FOOTNOTES:
[544] For analogies to this belief cf. Frazer, Lectures on the Early History of the Kingship, p. 112 ff. Especially interesting parallels are to be found in the region of the Congo; cf. Pinkerton, Voyages and Travels, Vol. XVI. pp. 330, 577.
[545] Frequently used in poetry. The god's full name seems to have been Yngvifreyr or Ingunarfreyr, both of which occur occasionally (cf. The Origin of the English Nation, p. 231).
[546] We may compare Ibn Fadhlan's account of the king of the (Scandinavian) Russians, who never put his foot to the ground. His duties also were discharged by a viceroy. Cf. Frähn, Ibn Foszlan's und anderer Araber Berichte über die Russen älterer Zeit, pp. 21, 23.
[547] The priesthood figures very prominently in Tacitus' Germania. But it is not safe to assume that the conditions described there are necessarily more primitive than those which we find in much later times in the North.
[548] Tacitus, Hist., IV 15.
[549] Among the Ostrogoths during their war with the Romans (from 535 onwards) we meet with several kings of non-royal birth; but the conditions were altogether abnormal. One king (Eraric) was a Rugian and appointed apparently by his own followers.
[550] E.g. Athalaric the grandson of Theodric and Walthari the son of Waccho, king of the Langobardi. Aethelberht, king of Kent, must have succeeded as a child. Heardred, the son of Hygelac, is represented as very young.
[551] Cf. especially Tacitus, Germ. 39; Ann. I 51.
[552] For references see Folk-Lore, XI, pp. 280, 282 f., 300.
[553] Cf. especially Gylf. 14, Yngl. S. 2, Gautreks S. 7.
[554] In Beow. 946 ff. (cf. 1175 f.) Hrothgar pays a similar compliment to the hero, who is not a king at this time. Probably the intention is to do Beowulf a quite exceptional honour.
[555] Cf. Cassiodorus, Var. III 3.
[556] Cf. Chron., ann. 945. For the form of agreement entered into upon such occasions reference may be made to ann. 874, 921 (ad fin.) etc. The terms probably varied from case to case.
[557] For the case of the Frankish kingdom see Waitz, Deutsche Verfassungsgeschichte3, II, p. 145 ff.; Brunner, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, II, p. 25 f.
[558] In the account of Wulfstan's voyage given in King Alfred's translation of Orosius (p. 20 in Sweet's edition) it is stated that the land of the Este (in East Prussia) contains very many fortified places (burh, i.e. probably stockaded villages) and that in each of these there is a king. But it is scarcely probable that such primitive conditions survived among the Angli even four or five centuries before Alfred's time (cf. p. 380, note).
[559] It is only in this way that we can account for the more or less simultaneous appearance of Heruli in Gaul and on the Black Sea in the latter part of the third century. In the fifth century this nation had a powerful kingdom in Central Europe. We may refer also to the traces of various peoples (Angli, Warni, etc.) which we find in the basin of the Saale, as well as to the kingdom of the Suabi in Spain, the Goths in the Crimea, etc. Abundant parallels are to be found in the history of the Viking Age.
[560] It is quite possible that many of the leading characters in the heroic stories may belong to such communities, e.g. Hnaef, Sigmundr and Sigurðr, Heðinn, Hamðir and Sörli, Haki and Hagbarðr.
[561] In explanation of this phenomenon the view has been put forward (cf. Finsler, N. Jahrb. XIII 319 ff., 396 ff.; summarised 410 ff.) that the form of government depicted in the Odyssey is really an aristocracy, whereas the evidence of the Iliad is inconsistent owing to traditional reminiscences of a time of real kingship. Thus in the latter poem βασιλεύς (in the singular) is generally used only of Agamemnon, though there are exceptions, e.g. I 331, where it is applied to "Achilleus, dem der Titel, streng genommen, nicht zukommt, da Peleus noch lebt" (p. 404 f.). I do not think that this explanation is likely to carry conviction to anyone who has studied early Teutonic history. It is clear that in early times throughout the Teutonic area—in England down to the end of the seventh century and in the North much later—the title of king was applied to sons and other relatives of kings, as well as to dependent princes. The only qualifications for the title were (i) royal birth, (ii) the possession of some kind of authority or 'lordship' (τιμή). How small this authority might be can be seen from St Olaf's Saga (Heimskr.), cap. 4, where we are told that Olaf had the title of king given to him by his followers; "for it was customary that herkonungar (i.e. Viking chiefs) who were engaged in piracy should take the title of king at once, if they were of royal birth, although they governed no territories." The qualification of royal birth however was essential. The title was not taken even by so great a man as Earl Haakon of Lade, who had kings practically dependent on him. I see no reason for regarding the conditions depicted in either of the Homeric poems as different from what we find in the North, although, owing presumably to the smallness of the kingdoms, all the important characters appear to be persons of royal birth.
[562] St Olaf's Saga (Heimskr.), cap. 30 ff.
[563] This passage offers at least a partial explanation of the phenomenon which we have been discussing. If royal rank is traced both on the male and female sides the kingly class will inevitably be numerous. Such may have been the case among the Angli also at one time. But it is not unlikely that at least in the remoter parts of Greece each 'city' or small district may have retained a royal family of its own, like the communities visited by Wulfstan (cf. p. 376, note). We may refer to such a passage as Il. IX 395 f., if ἀριστήων here means dependent princes.
[564] Cf. especially Cook, Folk-Lore, XV 385 f.
[565] Chil. I 474 (τοὺς βασιλεῖς δ' ἀνέκαθε Δίας ἐκάλουν πάντας) and elsewhere. On this subject see Cook, Class. Rev. XVII 409, and Folk-Lore, XV 303 f. (cf. 301), where full references are given.
[566] The parallel must not be pressed too far of course. According to Tzetzes all kings were called Ζεύς. But apparently not all kings were descended from Zeus; Nestor, for example, was sprung from Poseidon according to Od. XI 254 ff. We may refer however to Hesiod, Theog. 96, where kings are said to derive their authority from Zeus, and to the Homeric epithet διοτρεφής (possibly also διογενής) which is commonly applied to kings. Frey on the other hand was an ancestral god but not the chief of the gods, though he is sometimes in poetry called folkvaldi goða, which Saxo translates by satrapa deorum.
[567] A trace of the belief that kings had power over the seasons (cf. p. 367) may perhaps be found in Od. XIX 109 ff.
[568] I cannot help thinking that evidence derived from the Achaean gatherings in the Iliad is somewhat precarious ground on which to build up a theory regarding the constitutional rights possessed by the ἀγορή at home. The same remark applies to such a passage as Od. XII 297, where an important constitutional change (cf. Fanta, op. cit., p. 91) has been inferred from the mutinous behaviour of a ship's crew.
[569] It cannot fairly be argued from Od. II 192 f. that the assembly (apart from the king) has a right to impose fines, for the suitors here are relying not upon any 'constitutional' rights but on force majeure. It is to be remembered too that Eurymachos appears to have designs upon the throne (cf. p. 358 f.).
[570] It has been suggested that the true name for such a gathering was θόωκος (θῶκος) and that this was something different from the ἀγορή (cf. Fanta, op. cit., p. 77); but the evidence for such a distinction is very far from convincing. We may refer to such passages as Od. XII 318 and, more especially, to V 3 (θῶκόνδε), which is clearly parallel to Il. XX 4 (ἀγορήνδε). Cf. Finsler, N. Jahrb., XIII 327.
[571] In the Hymn to the Delian Apollo, v. 146 ff., mention is made of a festal gathering of Ionians at Delos, apparently on a considerable scale. Similar gatherings may have been in existence quite as early, or even earlier, in other parts of Greece. For the festival at Pylos however much better parallels are to be found in the great religious gatherings which took place every nine years at Leire and Upsala, the old Danish and Swedish capitals. Cf. Thietmar of Merseburg, Chron. I 9: est unus in his partibus locus ... Lederun nomine ... ubi post nouem annos, mense Ianuario ... omnes conuenerunt et ibi diis suismet XCIX homines et totidem equos cum canibus et gallis pro accipitribus oblatis immolant. And Adam of Bremen, IV 27: solet quoque post nouem annos communis omnium Sueoniae prouintiarum sollempnitas in Ubsola celebrari. ad quam uidelicet sollempnitatem nulli praestatur immunitas. reges et populi omnes et singuli sua dona transmittunt ad Ubsolam. It does not appear however that on these occasions—in contrast with the festival at Pylos—any of the victims were eaten. In this respect they are probably to be compared rather with the great quadrennial sacrifices of the Gauls; cf. Diodoros, v. 32.
[572] It is scarcely capable of proof that the picture of the Phaeacian community in the Odyssey is derived from a Greek model (cf. p. 297 f. and note); but I believe I am following the generally accepted view in assuming this to be the case. The features noted here are such as we might expect to find in a Greek community if we take into account the evidence of later times.
[573] We may refer also to the rökstólar (judgement-seats) on which the gods sit when they gather in session (Völuspá, str. 9, 23, 25).
[574] For a true analogy we must of course turn to councils which were attached to the king's court. Such appears to have been the case with the twelve chiefs of the Uppland Swedes who, according to St Olaf's Saga (Heimskr.), cap. 96, constantly attended the Swedish king, sitting in judgement with him and giving him advice in matters of difficulty. If the meaning of Od. XIII 130 is that the Phaeacians in general are descended from Poseidon, we have a further analogy with the same community, who appear to have claimed descent from the god Frey. Cf. Saxo, p. 260 (in the catalogue of Ringo's warriors at Bravalla): At Sueonum fortissimi hi fuere.... qui quidem Frø dei necessarii erant et fidissimi numinum arbitri.... iidem quoque ad Frø deum generis sui principium referebant.
[575] For Genseric's disregard of the general opinion of those present a parallel is presented by Agamemnon's conduct in Il. I 22 ff.
[576] Cf. Seymour, Life in the Homeric Age, p. 81.
[577] It may be observed here that we often hear also of journeys for trade and other purposes, as in Od. III 366 ff., where Athene, disguised as Mentor, says she is going to the land of the Caucones to collect a debt. Voyages even to countries as distant as Egypt and Phoenicia are not unknown.
[578] Cf. XXIII 296 ff., where a certain Echepolos (presumably a fictitious character) is said to have given Agamemnon a mare in order that he might be excused from the expedition. This person belongs to Sicyon, another adjacent city and likewise included in Agamemnon's domain in the Catalogue of Ships.
[579] The evidence of the Catalogue as to the dimensions of Diomedes' dominions is not corroborated elsewhere in the Iliad. The author may of course have derived his information from other sources, e.g. from poems dealing with the story of Adrastos and the expedition against Thebes. But it is at least equally possible that he was influenced by the desire of providing each king with dominions comprised in a compact geographical area.
[580] The passage suggests that the σκῆπτρον is regarded as a symbol of authority. Thyestes here appears between Atreus and Agamemnon. In Od. IV 517 f. Aigisthos is said to have dwelt where Thyestes had formerly dwelt, though unfortunately the locality is not stated. The two passages however are not necessarily inconsistent, for it does not follow that Agamemnon, when he took the imperium, would deprive his relative of the estate on which he lived. For the method of succession—which was of course extremely liable to produce strife—many Teutonic parallels might be cited. We may refer to the events which took place on the death of Alfred the Great.
[581] Thucydides (I 9) relates how Atreus acquired the sovereignty at Mycenae; but his account seems to be largely in the nature of a conjecture.
[582] Among the Teutonic peoples we have records of such gatherings from the first century (cf. p. 369, note) to the eleventh (at Upsala; cf. p. 383. note). There is evidence also for similar festivals among the Lithuanians and Prussians; cf. Matthias a Michov, De Sarm. Europ., Lib. II (in Grynaeus' Novus Orbis Terrarum, etc., Basel 1537, p. 519): insuper prima Octobris die maxima per Samagittas in syluis praefatis celebritas agebatur, et ex omni regione uniuersus utriusque sexus conueniens illuc populus cibos et potus quilibet iuxta suae conditionis qualificationem deferebat; quibus aliquot diebus epulati diis suis falsis, praecipue deo lingua eorum appellato Perkuno, id est tonitru, ad focos quisque suos offerebat libamina.
[583] It is important to notice that the tendency appears to have been by no means so far developed as in the Teutonic Heroic Age. We cannot tell, it is true, how far the various dependent cities and districts remained in the hands of native royal families and how far they were governed by officials. In the latter category we may include such a person as Phoinix (Il. IX 483 f.). But it is clear that the royal families form a much larger proportion of the population than was the case among the Teutonic peoples of the fifth century.
[584] Teutonic analogies occur, though they are not common. We may instance Bede's account (H. E. IV 12) of what took place after the death of Coenwalh, king of Wessex (about 673): acceperunt subreguli regnum gentis et diuisum inter se tenuerunt annis circiter X, after which deuictis atque amotis subregulis Caedualla suscepit imperium. The Saxon Chronicle certainly gives a different impression; and from Eddius, Vita Wilfridi, cap. 40, it appears that Centwine's authority was recognised at least to some extent. Reference may also be made to Procopius' statement (Goth. II 14) that—early in Justinian's reign—the Heruli slew their king, ἄλλο οὐδὲν ἐπενεγκότες ἢ ὅτι ἀβασίλευτοι τὸ λοιπὸν βούλονται εἶναι; but the interregnum was of short duration. Earlier cases may be found among the Cherusci and other peoples of western Germany during the first century—where it is to be noted that Tacitus' principes and regnum correspond to Bede's subreguli and imperium respectively. I cannot help thinking that much confusion has been introduced into early Greek history through failure to distinguish between kingship and lordship.
[585] This is true even of Sparta. We may quote Herodotus' account (VII 104) of Demaratos' speech to Xerxes: ἐλεύθεροι γὰρ ἐόντες (sc. οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι) οὐ πάντα ἐλεύθεροί εἰσι· ἔπεστι γάρ σφι δεσπότης νόμος, τὸν ὑποδειμαίνουσι πολλῷ ἔτι μᾶλλον ἢ οἱ σοὶ σέ. It is the recognition of this impersonal force—not of course any sense of universal right, but the 'law' of the community—which perhaps most clearly distinguishes post-heroic and pre-heroic society from that of the Heroic Age. The existence of such a force—operating, under religious sanction (cf. p. 366), as a restraint upon the king's freedom of action—is implied by Tacitus, Germ. 7, 11. But it is a strange misunderstanding which has led several scholars to compare the former of these passages with Beow. 73, where the limitations stated are those of Hrothgar's generosity, not of his power.