FOOTNOTES:
[496] We may compare such expressions as me þaet wyrd gewaef in the Anglo-Saxon Rhyming Poem (Cod. Exon.), v. 70.
[497] We may compare a passage from the poem on the battle of Maldon, which largely follows heroic poetry (cf. pp. 3, 97). In v. 216 ff. Aelfwine, one of Byrhtnoth's knights, boasts as follows: "I will make my lineage known to all, that I come of a great Mercian house. My grandfather, Ealhhelm by name, was a wise earl and blessed with worldly prosperity. Not against me shall knights bring public reproach, that I am willing to leave this army and make my way home, now that my prince lies slain in battle." Ealhhelm held office in the reign of Edmund I.
[498] iam uero infame in omnem uitam ac probrosum superstitem principi suo ex acie recessisse. illum defendere, tueri, sua quoque fortia facta gloriae eius assignare praecipuum sacramentum est. principes pro uictoria pugnant, comites pro principe.
[499] freoðoburh, lit. 'city of peace.' The expression probably springs from the sacred peace attaching to the king's dwelling, to which we find frequent allusions in the laws (Ine, § 6, Alfred, § 7, etc.).
[500] ealdne eþelstol. If this expression is to be interpreted in a local sense ('seat of authority') it is possible to read the idea of patriotism as a sentiment into it; but my impression is that the poet means no more than defence of home. A different interpretation of the passage is given by Prof. Heusler (S.-B. d. Akad. d. Wiss. zu Berlin, 1909, p. 926), according to whom it means "Verteidigung des eald eþelstol, des alten Erbthrones (nicht Stammsitzes)."
[501] For the translation of this fragment I am indebted to the kindness of Mr A. B. Cook.
[502] This analogy applies perhaps also to the objects aimed at in the two sets of records. Within certain limitations it may be said that the object of the heroic stories is to entertain and that of unheroic records to instruct. The latter remark holds good not only for historical works but also for tribal traditions and tribal law. It is likely that opportunity was taken to impart instruction of this type at festal gatherings. We may quote a passage from Praetorius' Deliciae Prussicae (ed. Pierson, p. 24) relating to a festal gathering of young people at a time when the Prussian Lithuanians had not yet been entirely converted. "Darauf haben sie sich um die Eiche und Stein niedergesetzt, der Weydulut aber uf den Stein das Fell gelegt, sich darauf gesetzet, einen Sermon gehalten von ihrem Herkommen und alten Gebräuchen, Glauben p. p., den Zemyna, den Perkuns und andere mehr genennet." There is abundant evidence for the existence of similar traditions among the Teutonic peoples from the earliest times—for which the reader may be referred to Dr Schütte's interesting book Oldsagn om Godtjod (especially pp. 118-197). But in heroic poetry, whether Teutonic or Greek, references to the early traditions of a nation are extremely rare and practically limited to the ancestors of the royal family, while 'law' is the will of the ruler. For Greek parallels we must turn to works of the Hesiodic school and the elegiac poets.
With regard to historical works we have to remember that all records dating from the Heroic Age are of foreign origin. But it is certainly to be noted that the interest of the stories given by Gregory of Tours and other writers of the sixth century—in so far as they relate to persons of Teutonic blood—is essentially personal, and similar to that which characterises the poems. This is the more noteworthy since these stories are related from a totally different point of view (cf. p. 338 f.).
[503] Except in so far as (in the case of Teutonic stories) they are connected with the Church.
[504] I would call attention here to an interesting paper by Prof. Heusler (S.-B. d. Akad. d. Wiss. zu Berlin, 1909, p. 920 ff.), in which he seeks to show that the historical element in Teutonic heroic poetry has been exaggerated. The evidence adduced in favour of this view consists in the first place of unhistorical situations, chronological dislocations, etc. Most of the examples are taken from the later forms of the stories (Stage IV of our scheme). We have already discussed these phenomena (p. 152 ff.), and here I would only add that the observation quoted from Prof. Murko's paper on p. 936, note, may be applied, mutatis mutandis, to chronological as well as geographical relations. What interests us here however is the second piece of evidence brought forward by Prof. Heusler (p. 924 f.). He fully recognises and admirably expresses the individualistic, non-national spirit of Teutonic heroic poetry—as contrasted with that of the Old French epics: "Es herrschen in unsrer Sage die persönlichen Ideen".... "Die germanische Sage kennt keinen Nationalfeind," etc. Yet apparently he regards this phenomenon ('die persönliche Fabel') as a characteristic of the poetry only, and not of the society which produced it. Now in order to prove that this is an 'unhistorical' element evidence must be brought to show that the attitude of the poems—the early poems (Stage II)—does not faithfully reflect the spirit of the age. I know of no evidence to justify so startling a conclusion; on the contrary we shall see in the following chapters that contemporary historical works frequently testify to the prevalence of the same ideas which we find expressed in the poems. Even the statement that Teutonic heroic poetry is 'unpolitical' seems to me to require some reservation. Certainly it knows nothing of modern ideas of politics. But have we any ground for disputing that it represents the politics current in the courts in which it grew up? Lastly, objection must be taken to the contrast drawn on p. 933 between Teutonic and Greek heroic poetry. So far as the Homeric evidence is concerned the observations made here apply not to the poems as we have them but to certain hypotheses regarding their 'pre-history,' with which we have dealt above (p. 267 ff.).
[505] As a typical case we may cite the story of the Frankish prince Hlothric (Greg. Tur., II 40), who at Clovis' suggestion caused his own father to be murdered. He offered Clovis a share of the treasures, but was himself killed by the envoys of the latter while he was bending over his father's treasure-chest.
[506] In Beow. 2991 ff. we are told that Eofor, who slew the Swedish king Ongentheo, was rewarded by Hygelac with the hand of his only daughter and an enormous grant of land and treasure.
[507] Cf. Germ. 14: cum uentum in aciem turpe principi uirtute uinci, turpe comitatui uirtutem principis non adaequare. It is not to be doubted that princes of the Heroic Age did seek to display their prowess in single combats. The story of Theodric's combat with an Avar champion named Xerxer (Fredegar, Chron. II 57) appears to be based on an exploit for which we have contemporary evidence in Ennodius' Panegyric (p. 266 in Hartel's edition; cf. Jiriczek, Deutsche Heldensagen, I p. 140 f.), where the defeated warrior is called Bulgarum ductor. It is well known also that the princes of the ancient Gauls were in the habit of engaging their enemies in single combat. There is satisfactory historical evidence for two cases in which distinguished Romans proved victorious in such encounters (cf. D'Arbois de Jubainville, La Civilisation des Celtes, p. 17 ff.). The period to which these notices refer may be described as a Gaulish Heroic Age (cf. p. 427 ff.).
[508] Cf. Ammianus Marcellinus, XVI 12. 60.
[509] Cf. S. Müller, Nordische Altertumskunde, II p. 128.
[510] Cf. especially Procopius' description of Totila at his last battle (Goth. IV 31): τήν τε γὰρ τῶν ὅπλων σκευὴν κατακόρως τῷ χρυσῷ κατειλημμένην ἠμπίσχετο καὶ τῶν οἱ φαλάρων κόσμος ἔκ τε τοῦ πίλου καὶ τοῦ δόρατος ἁλουργός τε καὶ ἄλλως βασιλεῖ πρέπων ἐκρέματο θαυμαστὸς ὅσος.
[511] Even in time of peace merchants might turn into freebooters (cf. Od. XIV 262 ff.). Piracy indeed was scarcely regarded as disreputable (ib. III 72 ff.; cf. p. 322). The same conditions prevailed during the Viking Age and doubtless also during the Teutonic Heroic Age.
[512] As illustrations of the barbarities associated with warfare of this type we may refer to the speech of Theodric, king of the Franks, given by Gregory, III 7, and to the behaviour of Theodberht's army in Italy, recorded by Procopius (Goth. II 25). At such a time the atrocities which Greek tradition relates in connection with the fall of Troy would have caused little comment. Yet the early heroic poems give less evidence even than the Homeric poems for cruelty of this kind.