sir Robert Walpole (all Commoners) had blue ribands!

London, April 28th, 1833

Came to town last night from Newmarket, and the intervening week at Buckenham. Nothing but racing and hawking; a wretched life—that is, a life of amusement, but very unprofitable and discreditable to anybody who can do better things. Of politics I know nothing during this interval, but on coming to town find all in confusion, and everybody gaping for ‘what next.’ Government was beaten on the Malt Tax, and Lord Grey proposed to resign; the Tories are glad that the Government is embarrassed, no matter how, the supporters sorry and repentant, so that it is very clear the matter will be patched up; they won’t budge, and will probably get more regular support for the future. Perhaps Althorp will go, but where to find a Chancellor of the Exchequer will be the difficulty. Poulett Thomson wants it, but they will not dare commit the finances of the country to him, so we go scrambling on ‘du jour la journée.’ Nobody knows what is to happen next—no confidence, no security, great talk of a property tax, to which, I suppose, after wriggling about, we shall at last come.

May 2nd, 1833

The Government affair is patched up, and nobody goes but Hobhouse,[4] who thought fit to resign both his seat in Parliament and his office, thereby creating another great embarrassment, which can only be removed by his re-election and re-appointment, and then, what a farce!

There were two great majorities in the House of Commons the night before last. The King was all graciousness and favour to Lord Grey, and so they are set up again, and fancy themselves stronger than before. But although everybody (except the fools) wished them to be re-established, it was evident that this was only because, at this moment, the time is not ripe for a change, for they inspired no interest either individually or collectively. It was easy to see that the Government has no consideration, and that people are EMBARRASSMENT OF THE GOVERNMENT. getting tired of their blunders and embarrassments, and begin to turn their eyes to those who are more capable, and know something of the business of Government—to Peel and to Stanley, for the former, in spite of his cold, calculating selfishness and duplicity, is the ablest man there is, and we must take what we can get, and accept services without troubling ourselves about the motives of those who supply them. It must come to this conclusion unless the reign of Radicalism and the authority of the Humes ‘et hoc genus omne’ is to be substituted. That the present Government loses ground every day is perfectly clear, and at the same time that the fruits of the Reform Bill become more lamentably apparent. The scrape Government lately got into was owing partly to the votes that people were obliged to give to curry favour with their constituents, and partly to negligence and carelessness in whipping in. Hobhouse’s resignation is on account of his pledges, and because he is forced to pledge himself on the hustings he finds himself placed in a situation which compels him to save his honour and consistency by embarrassing the public service to the greatest degree at a very critical time. Men go on asking one another how is it possible the country can be governed in this manner, and nobody can reply.

Since I have been out of town the appeal against the Chancellor’s judgment in the Drax (lunacy) case has been heard at the Privy Council, and will be finally determined on Saturday.[5] Two years have nearly elapsed since that case was lodged, and the Chancellor has always found pretexts for getting the hearing postponed; at length the parties became so clamorous that it was necessary to fix a day. He then endeavoured to pack a committee, and spoke to Lord Lansdowne about summoning Lord Plunket, Lord Lyndhurst, and the Vice-Chancellor, but Leach, who hates Brougham, and is particularly nettled at his having reversed some of his judgments, bestirred himself, and represented to Lord Lansdowne the absolute necessity (in a case of such consequence) of having all the ex-Chancellors to hear it. Plunket was gone to Ireland, so the Committee consisted of the Lord President, the Chancellor, Vice-Chancellor, Master of the Rolls, Lords Eldon, Lyndhurst, and Manners. They say the argument was very able—Sugden in support of the Chancellor’s judgment, and Pemberton against it; they expect it will be reversed. Leach, foolishly enough, by question and observation, exhibited a strong bias against the Chancellor, who never said a word, and appeared very calm and easy, but with rage in his heart, for he was indignant at these Lords having been summoned (as his secretary told Lennard[6]), and said ‘he was sure it was all Leach’s doing.’ What a man! how wonderful! how despicable! carrying into the administration of justice the petty vanity, personal jealousy and pique, and shuffling arts that would reflect ridicule and odium on a silly woman of fashion. He has smuggled his Privy Council Bill through the House of Lords without the slightest notice or remark.

May 16th, 1833

On coming to town found the Westminster election just over, and Evans returned. They would not hear Hobhouse, and pelted him and his friends. No Secretary for Ireland is to be found, for the man must be competent, and sure of re-election. Few are the first and none the last. Hobhouse is generally censured for having put Government in this great difficulty, but the Tories see it all with a sort of grim satisfaction, and point at it as a happy illustration of the benefits of the Reform Bill. I point too, but I don’t rejoice.

SLAVE EMANCIPATION. At the same time with Hobhouse’s defeat came forth Stanley’s plan for slave emancipation, which produced rage and fury among both West Indians and Saints, being too much for the former and not enough for the latter, and both announced their opposition to it. Practical men declare that it is impossible to carry it into effect, and that the details are unmanageable. Even the Government adherents do not pretend that it is a good and safe measure, but the best that could be hit off under the circumstances; these circumstances being the old motive, ‘the people will have it.’ The night before last Stanley developed his plan in the House of Commons in a speech of three hours, which was very eloquent, but rather disappointing. He handled the preliminary topics of horrors of slavery and colonial obstinacy and misconduct with all the vigour and success that might have been expected, but when he came to his measure he failed to show how it was to be put in operation and to work. The peroration and eulogy on Wilberforce were very brilliant. Howick had previously announced his intention of opposing Stanley, and accordingly he did so in a speech of considerable vehemence which lasted two hours. He was not, however, well received; his father and mother had in vain endeavoured to divert him from his resolution; but though they say his speech was clever, he has damaged himself by it. His plan is immediate emancipation.[7]

While such is the state of things here—enormous interests under discussion, great disquietude and alarm, no feeling of security, no confidence in the Government, and a Parliament that inspires fear rather than hope—matters abroad seem to be no better managed than they are at home. It is remarkable that the business in the East has escaped with so little animadversion, for there never was a fairer object of attack. While France has been vapouring, and we have been doing nothing at all, Russia has established her own influence in Turkey, and made herself virtually mistress of the Ottoman Empire. At a time when our interests required that we should be well represented, and powerfully supported, we had neither an Ambassador nor a fleet in the Mediterranean; and because Lord Ponsonby is Lord Grey’s brother-in-law he has been able with impunity to dawdle on months after months at Naples for his pleasure, and leave affairs at Constantinople to be managed or mismanaged by a Chargé d’Affaires who is altogether incompetent.

May 19th, 1833

They have found a Secretary for Ireland in the person of Littleton,[8] which shows to what shifts they are put. He is rich, which is his only qualification, being neither very able nor very popular. The West India question is postponed. The Duke of Wellington told me that he thought it would pass away for this time, and that all parties would be convinced of the impracticability of any of the plans now mooted. I said that nothing could do away the mischief that had been done by broaching it. He thought ‘the mischief might be avoided;’ but then these people do nothing to avoid any mischief. I was marvellously struck (we rode together through St. James’s Park) with the profound respect with which the Duke was treated, everybody we met taking off their hats to him, everybody in the park rising as he went by, and every appearance of his inspiring great reverence. I like this symptom, and it is the more remarkable because it is not popularity, but a much higher feeling towards him. He has forfeited his popularity more than once; he has taken a line in politics directly counter to the RESPECT SHOWN TO WELLINGTON. popular bias; but though in moments of excitement he is attacked and vilified (and his broken windows, which I wish he would mend, still preserve a record of the violence of the mob), when the excitement subsides there is always a returning sentiment of admiration and respect for him, kept alive by the recollection of his splendid actions, such as no one else ever inspired. Much, too, as I have regretted and censured the enormous errors of his political career (at times), I believe that this sentiment is in a great degree produced by the justice which is done to his political character, sometimes mistaken, but always high-minded and patriotic, and never mean, false, or selfish. If he has aimed at power, and overrated his own capacity for wielding it, it has been with the purest intentions and the most conscientious views. I believe firmly that no man had ever at heart to a greater degree the honour and glory of his country; and hereafter, when justice will be done to his memory, and his character and conduct be scanned with impartial eyes, if his capacity for government appears unequal to the exigencies of the times in which he was placed at the head of affairs, the purity of his motives and the noble character of his ambition will be amply acknowledged.

The Duke of Orleans is here, and very well received by the Court and the world. He is good-looking, dull, has good manners and little conversation, goes everywhere, and dances all night. At the ball at Court the Queen waltzed with the two Dukes of Orleans and Brunswick.

Peel compelled old Cobbett to bring on his motion for getting him erased from the Privy Council, which Cobbett wished to shirk from. He gave him a terrible dressing, and it all went off for Peel in the most flattering way. He gains every day more authority and influence in the House of Commons. It must end in Peel and Stanley, unless everything ends.

May 27th, 1833

All last week at Epsom, and now, thank God, these races are over. I have had all the trouble and excitement and worry, and have neither won nor lost; nothing but the hope of gain would induce me to go through this demoralising drudgery, which I am conscious reduces me to the level of all that is most disreputable and despicable, for my thoughts are eternally absorbed by it. Jockeys, trainers, and blacklegs are my companions, and it is like dram-drinking; having once entered upon it I cannot leave it off, though I am disgusted with the occupation all the time. Let no man who has no need, who is not in danger of losing all he has, and is not obliged to grasp at every chance, make a book on the Derby. While the fever it excites is raging, and the odds are varying, I can neither read, nor write, nor occupy myself with anything else. I went to the Oaks on Wednesday, where Lord Stanley kept house for the first, and probably (as the house is for sale) for the last time. It is a very agreeable place, with an odd sort of house built at different times and by different people; but the outside is covered with ivy and creepers, which is pretty, and there are two good living-rooms in it. Besides this, there is an abundance of grass and shade; it has been for thirty or forty years the resort of all our old jockeys, and is now occupied by the sporting portion of the Government. We had Lord Grey and his daughter, Duke and Duchess of Richmond, Lord and Lady Errol, Althorp, Graham, Uxbridge, Charles Grey, Duke of Grafton, Lichfield, and Stanley’s brothers. It passed off very well—racing all the morning, an excellent dinner, and whist and blind hookey in the evening. It was curious to see Stanley. Who would believe they beheld the orator and statesman, only second, if second, to Peel in the House of Commons, and on whom the destiny of the country perhaps depends? There he was, as if he had no thoughts but for the turf, full of the horses, interest in the lottery, eager, blunt, noisy, good-humoured, ‘has meditans nugas et totus in illis;’ at night equally devoted to the play, as if his fortune depended on it. Thus can a man relax whose existence is devoted to great objects and serious thoughts. I had considerable hopes of winning the Derby, but was beaten easily, my horse not being good. An odd circumstance occurred to me before the race. Payne told me in strict confidence that a man who could not appear on account of his debts, and who had been, much connected with turf robberies, came to him, and entreated ANECDOTE OF THE DERBY. him to take the odds for him to 1,000ℓ. about a horse for the Derby, and deposited a note in his hand for the purpose. He told him half the horses were made safe, and that it was arranged this one was to win. After much delay, and having got his promise to lay out the money, he told him it was my horse. He did back the horse for the man for 700ℓ., but the same person told him if my horse could not win Dangerous would, and he backed the latter likewise for 100ℓ., by which his friend was saved, and won 800ℓ. He did not tell me his name, nor anything more, except that his object was, if he had won, to pay his creditors, and he had authorised Payne to retain the money, if he won it, for that purpose.

We heard, while at the Oaks, that M. Dedel had signed the convention between France, England, and Holland, on which all the funds rose. The King of Holland’s ratification was still to be got, and many people will not believe in that till they see it.

June 3rd, 1833

The Government are in high spirits. The Saints have given in their adhesion to Stanley’s plan, and they expect to carry the West India question. The Bank measure has satisfied the directors, and most people, except Peel. The Duke of Wellington told me he was very well satisfied, but that they had intended to make better terms with the Bank, and he thought they should have done so. Melbourne says, ‘Now that we are as much hated as they were, we shall stay in for ever.’

As I came into town (having come by the steamboat from Margate very luxuriously) on Saturday I found a final meeting at the Council Office to dispose of the lunacy case. It was so late when Horne finished his reply that I thought there was no chance of any discussion, and I did not go in; but I met the Master of the Rolls afterwards, who told me they had delivered their opinions, Lord Eldon cautiously, he himself ‘broadly,’ which I will be bound he did (for he hates Brougham), and that, though no judgment had been yet given, the Chancellor’s decree would be reversed; so that after all Brougham’s wincing and wriggling to this he has been forced to submit at last.

London, June 11th, 1833

At a place called Buckhurst all last week for the Ascot races; a party at Lichfield’s, racing all the morning, then eating and drinking, and play at night. I may say, with more truth than anybody, ‘Video meliora proboque, deteriora sequor.’ The weather was charming, the course crowded, the King received decently. His household is now so ill managed that his grooms were drunk every day, and one man (who was sober) was killed going home from the races. Goodwin told me nobody exercised any authority, and the consequence was that the household all ran riot.

The first day of the races arrived the news that the Duke of Wellington, after making a strong muster, had beaten the Government in the House of Lords on the question of Portuguese neutrality and Don Miguel, that Lord Grey had announced that he considered it a vote of censure, and threw out a sort of threat of resigning. He and Brougham (after a Cabinet) went down to the King. The King was very much annoyed at this fresh dilemma into which the Tories had brought him, and consented to whatever Lord Grey required. In the meantime the House of Commons flew to arms, and Colonel Dawes gave notice of a motion of confidence in Ministers upon their foreign policy. This was carried by an immense majority after a weak debate, in which some very cowardly menaces were thrown out against the Bishops, and this settled the question. Ministers did not resign, no Peers were made, and everything goes on as before. It has been, however, a disastrous business. How the Duke of Wellington could take this course after the conversation I had with him in this room, when he told me he would support the Government because he wished it to be strong, I can’t conceive. At all events he seems resolved that his Parliamentary victories should be as injurious as his military ones were glorious to his country. Some of his friends say that he was provoked by Lord Grey’s supercilious answer to him the other day, when he said he knew nothing of what was going on but from what he read in the newspapers, others that he ‘feels so very strongly’ about Portugal, TORY BLUNDERS. others that he cannot manage the Tories, and that they were determined to fight; in short, that he has not the same authority as leader of a party that he had as general of an army, for nobody would have forced him to fight the battle of Salamanca or Vittoria if he had not fancied it himself. The effect, however, has been this: the House of Lords has had a rap on the knuckles from the King, their legislative functions are practically in abeyance, and his Majesty is more tied than ever to his Ministers. The House of Lords is paralysed; it exists upon sufferance, and cannot venture to throw out or materially alter any Bill (such as the India, Bank, Negro, Church Reform, &c.) which may come up to it without the certainty of being instantly swamped, and the measures, however obnoxious, crammed down its throat. This Government has lost ground in public opinion, they were daily falling lower, and these predestinated idiots come and bolster them up just when they most want it. Tavistock acknowledged to me that they were unpopular, and that this freak had been of vast service to them; consequently they are all elated to the greatest degree. The Tories are sulky and crestfallen; moderate men are vexed, disappointed, grieved; and the Radicals stand grinning by, chuckling at the sight of the Conservatives (at least those who so call themselves, and those who must be so really) cutting each others’ throats.

On Saturday, the day after I came back, I found a final meeting at the Council Office on the lunacy case, the appeal of Grosvenor against Drax. There were Lord Lansdowne, the Chancellor, Vice-Chancellor, Master of the Rolls, Lord Manners, Lord Eldon, and Lord Lyndhurst. The rule is that the President of the Council collects the opinions and votes, beginning with the junior Privy Councillor. This was the Chancellor,[9] who made a sort of apology for his judgment, stating that he had made the order just after two or three very flagrant cases of a similar description had been brought under his notice, and then he went into this case, and endeavoured to show that there was fraud (and intentional fraud) on the part of the Grosvenors, and he maintained, without insisting on, and very mildly, his own former view of the case. Leach then made a speech strongly against the judgment, and Lord Eldon made a longish speech, very clear, and very decided against it, interlarded with professions of his ‘sincere’ respect for the person who delivered the judgment. The Chancellor did not reply to Lord Eldon, but put some questions—some hypothetical, and some upon parts of the case itself—which, together with some remarks, brought on a discussion between him and Leach, in which the latter ended by lashing himself into a rage. ‘My Lord,’ said he to the Chancellor, ‘we talk too much, and we don’t stick to the point.’ Brougham put on one of his scornful smiles, and in reply to something (I forget what) that the Vice-Chancellor said he dropped in his sarcastic tone that he would do so and so ‘if his Honour would permit.’ For a moment I thought there would be a breeze, but it ended without any vote, in the adoption of a form of reversal suggested by Lord Eldon, which left it to the option of the respondent to institute other proceedings if he should think fit. Afterwards all was harmony. Eldon seemed tolerably fresh, feeble, but clear and collected. He was in spirits about the dinner which had just been given him by the Templars, at which he was received with extraordinary honours. He said he hoped never to be called to the Council Board again, and this was probably the last occasion on which he will have to appear in a judicial capacity. It is remarkable that his last act should be to reverse a judgment of Brougham’s, Brougham being Chancellor and himself nothing. I could not help looking with something like emotion at this extraordinary old man, and reflecting upon his long and laborious career, which is terminating gently and by almost insensible gradations, in a manner more congenial to a philosophic mind than to an ambitious spirit. LORD ELDON’S GREAT CAREER. As a statesman and a politician he has survived and witnessed the ruin of his party and the subversion of those particular institutions to which he tenaciously clung, and which his prejudices or his wisdom made him think indispensable to the existence of the Constitution. As an individual his destiny has been happier, for he has preserved the strength of his body and the vigour of his mind far beyond the ordinary period allotted to man, he is adorned with honours and blessed with wealth sufficient for the aspirations of pride and avarice, and while the lapse of time has silenced the voice of envy, and retirement from office has mitigated the rancour of political hostility, his great and acknowledged authority as a luminary of the law shines forth with purer lustre. He enjoys, perhaps, the most perfect reward of his long life of labour and study—a foretaste of posthumous honour and fame. He has lived to see his name venerated and his decisions received with profound respect, and he is departing in peace, with the proud assurance that he has left to his country a mighty legacy of law and secured to himself an imperishable fame.

June 15th, 1833

The day before yesterday I had occasion to see the Duke of Wellington about the business in which we are joint trustees, and when we had done I said, ‘Well, that business in the House of Lords turned out ill the other day.’ ‘No; do you think so?’ he said, and then he went into the matter. He said that he was compelled to make the motion by the answer Lord Grey gave to his question a few nights before; that his party in the House of Lords would not be satisfied without dividing—they had been impatient to attack the Government, and were not to be restrained; that on the question itself they were right; that so far from his doing harm to the Government, if they availed themselves wisely of the defeat they might turn it to account in the House of Commons, and so far it was of use to them, as it afforded a convincing proof to their supporters that the House of Lords might be depended upon for good purposes, and they might demand of their supporters in the other House that they should enable them to carry good measures, and they keep the House of Commons in harmony with the House of Lords. He said the Government would make no Peers, and that they could not; that the Tories were by no means frightened or disheartened, and meant to take the first opportunity of showing fight again; in short, he seemed not dissatisfied with what had already occurred, and resolved to pursue the same course. He said the Tories were indignant at the idea of being compelled to keep quiet, and that if they were to be swamped the sooner it was done the better, and that they would not give up their right to deal with any question they thought fit from any motive of expediency whatever.

I don’t know what to make of the Duke and his conduct. The Catholic question and the Corn Laws and Canning rise up before me, and make me doubt whether he is so pure in his views and so free from vindictive feelings as I thought and hoped he was. When Lords Grey and Brougham went down to the King after the defeat, they did not talk of Peers, and only proposed the short answer to the Lords, to which he consented at once. His Majesty was very indignant with the Duke, and said it was the second time he had got him into a scrape, he had made a fool of him last year, and now wanted to do the same thing again. Some pretend that all this indignation is simulated; the man is, I believe, more foolish than false.

June 19th, 1833

The King dined with the Duke at his Waterloo dinner yesterday, which does not look as if he had been so very angry with him as the Government people say. The Duke had his windows mended for the occasion, whether in honour of his Majesty or in consequence of H.B.’s caricature I don’t know.

I had a long conversation with Sir Willoughby Cotton on Sunday about Jamaica affairs. He is Commander-in-Chief, just come home, and just going out again. He told me what he had said to Stanley, which was to this effect: that the compensation would be esteemed munificent, greater by far than they had expected; that they had looked for a loan of fifteen millions at two per cent interest, but that the IRISH CHURCH BILL. plan would be impracticable, and that sugar could not be cultivated after slavery ceased; that the slave would never understand the system of modified servitude by which he was to be nominally free and actually kept to labour, and that he would rebel against the magistrate who tried to force him to work more fiercely than against his master; that the magistrate would never be able to persuade the slaves in their new character of apprentices to work as heretofore, and the military who would be called in to assist them could do nothing. He asked Stanley if he intended, when the military were called in, that they should fire on or bayonet the refractory apprentices. He said no, they were to exhort them. He gave him to understand that in his opinion they could do nothing, and that the more the soldiers exhorted the more the slaves would not work. With regard to my own particular case he was rather encouraging than not, thought they would not molest me any more,[10] that the Assembly might try and get me out, but that the Council considered it matter of loyalty to the King not to force out the Clerk of his Privy Council, but that if anything more was said about it, and I went out to Jamaica, I might be sure of getting leave again in a month or six weeks.

June 26th, 1833

This morning at six saw my mother and Henry start for the steamboat which is to take them abroad. I wish I was going with them, and was destined once more to see Rome and Naples, which I fear will never be. Last week was marked by a division in the House of Commons which made a great noise. It was on that clause of the Irish Church Bill which declared that the surplus should be appropriated by Parliament, and Stanley thought fit to leave out the clause. The Tories supported him; the Radicals and many of the Whigs—Abercromby and C. Russell among the number—opposed him. The minority was strong—148—but the fury it excited among many of the friends of Government is incredible, and the Tories were very triumphant without being at all conciliated. The Speaker said he should not be surprised to see the Bill thrown out by the junction of the Tories and Radicals on the third reading, which is not likely, and the suppression of this clause, which after all leaves the matter just as it was, will probably carry it through the House of Lords. It is, however, very questionable whether they were right in withdrawing it, and Tavistock told me that though he thought it was right it was ill done, and had given great offence. Somehow or other Stanley, with all his talents, makes a mess of everything, but this comes of being (what the violent Whigs suspect him of being) half a Tory. Measures are concocted upon ultra principles in the Cabinet, and then as his influence is exerted, and his wishes are obliged to be consulted, they are modified and altered, and this gives a character of vacillation to the conduct of Government, and exhibits a degree of weakness and infirmity of purpose which prevents their being strong or popular or respectable. Nobody, however, can say that they are obstinate, for they are eternally giving way to somebody. In the House of Lords there was a sharp skirmish between Brougham and Lyndhurst, and high Parliamentary words passed between these ‘noble friends’ on the Local Courts Bill. The Tories did not go down to support Lyndhurst, which provoked him, and Brougham was nettled by his and old Eldon’s attacks on the Bill.

There is great talk of a letter which the King is said to have written to the bishops—that is, to the Archbishop for the edification of the episcopal bench. It is hardly credible that he and Taylor should have been guilty of this folly, after the letter which they wrote to the Peers a year and a half ago and the stir that it made.

I have got from Sir Henry Lushington Monk Lewis’s journals and his two voyages to the West Indies (one of which I read at Naples), with liberty to publish them, which I mean to do if I can get money enough for him. He says Murray offered him 500ℓ. for the manuscripts some years THE KING WRITES TO THE ARCHBISHOP. ago. I doubt getting so much now, but they are uncommonly amusing, and it is the right moment for publishing them now that people are full of interest about the West India question. I was very well amused last week at the bazaar in Hanover Square, when a sale was held on four successive days by the fine ladies for the benefit of the foreigners in distress. It was like a masquerade without masks, for everybody—men, women, and children—roved about where they would, everybody talking to everybody, and vast familiarity established between perfect strangers under the guise of barter. The Queen’s stall was held by Ladies Howe and Denbigh, with her three prettiest maids of honour, Miss Bagot dressed like a soubrette and looking like an angel. They sold all sorts of trash at enormous prices, and made, I believe, four or five thousand pounds. I went on Monday to hear Lushington speak in the cause of Swift and Kelly. He spoke for three hours—an excellent speech. I sat by Mr. Swift all the time; he is not ill-looking, but I should think vulgar, and I’m sure impudent, for the more Lushington abused him the more he laughed.

June 28th, 1833

The King did write to the Archbishop of Canterbury a severe reproof to be communicated to the bishops for having voted against his Government upon a question purely political (the Portuguese), in which the interests of the Church were in no way concerned. He sent a copy of the letter to Lord Grey, and Brougham told Sefton and Wharncliffe the contents, both of whom told me. It is remarkable that nothing has been said upon the subject in the House of Lords. The Archbishop, the most timid of mankind, had the prudence (I am told) to abstain from communicating the letter to the bishops, and held a long consultation with the Archbishop of York as to the mode of dealing with this puzzling document. If he had communicated it, he would as a Privy Councillor have been responsible for it, but what answer he made to the King I know not. Never was there such a proceeding, so unconstitutional, so foolish; but his Ministers do not seem to mind it, and are rather elated at such a signal proof of his disposition to support them. I think, as far as being a discouragement to the Tories, and putting an end to their notion that he is hankering after them, it may be of use, and it is probably true that he does not wish for a change, but on the contrary dreads it. He naturally dreads whatever is likely to raise a storm about his ears and interrupt his repose.

Lyndhurst is in such a rage at his defeat in the House of Lords on the Local Courts Bill that he swore at first he would never come there again. What he said—that ‘if they had considered it a party question the result would have been very different,’ which Brougham unaccountably took for a threat against the Government—was levelled at his own Tory friends for not supporting him. On the third reading they mean to have another fight about it. I understand the lawyers that the Bill is very objectionable, and calculated to degrade the profession. I sat by Talleyrand at dinner the day before yesterday, who told me a good deal about Mirabeau, but as he had a bad cold, in addition to his usual mode of pumping up his words from the bottomest pit of his stomach, it was next to impossible to understand him. He said Mirabeau was really intimate with three people only—himself, Narbonne, and Lauzun—that Auguste d’Aremberg was the negotiator of the Court and medium of its communications with Mirabeau; that he had found (during the provisional Government) a receipt of Mirabeau’s for a million, which he had given to Louis XVIII.

END OF THE SECOND VOLUME.

LONDON: PRINTED BY
SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE
AND PARLIAMENT STREET

INDEX.

• Abercromby, Right Hon. James, proposed as Speaker, ii. 333; Master of the Mint, iii. 95; proposed as Speaker, 201; the Speakership, 204; elected Speaker, 213
• Aberdeen, Earl of, Duchy of Lancaster, i. 124; motion about Belgium, ii. 238
• Achmet Pacha, concludes a treaty with Russia, iii. 69
• Adair, Right Hon. Sir Robert, sworn in Privy Councillor, i. 136
• Addington, Henry Unwin, recalled from Madrid, iii. 14
• Address, proposed amendment to the, iii. 217
• Adelaide, Queen, ii. 7; at the Ancient Concert, 133; mobbed in the City, 141; audience of, about the crown, 179; coronation of, 190; Lord Howe, 338; yacht, iii. 99; return of, 125; illness of, 125; supposed to be with child, 198, 199, 201
• Adrian’s Villa, i. 377
• Agar Ellis, see Dover, Lord
• Alava, General, and the Duke of Cumberland, iii. 275
• Albani, Cardinal, influence of, i. 310; conversation with, 373; interview with, 380
• Albano, i. 331
• Alexander, Emperor of Russia, death of, i. 78; coronation of, described by Talleyrand, ii. 185
• Allen, Dr., Bishop of Ely, iii. 363
• Allen, John, iii. 135; unbelief of, 324
• Althorp, Viscount, proposed as Chairman of the Finance Committee, i. 120; Chancellor of the Exchequer, ii. 66, introduces the budget, 114; leader of the House of Commons, 116, 200; letter to Attwood, 205, 206; hurries on the Irish Church Bill, 364; as Chancellor of the Exchequer, iii. 2; arrested by the Sergeant-at-Arms, 56; financial statement, 60; defects as leader, 62; summons a meeting of the supporters of Government, 92; resigns, 101; popularity of, 105; Chancellor of the Exchequer under Lord Melbourne, 113; succeeds his father as Earl Spencer, 140
• Alvanley, Lord, duel with Morgan O’Connell, ii. 257; on Irish affairs, 348
• America, dispute with France, iii. 322
• Anglesey, Marquis of, recalled, i. 149; entry into Dublin, ii. 99; disputes with O’Connell, 106
• Antwerp, threatened bombardment of, by the Dutch, ii. 321; French army marches to, 329
• Arbuthnot, Right Hon. Charles, nickname ‘Gosh,’ i. 103; conversation with, on the Duke of Wellington’s Administration, ii. 51; conversation with, at Oatlands, 170
• Arbuthnot, Mrs., death of, iii. 116
• Arkwright, Sir Richard, fortunes of iii. 50
• Arkwright, Mrs., visit to, iii. 49
• Arms Bill, the, ii. 196
• Arnold, Dr., proposed for a bishopric, iii. 325
• Artevelde, Philip van, iii. 114; discussed at Holland House, 128
• Ascot Races, 1831, ii. 147; 1833, 375
• Attwood, chairman of the Birmingham Union, ii. 205, 208; proclamation against, 215
• Auckland, Lord, Board of Trade, ii. 66; First Lord of the Admiralty, iii. 88, 113; on the state of affairs, 238; First Lord of the Admiralty in Lord Melbourne’s second Administration, 256
• Augustus, Prince, of Prussia, ii. 319
• Austin, Mr. John, his work on Jurisprudence, iii. 138
• Austin, Mr. Charles, ii. 306
• Aylmer, Lord, recalled from Canada, iii. 394; the King’s address to him, 395

• Bachelor, valet to the Duke of York and to King George IV., i. 142, 143; conversation with, ii. 30
• Bagot, Lord, conduct to Lord Harrowby, ii. 253
• Baiæ, Bay of, i. 341
• Baring, House of, ii. 53
• Baring, Right Hon. Alexander, offered the Chancellorship of the Exchequer, ii. 299; proposes a compromise with the ex-Ministers, 300
• Baring, Francis, Chairman of the West India Committee, iii. 279
• Barnes, Mr., editor of the ‘Times,’ ii. 97, 214; negotiations with, for supporting the Government, iii. 155, 156, 157 dines with Lord Lyndhurst, 167, 169 alarm of, at the prevailing spirit, 188
• Barri, Madame du, ii. 219
• Barry, Dr., sent to Sunderland, ii. 216; report on cholera, 217
• Bath, Chapter of the Order of the, i. 254
• Bathurst, Earl, Lord President, i. 124; death of, iii. 115; character of, 115
• Bathurst, Countess, conversation with, ii. 62
• Bathurst, Hon. William, appointed Clerk of the Council, ii. 61, 86; delay in appointment of, 74; sworn in Clerk of the Council, 94
• Bathurst, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Seymour, death of, iii. 79
• Baudrand, General, ii. 33; reception of, 38
• Bazaar, in Hanover Square, ii. 383
• Beauclerc, Lord Aurelius, dances a country dance with the King, ii. 341
• Belgian question, the, settlement of, ii. 314
• Belgium, revolution in, ii. 41; affairs of, 44; unsettled state of, 69; deputation from, 160; fortresses of, 169; invaded by the Dutch, 175; French army refuses to leave, 181; end of hostilities with the Dutch, 184; Conference, 1832, 321
• Belmore, Earl of, Governor of Jamaica, i. 140, 147
• Belvoir Castle, iii. 46
• Benson, Canon, sermon at the Temple Church, ii. 113
• Bentinck, Right Hon. Lord William, desires to be appointed Governor-General of India, i. 59; address to the electors of Glasgow, iii. 339, 343; qualities of, 339; inscription on monument in honour of, 340
• Bentinck, Lord Henry, quarrel with Sir Roger Gresley, ii. 148
• Bergara, Convention of, iii. 259
• Berri, Duchesse de, in La Vendée, ii. 322
• Berry, Miss, iii. 58
• Berryer, M., iii. 379; appearance of, 380
• Best, Right Hon. William Draper, see Lord Wynford
• Bethnal Green, distress in, ii. 261
• Bexley, Lord, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, i. 95
• Biekersteth, Henry, see Lord Langdale
• Blacas, M. de, favourite of Louis XVIII., ii. 305
• Black Book, the, ii. 79
• Bloomfield, Sir Benjamin, dismissal of, i. 55
• Blount, Rev. Mr., sermon, iii. 12
• Body-snatchers, ii. 227
• Bologna, i. 402
• Bonaparte, Emperor Napoleon, in the 100 days, i. 24; campaigns of, described by Marshal Marmont, ii. 35
• Bonaparte, Louis Napoleon, Strasburg attempt, iii. 381
• Bonaparte, Joseph, at dinner at Lady Cork’s, iii. 18
• Bonaparte, Lucien, introduced to the Duke of Wellington, iii. 11; at dinner at Lady Cork’s, 18
• Boodle’s, dinner at, ii. 124
• Bosanquet, Right Hon. Sir John Bernard, sworn in a Privy Councillor, iii. 30; Judge of the King’s Bench, 71
• Boswell, ‘Life of Johnson,’ anecdotes lost, ii. 105
• Boulogne, iii. 388
• Bourbon, Duke de, death of, ii. 50
• Bourmont, Marshal de, marches on Lisbon, iii. 25
• Bourne, Right Hon. Sturges, Secretary of State for the Home Department, i. 95
• Bowring, Dr., sent to Paris, ii. 219; satire of Moore on, 219; career of, 220
• Bradshaw, Mrs., acting of, at Bridgewater House, ii. 353
• Brescia, i. 412
• Bretby, visit to, iii. 327; Chesterfield Papers, 327
• Bridgewater House, dramatic performances at, iii. 352, 355
• Bridgewater Election, iii. 398
• Brighton, the Court at, 1832, ii. 334; races, 1835, iii. 284
• Bristol, riots at, ii. 208
• Broglie, Duke de, conduct of, iii. 386
• Brooks’s Club, iii. 320
• Brougham, Lord, attack upon, in ‘Quarterly Review,’ i. 16; speech on the Queen’s trial, 35; letter to the Queen, 57; character of, 117; qualities of, ii. 18, 33; appointed Lord High Chancellor, 65; discontent of, 65; social qualities of, 69; anecdote of, 106; quarrel with Sugden, 106; correspondence with Southey on rewards to literary men, 112; speech on Chancery Reform, 118; domestic kindness of, 120; origin of representation of Yorkshire, 125; as Lord Chancellor, 128; at the Horse Guards, 129; as a judge, 145; at dinner at Hanbury’s brewery, 148; at the British Museum, 149; claims the old Great Seal, 188; intention of sitting at the Privy Council, 223; speech on the Russian Loan, 244; quarrel with Sugden, 312; anecdote of, 314; Bill for creating a new Court of Appeal, 342; Bill objected to, 344; Judicial Committee of the Privy Council Bill, 365; sits on the case of Drax v. Grosvenor, 370; as Chancellor, iii. 22; anecdotes of Queen Caroline, 36; and Sir William Home, 67; meets Sir Thomas Denman in Bedfordshire, 71; judicial changes, 71; defence of himself, 72; apology for, 76; speech on Lord Wynford’s Bill for the observance of the Sabbath, 83; on the Pluralities Bill, 86; on the Irish Church, 94; and the ‘Times,’ 96; Lord Chancellor in Lord Melbourne’s Administration, 113; and Lord Westmeath, 119; conduct in the Westmeath case, 119, 124; versatility of, 121; lines applied to, 121; Greek epigrams, 121; ambition of, 122; in Scotland, 133; communicates to the ‘Times’ the fall of Lord Melbourne’s first Administration, 145; resigns the Great Seal, 156; takes leave of the Bar, 156; asks for the Chief Baronship, 157; anecdote, 232; conduct of, in the case of Swift v. Kelly, 260, 267; on the London University Charter, 261; judgment in the case of Swift v. Kelly, 274; on the Corporation Bill, 286; violence in the House of Lords, 303; illness of, 329; and Macaulay, 337, 338; at Queen Victoria’s first Council, 408
• Brummel, ‘Beau,’ i. 282
• Brussels, disturbances at, ii. 40
• Buccleuch, Duke of, subscription to election expenses, iii. 182
• Budget, the, 1831, ii. 113
• Buller, James, death of, ii. 59
• Bülow, Baron von, on English affairs, iii. 211
• Bulwer, Sir Edward Lytton, iii. 348
• Bunsen, Baron, i. 315; career of, 327; on Roman affairs, 389
• Burdett, Sir Francis, returned for Westminster, 1837, iii. 398
• Burghersh, Lord, at Florence, i. 299; amateur opera, 301
• Burghersh, Lady, intercedes for a prisoner at the Old Bailey, ii. 85
• Burghley, party at, iii. 53
• Burke, Right Hon. Edmund, writings of, iii. 209; compared with Mackintosh, 314
• Burke, Sir G., conversation with, on O’Connell, ii. 111
• Buxton, Fowell, dinner at the brewery, ii. 148
• Byng, Right Hon. George, Lord of the Treasury, iii. 95
• Byron, Lord, Moore’s Life of, i. 272; character of, 273

• Cambridge, H.R.H. the Duchess of, reception of, i. 2
• Cambridge, University of, petition for the admission of Dissenters to the, iii. 72, 75
• Campbell, Sir John, Solicitor-General, ii. 333; Attorney-General, iii. 141
• Canada, affairs in, iii. 350
• Canning, Right Hon. Sir Stratford, Ambassador at St. Petersburg, ii. 352, 357; anecdote of, iii. 39; offered the Governor-Generalship of Canada, 234
• Canning, Right Hon. George. Foreign Secretary, i. 55; correspondence with the King on taking office, 59; forms an Administration (1827), 93, 95; death of, 103; anecdotes of, 104; industrious habits of, 106; memoirs of, 263, 272; despatch in verse, 326; sagacity of, ii. 42; conversation with the King, 102; correspondence with the Duke of Wellington, 103; coldness to the Duke of Wellington, 103; anecdote of, 125; negotiation with the Whigs, 170; influence over Lord Liverpool, 172; in favour with the King, 172; on Reform, iii. 135; and King George IV., 137
• Canning, Lady, visit to, ii. 101; authorship of pamphlet, iii. 40
• Canning, Mr. Charles, offered a Lordship of the Treasury, iii. 202
• Cannizzaro, Duchess of, iii. 11; crowns the Duke of Wellington, 406
• Canterbury, Archbishop of, indecision of the, ii. 250, 262, 263; importance of support of the, 252, 253
• Canterbury, Viscount, declines to go to Canada, iii. 234
• Capo di Monte, i. 335
• Capua, i. 360
• Cardinals, the, i. 309
• Carlisle, Earl of, Lord Privy Seal, i. 95; iii. 88
• Carlists, the, in Spain, iii. 66
• Carlos, Don, in London, iii. 98
• Carlow election, iii. 348
• Carnarvon, Earl of, refuses to move the address in the House of Lords, iii. 202
• Caroline, Queen, return of, i. 28; trial of, 31, 35; anecdote of, iii. 37
• Carvalho, Minister of Finance to Dom Pedro, iii. 93
• Catacombs, the, see Rome
• Catholic emancipation, i. 163, 172, 174
• Catholic Relief Bill, excitement concerning the, i. 180; debates on, see Lords and Commons
• Cato Street Conspiracy, the, i. 26
• Cayla, Madame du, i. 71; dinner at the Duke of Wellington’s, 214; Béranger’s verses on, 215; favourite of Louis XVIII., ii. 306
• Cenis, the Mont, i. 287
• Champollion, Jean François, death of, ii. 307
• Chapeau de Paille, the, purchase of, ii. 125
• Chapel, near Holland House, unable to be consecrated, iii. 200
• Charles I., King, head of, discovered at Windsor, ii. 168; executioner of, iii. 132
• Charles X., King, of France, arrival of in England, ii. 31; at Lulworth Castle, 33; off Cowes, 34
• Charlotte, Queen, illness of, i. 2, 3
• Charlotte, H.R.H. the Princess, anecdotes of, ii. 319
• Chartres, H.R.H. the Duc de, arrival of, i. 208
• Chatham, Earl of, death of, iii. 316
• Chatsworth, hospitality at, i. 237; charade at, 238; party at, ii. 51
• Chesterfield Papers, the, iii. 327
• Chobert, the ‘Fire King,’ i. 276
• Cholera, the, in Russia, ii. 57; account of, 150; preventive measures against, 154, 216; effect on trade of, 156; spread of, 161; alarm about, 169; at Berlin, 192; at Sunderland, 208, 210; at Marseilles, 221; on the decline, 224; near Edinburgh, 240; in London, 258, 259; in Bethnal Green, 261; account of, 278; diminution of, 285; in Paris, 287; alarm in London, 309, 311
• Christina, Queen, of Spain, iii. 66, 72; reported flight of, 360; courage of, 365
• Christmas trees, introduced by Princess Lieven at Panshanger, i. 259
• Church Bill, the, Committee on, iii. 199
• Church Reform, iii. 206
• City, the, address to the King, ii. 126; illumination in, 140; election, 1835, iii. 184, 186, 187; anxiety in the money-market, 373, 376
• Civil List, the, excess of expenditure on, i. 253; for debates on, see Commons, House of
• Clanricarde, Marquis of, sworn in a Privy Councillor, ii. 78
• Clarence, H.R.H. the Duke of, Lord High Admiral, i. 95; removal of, from the office of Lord High Admiral, 138, 140. See William IV.
• Cobbett, William, trial of, ii. 158; returned for Oldham, 335; takes his seat, 351; and Sir Robert Peel, 373
• Cochrane, Lord, at Florence, i. 301; villa near Florence, 302
• Codrington, Sir E., interview with the Duke of Wellington, i. 179
• Coercion Bill, the, introduced, ii. 359
• Colchester Election, iii. 112
• Commons, House of; Alien Bill, i. 1; Dr. Halloran’s petition, 14; debate on grant to the Duke of York, 18; debates on Queen Caroline, 30, 32, 38; Small Notes Bill, 79; debates on Catholic Relief Bill, 91, 133, 166, 191; division on Catholic Relief Bill, 185; Catholic Relief Bill read a third time, 203; Regency and Civil List, ii. 45; debate on the Evesham election, 25; debate on the Civil List, 110; announcement of the Reform Bill, 110; Pension List, 111; debate on Ireland, 112; Budget of 1831, 113; proposed reductions, 118; introduction of the first Reform Bill, 121; debates on the Reform Bill, 123, 125; debate on the Timber duties, 130; debate on the Reform Bill, 131; division on the Reform Bill, 132; Government defeated, 135; scene in the House, 135; second reading of the Reform Bill, 156; Wine duties, 160; Reform Bill, Schedule A, 170; second Reform Bill, 227; debate on, and second reading of the second Reform Bill carried, 228; Reform Bill supported by the Irish Members, 239; division on the Russian Loan, 240; division on the sugar duties, 267; Reform Bill passed, 270; debates, 296; violent scene in debate on petition of the City of London, 299; Irish Tithe question, 308; debate on, 309; debate on the Address, 353; Irish Church Reform, 354; aspect of the reformed House, 360; debate on Slave Emancipation, 371; vote of confidence in the Ministers, 376; division on the Irish Church Bill, 381; vote against sinecures, iii. 13; division on Apprenticeship Clause of West India Bill, 16; disorganised state of the House, 17; Pension List, 60; business of the House, 61; debate on the Corn Laws, 68; debate on admission of Dissenters to the University, 75; debate on Repeal of the Union, 80; Pension List, 80; debate on Portugal, 82; Poor Law Bill, 83; debate on Irish Tithe Bill, 98, 99; gallery for reporters, 205; debate on the Speakership, 214; debate on the Address, 221; debate and division on amendment to the Address, 223; Malt Tax, 224; debate on appointment of Lord Londonderry, 225; Dissenters’ Marriage Bill, 230; Government beaten on Chatham election, 234; state of parties in the House, 234; debate and division on Irish Church question, 240; uproar in the House, 243; Government defeated on Irish Tithe Bill, 246; debate on Irish Church Bill, 281; position of the House, 288, 291; conflict with the House of Lords, 225; debate and division on the amendment to the Address, 334; effect of division, 336; Opposition defeated, 347; division, 359; Irish Corporation Bill, 388; insult to Lord Lyndhurst, 389; debates on Irish Tithe Bill, 391; abandonment of the appropriation clauses, 393
• Como, i. 414
• Conroy, Sir John, ii. 190; iii. 3
• Conservative Club, dinner at, ii. 327; speeches, 327
• Constantine, the Grand Duke, accident to, i. 259; death of, ii. 164
• Convention signed between France, England, and Holland, ii. 375
• Conyngham, Marquis of, Postmaster-General, iii. 88, 113
• Conyngham, Marchioness of, i. 46; wears a Crown jewel, 48; Court intrigues, 207
• Conyngham, Lord Francis, i. 50
• Coprogli, History of the Grand Vizier, iii. 115
• Cornelius, painter, ii. 149
• Coronation, the, of William IV. decided on, ii. 156; preparations for, 157, 163, 165; estimates for, 181; disputes over the arrangements for, 187
• Cottenham, Lord, Lord High Chancellor, iii. 328
• Cotton, Sir Willoughby, suppresses the insurrection in Jamaica, ii. 262; on affairs in Jamaica, 380
• Council, Clerk of the, Mr. Greville sworn in, i. 44; after the accession of William IV., ii. 12; Lord Grey’s Administration sworn in, 71; for the proclamation against rioters, 73; recorder’s report in, 85; clerks of the, 87; scene at Council for a new Great Seal, 188
• Council, Privy: suttee case before the, ii. 307; embargo on Dutch ships, 343; meeting of the, on the London University petition, iii. 80; counter petition of Oxford and Cambridge, 80
• Council, Cabinet: the first of Lord Melbourne’s Administration, iii. 120; the first of Sir Robert Peel’s Administration, 174
• Covent Garden Theatrical Fund Dinner, i. 205
• Coventry, glove trade, ii. 224
• Cowley, Abraham, lines from ‘Ode to Solitude,’ ii. 272
• Cowper, Earl, at Panshanger, ii. 229
• Cowper, Countess, at Panshanger, ii. 229
• Cowper, William, Life of, by Southey, iii. 134
• Cradock, Colonel, sent to Charles X., ii. 37
• Crampton, Sir Philip, Irish story, i. 243
• Craven, Earl of, disperses a mob, ii. 77; on the proposed new Peers, 232
• Craven, General the Hon. Berkeley, suicide of, iii. 350
• Crawford, William, member for the City of London, iii. 188
• Creevey, Mr., i. 235
• Croker, Right Hon. John Wilson, edition of ‘Boswell’s Life of Johnson,’ ii. 105; reviews lost, 106
• Cumberland, H.S.H. the Duke of, opposition to Catholic Relief Bill, i. 180; intrigues at Court, 222; insults Lady Lyndhurst, 222, 223; quarrel with Lord Lyndhurst, 224; disputes concerning the office of ‘Gold Stick,’ ii. 5, 21
• Cumberland, H.P..H. the Duchess of, i. 2
• Cuvier, Baron, death of, ii. 307