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The Heroic Age

Chapter 20: FOOTNOTES:
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A comparative study analyzes early Teutonic and Greek heroic poetry alongside the social and historical conditions that produced it. The author surveys Teutonic narrative traditions, their distribution, antiquity, modes of performance, and the mixture of historical, mythical, supernatural, and fictional elements they contain. He then examines Greek epic and related minstrelsy, weighing similar features despite scarcer external evidence. A concluding section identifies common characteristics across the two corpora and argues that parallels stem from analogous social conditions during corresponding heroic ages. Final chapters consider implications for society, government, religion, and the antecedent causes of those formative periods.

FOOTNOTES:

[116] celebrant carminibus antiquis, quod unum apud illos memoriae et annalium genus est, etc.

[117] nil carminum aliquando didicerat. unde nonnunquam in conuiuio cum esset laetitiae causa decretum ut omnes per ordinem cantare deberent, ille ubi adpropinquare sibi citharam cernebat surgebat a media caena et egressus ad suam domum repedebat.

[118] Mon. Germ., Epist. Carol. Aeui, II 21 (ad Hygbaldum episc. Lindisfarnensem): lectionis studium exercete. audiantur in domibus uestris legentes, non ludentes in platea.

[119] William of Malmesbury, Gesta Pontif., V § 190 (from King Alfred's Handboc).

[120] Amulung Theoderic dicitur ... et iste fuit Thideric de Berne di quo cantabant rustici olim (Mon. Germ., Scr. III p. 31).

[121] Et ecce illo discumbente cum discipulis suis oblatus est cecus uocabulo Bernlef qui a uicinis suis ualde diligebatur eo quod esset affabilis et antiquorum actus regumque certamina bene nouerat psallendo promere, etc. Vita S. Liudgeri, II 1 (Mon. Germ., Scr. II p. 412).

[122] Qui harpatorem qui cum circulo harpare potest in manum percusserit componat illud quarta parte maiore compositione quam alteri eiusdem conditionis homini, etc. (Mon. Germ., Leg. III 699 f.).

[123] Cf. my Studies on Anglo-Saxon Institutions, p. 369.

[124] Cuðe he duguðe þeaw (v. 359).

[125] Cf. Brandl, op. cit., p. 981 f.

[126] It is generally thought that all these sentences refer to the king.

[127] Cf. Brandl, loc. cit.

[128] K. Müller, Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, IV p. 92. ἐπιγενομένης δὲ ἑσπέρας δᾷδες ἀνηφθήσαν, δύο δὲ ἀντικρὺ τοῦ Ἀττήλα παρελθόντες βάρβαροι ᾄσματα πεποιημένα ἔλεγον, νίκας αὐτοῦ καὶ τὰς κατὰ πόλεμον ᾄδοντες ἀρετάς· ἐς οὓς οἱ τῆς εὐωχίας ἀπέβλεπον, καὶ οἱ μὲν ἥδοντο τοῖς ποιήμασιν, οἱ δὲ τῶν πολέμων ἀναμιμνησκόμενοι διηγείροντο τοῖς φρονήμασιν, ἄλλοι δὲ ἐχώρουν ἐς δάκρυα, ὧν ὑπὸ τοῦ χρόνου ἠσθένει τὸ σῶμα καὶ ἡσυχάζειν ὁ θυμὸς ἠναγκάζετο.

[129] The performers who followed are said to have used Gothic, Hunnish and Latin.

[130] Freely translated by Hodgkin, Italy and her Invaders, Vol. II, p. 363. That the songs were in the national language appears from the phrases Germanica uerba (v. 4), barbaricis abacta plectris ... Thalia (v. 9 f.).

[131] Romanusque lyra plaudat tibi barbarus harpa.

[132] v. 67 f.

nos tibi uersiculos, dent barbara carmina leudos:
sic uariante tropo laus sonet una uiro.

The word leudos is generally interpreted as in the next passage (Ang.-Sax. leoð); but is it not possible that here it is an error for leudes (N. pl.)?

[133] sola saepe bombicans barbaros leudos arpa relidens (Mon. Germ., Auct. Antiquiss. Tom. IV i p. 2).

[134] κιθαριστῇ δὲ ἀγαθῷ ὄντι ᾠδή τις αὐτῷ ἐς ξυμφορὰν τὴν παροῦσαν πεποίηται, ἣν δὴ πρὸς κιθάραν θρηνῆσαί τε καὶ ἀποκλαῦσαι ἐπείγεται.

[135] antiquo etiam cantu maiorum facta modulationibus citharisque canebant, Respamarae, Hanalae, Fridigerni, Vidigoiae et aliorum quorum in hac gente magna opinio est, quales uix heroas fuisse miranda iactat antiquitas.

[136] quemadmodum et in priscis eorum carminibus pene historico ritu in commune recolitur.

[137] For a passage in Saxo Poeta which seems to indicate the existence of such poems cf. p. 6, note.

[138] At all events they had no kings when we first obtain definite information about them, towards the close of the following century.

[139] Son of Rögnvaldr, earl of Möre, and half-brother of Gönguhrólfr (Rollo), first earl of Normandy.

[140] In the Norse form of the story Hiarrandi is the name of Heðinn's father.

[141] Jordanes, cap. 49; cf. Beow. 3170 ff.

[142] Ekkehard's Waltharius of course belongs to a much earlier period, but it is not always clear what has been added by Ekkehard himself.

[143] Cf. Liebermann, Arch. CI, p. 15 ff.; Brandl, Grundriss, II p. 106.

[144] χρήματα μεγάλα τῷ τῆς μνηστείας αὐτῇ δεδωκὼς λόγῳ.

[145] οὗτος ἀνὴρ ξὺν Οὐάρνων τοῖς λογιμωτάτοις ἐν χωρίω τῳ ἱππευόμενος ὄρνιν τινὰ ἐπὶ δένδρου τε καθημένην εἶδε καὶ πολλὰ κρώζουσαν. εἴτε δὲ τῆς ὄρνιθος τῆς φωνῆς ξυνεὶς εἴτε ἄλλο μέν τι ἐξεπιστάμενος, ξυνεῖναι δὲ τῆς ὄρνιθος μαντευομένης τερατευσάμενος, τοῖς παροῦσιν εὐθὺς ἔφασκεν ὡς τεθνήξεται τεσσαράκοντα ἡμέραις ὕστερον. τοῦτο γὰρ αὐτῷ τὴν τῆς ὄρνιθος δηλοῦν πρόρρησιν.

[146] It is not clear whether the marvellous account of Britain which follows this story comes from the same source or not.

[147] They certainly resemble poems of Stage II both in form and spirit much more closely than their German counterparts do. But this may be due partly to the fact that Stage III was of much shorter duration in their case.

[148] A reminiscence of such minstrels may perhaps be preserved in the story of the unfortunate Heimir, who fled to Norway with the child Áslaug concealed in a harp and was murdered there by a peasant from whom he had sought hospitality (Völs. Saga, cap. 43).