Footnotes

1.

The map of Northern Greece was not received until that of the Peloponnese had been engraved; and being intended by the author for circulation in Germany, as well as in England, the names are given in Latin. This must serve as an apology for this want of uniformity in the two maps.

2.

See particularly Pouqueville's list of Albanian words. Compare Thunmann's Geschichte der Europäischen Völker, p. 250. Concerning the Illyrians, see App. 1, § 21, 28.

3.

Strabo VII. p. 321 A.

4.

Illyrian words in use among the Macedonians: σαυάδαι (Sileni) in Macedonian, δευάδαι in Illyrian; δράμις, bread, in Macedonian, δράμικης among the Athamanes. Orchomenos, p. 254. Compare Hesychius in βατάρα. See the copious collection in Sturz de Dialecto Macedonica.

5.

As this expression is often used in the following pages, I take this opportunity of stating, that by an aboriginal people, I mean one which, as far as our knowledge extends, first dwelt in a country, before which we know of no other inhabitants of that country.

6.

Justin, VII. 1. Compare Æsch. Suppl. 261.

7.

Herod. I. 57. See Orchomenos, p. 444.

8.

Compare, for example, δαίνειν to kill, δάνος death, with θανεῖν, θάνατος; ἐέλδω (ἐέλδωρ in Homer) with ἐθέλω; ἀδραία for αἰδρία, in which θ loses its aspiration, as φ does in κεφαλὴ (so in German haubet for haupt), ἀφροῦτις for ὀφρὺς (brow), Βίλιππος, Βερενίκη, βαλακρὸς, &c. The aspirate is also frequently lost; ἐνδομενία or ἐνδυμενία, furniture (in Polybius), with a change of υ and ο.

9.

E.g. the nominatives ἵπποτα, &c., which are also called Æolico-Bœotic, Doric, and Thessalian. Sturz ut sup. p. 28.

10.

E.g. ζέρεθρα for βάραθρα.

11.

E.g. ταγῶν ἀγὰ, the leading of the Tagus, as in Thessaly; ματτύα, dainties, a Thessalian, Macedonian, and also Spartan word.

12.

E.g. βίρροξ, hirsutus, hirtus; γάρκαν, virgam; ἴλεξ, ilex. The want of aspirates also forms a point of comparison.

13.

Apollodorus, III. 8, 1.

14.

Ap. Constant. Porph. de Themat. II. 2, p. 1453. Sturz Hellan. Fragm. p. 79. The passage of Hesiod is probably from the Ἠοῖαι, and there is no reason for supposing it spurious. The second verse should be read, υἶε δύω Μάγνητα Μάκεδνόν θ᾽ ἱππιοχάρμην.

15.

Concerning the Macedonians, see Appendix I.

16.

I allude here particularly to the ending of the genitive case of the second declension in οιο, which the grammarians quote as Thessalian.

17.

See Appendix I. § 28. The ancient Macedonian coins represent precisely the same dress as the Thessalian.

18.

Compare Θετταλικὰ πτερὰ in several grammarians, with Didymus in Ammonius in χλαμύς. More will be found on this subject in book IV. c. 2, § 4.

19.

Compare Theocritus XII. 14, with Alcman quoted in the Scholia, and b. IV. c. 4, § 6.

20.

Hesychius in δεσποίνας. See book IV. c. 4, § 4.

21.

According to Ælian, V. H. III. 15, the women of Illyria were present at banquets and wine-parties; Herod. V. 18, says the contrary of the Macedonians.

22.

Strabo, V. p. 221.

23.

See particularly Stephan. Byzant. in Ἔφυρα.

24.

Alexander Ephesius ap. Stephan. Byz. in Χαονία.

25.

Niebuhr's Roman History, vol. i. p. 46, ed. 2, English tr. Hence many names were the same in both countries; as, e.g., Pandosia (Justin, XII. 2), Acheron, Acherontia, &c.

26.

Herodotus also says, that the Ionians and Æolians had formerly been Pelasgians, having, as it were, swallowed up that nation; he must however assume that they changed their language (μετέμαθον τὴν γλῶσσαν), as the language of the Pelasgi who dwelt near Creston and Placia (which was probably nothing more than an ancient dialect) appeared to him barbarous. Æschylus (Suppl. 911) opposes them, as genuine Greeks, to the καρβανοι, or barbarians.

27.

Thus, e.g., the Amphilochians and Chaonians, according to Thucyd. II. 68, 80. The following ancient Greek forms occur in the Epirot dialect: γδοῦποσ for δοῦποσ (Maittaire, p. 141), γνώσκω, nosco, Orion p. 42, 17. Ἄσπετος Achilles, Plut. Pyrrh. 1. (α-ἕπομαι.)—The account in Strabo VII. p. 327, of two languages being spoken in some districts, doubtless refers to the coexistence of Grecian and Illyrian dialects.

28.

Polyb. XVII. 5, 8.

29.

Orchomenos, p. 253.

30.

According to Hesychius, Βρέκυς (Βερεκύντιος) is the same word as Βρύξ. Bruges was also used by Ennius, and, as it appears, by Marcus Brutus (Plutarch, Brut. 45).

31.

See the Chrestomathia of Proclus. Briges, or Phryges, in the region of Dyrrachium, Appian, Bell. Civ. II., 39.

32.

Creuzer Fragment. Histor. p. 171. Strabo XIV. p. 680. Compare Conon in Photius I.

33.

Concerning this point, see Hoeck's History of Crete, vol. I. p. 109, sqq.

34.

According to the opinion of their colonists, Herod. VII. 73. Eudoxus ap. Steph. in Ἀρμενία. Compare Heeren De Linguarum Asiaticarum in Persarum Imperio Cognatione, Comment. Gotting. vol. XIII.

35.

The Armenians frequently occur in the ancient traditional history of the oriental kingdoms; e.g., in Diod. II. 1 as conquered by Ninus. They are likewise represented as the original inhabitants in the native legends collected by Moses of Chorene.

36.

Plato, Cratyl. p. 410 A. It is remarkable that these words are also in the German language. Πῦρ (see Grimm's Deutsche Grammatik, vol. I. p. 584, 2d ed.) in ancient High German was viuri, in Low German für. Κύων, canis, hund (d added as in μὴν, μὰν—Phrygian for moon—and mahnd, mond). Ὕδωρ, in High German wazar, in Low German water; the digamma is present the genuine Phrygian form βéδυ, which, on account of ancient vicinity, was also a Macedonian and Orphic word (see Neanth. Cyzicen. ap. Clem. Alexand. Strom. V. p. 673. Jablonsky de Lingua Phrygia, p. 76), and is sometimes translated water, and sometimes air.

Lastly, the Phrygian inscription in Walpole's Memoirs, especially the words ΜΙΔΑΙ ΛΑϜΑΓΤΑΕΙ ϜΑΝΑΚΤΕΙ, prove that it had a great resemblance, both in radical forms and inflexion, with the Greek.

37.

Thus the verb sum keeps in the Armenian or Haicanian the same fundamental form which it has in all the languages allied to the Greek (yem, yes, e—sum, es, est). And it is remarkable, that the three Phrygian Greek words noticed in the text have been likewise preserved in the Haicanian: πῦρ is hur (as πατὴρ hair, πéντε hink); ὕδωρ, tschur (as θερμὸς tscherm); κύων is shun. See Klaproth, Asia Polyglotta, p. 99.

38.

See Jablonsky de Lingua Lycaon. Opusc. vol. III. p. 119.

39.

That is, if the epic poet Chœrilus spoke of Lyctian Solymi in the well-known passage preserved in Josephus cont. Apion. vol. II. p. 454, ed. Haverc. &c. See Naeke's Chœrilus, p. 130, sq.

40.

E.g. ἀδαγοὺς, an androgynous deity (Hesych. in v.), from Dagon; the name Adon (Athen. XIV. p. 624); βαλλὴν king, (Hesych. in v. Eustath. ad Od. τ. p. 680. Bas.) from Baal, &c. See Blomf. ad Æsch. Pers. 663.

41.

See Orchomenos, p. 379-390.

42.

Herod. VII. 111.

43.

All their words with which we are acquainted are very unlike the Greek; e.g. the word βρία and βρέα for city, which frequently occurs, ζίλα wine, πιτῦγες treasure, Schol. Apollon. Rhod. I. 933, &c.

44.

Herod. V. 13. VII, 20, 75. Compare Hellanicus ut sup.; where read, ἐφ᾽ οὖ νῦν Μακεδόνες καλοῦνται μόνοι μετὰ Μυσῶν τότε οἰκοῦντες. This at the same time probably refers to the tradition, that the Mysians (as well as the Thynians and others) came from Thrace to Asia, according to Strabo, and Pliny H. N. V. 32, 41. VII. 57.

45.

Homer, Hymn. Ven. 113.

46.

Æginetica, pp. 12, 155. Compare also Phavorinus in Ἀχαιοὺς ἄρξωσιν. In the later times they were probably still in the territory of the Molossians, who were considered as Greeks, Herod. VI. 127.

47.

Il. XVI. 233.

48.

See Orchomenos, pp. 139, 248, sqq. Buttmann, indeed, in his Memoir on the Minyæ (Berlin Transactions for 1820, p. 13), denies the existence of these places; but several of the passages which I have quoted are decisive.

49.

According to the genealogy from the Ἠοῖαι—Dorus, Xuthus (from whom Achæus and Ion), and Æolus; see Appendix II. The genealogy in Euripides, Ion 1608. viz. Xuthus, father of Ion, Dorus, and Achæus, is distorted to suit the national feelings of the Athenians. The passage from the Ἠοῖαι, however, although in a poetical garb, is more credible than the testimony of Herodotus, who considers the Ionians as aborigines.

50.

Concerning what follows, see Apollonius Rhod. IV. 521, sqq. Schol. ad 1. et ad IV. 1125, 1149. Apollodorus ap. Stephan. Byzant. in Ὑλλεῖς (p. 434, ed. Heyn.) Scylax, p. 7. ed. Voss. Scymnus Chius 404, from Timæus (Fragm. 121. ed. Goeller) and Eratosthenes. Dionys. Perieg. 386, with Eustathius and the Scholia. Etymol. Magn. p. 776. 39, where they are called a Celtic nation (ἔθνος Κελτικον). Compare Schoenemann Geograph. Argonaut. p. 53, and book III. c. 5.

51.

Apollon. Rh. IV. 538, and others. Panyasis appears from the Scholiast to Apollonius Rhod. IV. 1149, to have mentioned two Hylluses, viz. the son of Melite and the son of Deianira. Compare Schol. Soph. Trachin. 53. Vales, ad Harpocrat. p. 126. In the Scholiast to Pindar Pyth. I. 120, Ὕλλος, ὄς ἑβασίλευσε τῶν περὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν οἱκησάντων, where Hemsterhuis reads Οἰχαλίαν, Raoul-Rochette (Histoire de l'Etablissement des Colonies Grecques, tom. II. p. 280) proposes, not without some probability, Ἰλλυρίαν.

52.

Apollon. Rh. IV. 528.

53.

Thucyd. III. 81.

54.

Especially the connected chain of Ætolians, Epeans, Locrians (concerning whose affinity see Boeckh ad Pind. Olymp. IX. 61. p. 191), and Lelegians (Hesiod ap. Strab. VII. p. 322); and if these, as some say, are the same as the Carian nation, to which the Lydians and a part of the Mysians belonged, they would seem to compose a very numerous race.

55.

See book II. ch. 7.

56.

The ancients frequently say, that the Ionians in Asia ἐλυμήναντο τῆς διαλέκτου τὸ πάτριον. Photius in v. φαρμακός.

57.

Concerning the Doric dialect, see Appendix VI.

58.

Herod. I. 56; concerning which passage see Salmasius, de Lingua Hellenica, p. 276, and Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions, tom. XXV. p. 11-28. Compare VIII. 43. Ἐόντες Δωρικόν τε καὶ Μακεδνὸν ἔθνος ἐξ Ἐρινεοῦ τε καὶ Πίνδου καὶ τῆς Δρυοπίδος ὕστατα ὁρμηθέντες.

59.

See, on the subject of this genealogy, Appendix II.

60.

Apollod. I. 7, 2.

61.

Thus Pindar, Olymp. VIII. 30, calls the Myrmidons Δωριεὺς λαὸς, in order, as I conceive, to oppose them as genuine Greeks to nations of a different origin.

62.

From the circumstance that, in Homer, Achilles the Æacides is represented as chief of the Hellenes, and that the Æacidæ were also ancient princes of Ægina, the author has in a former work (Æginetica, p. 18) explained the name of the temple of Zeus in Ægina, Ἑλλάνιον, in later times called Πανελλήνιον. For this temple is assuredly more ancient than the time when all the Greeks were called Hellenes; and it must therefore be considered as a sanctuary of the original Hellenes, who also dwelt in Phthia, as an ancient national temple of the Myrmidons.

63.

Appendix I., last note.

64.

The height of mount Olympus, according to Bernouille, is 1017 toises, or 6501 English feet; of Ossa, according to Dodwell, about 5000 feet.

65.

A more accurate description of this valley than those of Ælian and Barthélemy is given by Bartholdy, Bruchstücke zur Kentniss Griechenlands, p. 112; Clarke, Travels, part II. sect. iii. p. 273; Hawkins, in Walpole's Memoirs relating to European Turkey, p. 528; Holland, Albania, p. 291; Dodwell, Travels, vol. I. p. 103; and Pouqueville, tom. III. c. 73. Among the ancients, Theopompus, in his Φιλιππικὰ, gave an accurate description of Tempe. See Theo. Sophist. Progymn. II. p. 19; Frommel, in Creuzer's Meletemata, III. p. 141, 6.

66.

XX. m. p. in ipsis faucibus saltus, Livy from Polyb. XVIII. 10, 2, on the side of Olympus. Meletius mentions here a place called Goniga.

67.

Liv. XXXIX. 25.

68.

Il. B. 753.

69.

Herod. VII. 128, 173.

70.

Liv. XLIV. 6. Polyb. XXVIII. 11. 1. Ἀζορίου μεταξὺ καὶ Δολιχῆς.

71.

See, besides Herodotus, Liv. XLIV. 2, and Plutarch, Æmil. 9.

72.

Concerning the situation of this place see Liv. XLIV. 2 and 6.

73.

Πυθίου Ἀπολλωνος ἱερὸν, τὸ Πύθιον καὶ τὴν Πέτραν Plutarch. Æmil. 15. Pythoum (Πυθῷον) et Petra Liv. XLIV. 2, 32, 35. XLII. 53. That there was only one Pythium in this district is evident from an accurate examination of the marches. Mannert (vol. VII. p. 520, 563) has placed Pythium on the pass through the Cambunian mountains (above the modern Alesson and Sarviza), of which it lay far to the right. His opinion is contradicted by Liv. XLIV. 2. and Plutarch, ubi sup. Compare Stephanus in Πύθιον, Πυθιεῖς οἱ τὸ Πύθιον οἰκοῦντες, ἐν ῷ Ἀπόλλωνος ἱερον ἐστι, and in Βάλλα.

74.

960 toises. See above.

75.

See Plutarch ubi sup. Liv. ubi sup. and XLIV. 7. comp. Polyb. XXVIII. 11.

76.

Liv. XXXI. 41. XXXVI. 10, 13. XLII. 67. XLIV. 2.

77.

Ptolemy includes it in Pelasgiotis. Unfortunately we have not the Greek original of the passage in Livy concerning the Tripolis, XLII. 53.

78.

Orchomenos, p. 126.

79.

Liv. XXXII. 15. Strabo IX. p. 438, 440.

80.

Concerning Pelinna, see, besides Cellarius, Spanheim de Usu Numm. IX. p. 902. Salmasius ad Solin. p. 687. Wesseling ad Diodor. XVIII. 11. and Boeckh Comment. ad Pind. Pyth. X. p. 335.

81.

Besides Strabo, see Diodorus XVIII. 56. In Polyænus IV. 2, 18, should be written, Φίλιππος ἐπολιόρκει Φαρκηδόνα πóλιν Θεσσαλικήν.

82.

Concerning Tricca (Tricala 12-3/4 leagues from Larissa, according to Pouqueville) see Mannert, p. 569, and also Eustathius, vol. II. p. 250. ed. Basil. Tzetzes Chil. IX. 28.

83.

See II. B. 370, with the Scholia, and Eustathius. Pelinnus, a son of Œchalieus, Steph. Byzant. in Πέλιννα.

84.

Thus Pouqueville: according to Holland twelve miles, according to Vaudoncourt four hours.

85.

See Meletius, Pouqueville, Holland, Cockerell in Hughes' Travels, vol. I. p. 504.

86.

The latter according to Arrian I. 7; the former according to Liv. XXXI. 41. XXXII. 15. XXXVIII. 2. Compare Cæsar B.C. III. 80.

87.

Tempe was about 500 stadia from Gomphi, Plin. H. N. IV. 8, which distance should be thus divided: the length of Tempe 40 stadia, then to Larissa 160, to Tricca about 240, and to Gomphi 60.

88.

Strabo IX. p. 437. II. B. 729. Pausan. IV. 9, 1. Meteora cannot be Ithome; more probably the ruins of Kastraki. But the passage concerning Curalius and the temple of the Itonian Minerva, is a confusion of the geographer. Otherwise de la Porte du Theil Eclaircissemens sur Strabon I. 76, p. 248.

89.

Athen. XIV. p. 639, 640.

90.

Pouqueville, p. 37.

91.

Orchomenos, p. 126. Here also Acrisius of Argos dwelt. That it is this Larissa is plain from Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 40, compare Hellanicus fragm. 116. Pausan. II. 16. Tzetzes ad Lycoph. 836.

92.

Strabo, IX. p. 439.

93.

According to modern travellers. The ancients frequently misinterpreted Homer. In later times Eurotas, or Europus, as in the Excerpta of Strabo, i.e. the dark-coloured.

94.

Pouqueville.

95.

Thus the writers in Strabo VII. p. 328. Steph. Byzant. in Δωδώνη. See book II. ch. 11, § 3.

96.

Hieronymus, ap. Strab. IX. p. 443.

97.

Steph. Byzant. in Γόννος Liv. XXXII. 15.

98.

Orchomenos, pp. 248 sqq.

99.

If Oloosson is the modern Alassona on the road from Larissa to Macedonia, according to the opinion of the bishop of Thessalonica on Il. B. p. 333. ed. Rom. δοκεῖ δὲ φυλάσσειν καὶ νῦν τὴν κλῆσιν παραφθειρομένην βαρβαρικῶς, ἴσως γὰρ αὔτη ἐστὶν ἡ ἄρτι λεγομένη Ἐλασσών.

100.

See above, § 1. Andron ap. Strab. X. p. 475 E. τῆς Δωρίδος πρότερον, νῦν δὲ Ἑστιαιώτιδος λεγομένης. The Dorians also dwelt in Hestiæotis to the west of Pindus, according to Charax ap. Steph. Byzant. in Δώριον. According to Schol. Pind. Pyth. I. 124, and Schol. Aristoph. Plut. 385 (as emended by Hemsterhuis, p. 115), they dwelt in Perrhæbia; and Perrhæbia nearly coincides with Hestiæotis.

101.

See book II. ch. I, § 2.

102.

There was a hero named Azorus, Hesychius in Ἄζωρος.

103.

Hemsterhuis incorrectly considers them as identical, ubi sup. p. 116.

104.

Athen. XI. p. 503 D. καὶ ὁ τὸν Αἰγίμιον ποιήσας, εἴθ᾽ Ἡσιοδός ἐστιν ἢ Κέρκωψ ὁ Μιλήσιος. The confusion of the names of Hesiod and Cercops may, as it appears to me, be accounted for as follows. A verse concerning the desertion of Ariadne by Theseus for the sake of Ægle, is ascribed by Plutarch (vit. Thes. 20) to Hesiod, and by Athenæus (XIII. p. 557 A.) to Cercops; it is evidently from the Ægimius which was attributed to both these names. This verse was expunged from the poem by Pisistratus, as we learn from Hereas, quoted by Plutarch. The Ægimius therefore was at that time arranged and set down in writing, together with other epic poems. Consequently Cercops, an Orphic Pythagorean, who lived about the time of Pisistratus, cannot have been the author of it, though he might have been the διασκευαστὴς who arranged it in the same manner that Onomacritus did the other poems. Now it might easily happen, especially if his interpolations could be now and then discerned, that the whole poem should be attributed to him.

105.

Wesseling. ad Diod. IV. 37, p. 282.

106.

See Valckenaer ad Eurip. Phœn. p. 735.

107.

Schol. Apoll. Rhod. III. 584. IV. 816. The character of the ancient epic poetry, which never admitted of history arranged in a chronological order, cannot allow us to suppose that the Ægimius contained an account of the expedition of the Dorians, and of their colonies, down to the founding of Cyrene.

108.

This is the meaning of the passage in Steph. Byzant. Ἀβαντίς,—ὡς Ἡσίοδος ἐν Αἰγιμίου δευτέρῳ περὶ Ἰοῦς;

—Νήσῳ δ᾽ ἐν Ἀβαντίδι δίῃ,
τὴν πρὶν Ἀβαντίδα κίκλησκον Θεοὶ αἰὲν ἐόντες
τήν ποτ᾽ ἐπώνυμον Εὔβοιαν βοὸς ὠνόμασε Ζεύς.

These are followed by the four verses concerning Argos and Io quoted by Schol. Eurip. Phœn. 1151. Apollodorus II. 1, 3, alludes to this passage. Also what he mentions from this poem in II. 1, 5, belongs to the Eubœan fables. Apollodorus, in both passages, quotes the Ægimius under the name of Cercops. Compare Fabric. Bibliothec. vol. I. p. 592. ed. Harles.

109.

See Ephorus ap. Steph. Byzant. in Δυμᾶνες (p. 96. ed. Marx.), followed by Strabo IX. p. 427.

110.

Book III. ch. 1, § 7.

111.

Etymol. Magn. Τριχάϊκες.—Ἠσίοδος διὰ τὸ τριχῇ αὐτοὺς οἰκῆσαι, οἷον; Πάντες γὰρ τριχάϊκες καλέοντο Οὔνεκα τρισσὴν γαῖαν ἑκὰς πάτρης ἐδάσαντο. Τρία γὰρ Ἑλληνικὰ ἔθνη τῇ Κρήτῃ ἐπῴκησαν, Πελασγοὶ, Ἀχαιοὶ, Δωριεῖς. The last words must be considered as a mere ignorant addition; for the Dorians did not divide their territory into three parts, because two other Greek races went to Crete. It is, indeed, evident that a threefold division of the land conquered by the Dorians is here spoken of, which, as is plain from the fables concerning Ægimius and Hercules, took place according to the three tribes. According to the present reading, this division took place at a distance from the native country of the Dorians. There might seem some difficulty in this, since Hercules is said to have given Ægimius the third part of the territory as a παρακαταθήκη in Hestiæotis, the most ancient habitation of the Dorians (Diod. IV. 37, compare Apollodorus II. 7, 3). Hence πάτρῃς for πάτρης might be read in this sense: “The Dorians divided their territory into three parts for the families (of which the φυλαὶ or tribes consisted),” so that they then dwelt separately from one another (similarly Pindar Olym. p. VII. 74). This alteration, however, appears to be unnecessary; and the old reading is defended by the following explanation, viz., that according to the ancient fable Hyllus and his descendants did not dwell either near mount Œta, or in Hestiæotis together with the Dorians, but that they first received in the Peloponnese the third part of the territory, whither they came as colonists at a distance from their more ancient abodes (ἔκας πάτρης).

112.

Below, ch. 3, § 1.

113.

Hom. Od. XIX. 174.

114.

Ap. Strab. X. p. 475 D. and Stephan. Byzant. in Δώριον. Diodorus IV. 60. V. 80, gives nearly the same account, on the authority of Cretan historians, whom he mentions in V. 80.

115.

This may be collected from the passage of Dicæarchus (which, indeed, is much mutilated) cited in Steph. Byz. in Δώριον. It is given most faithfully in Montfaucon's Biblioth. Coislin. p. 286, 59.

116.

Τεύταμος appears to be the correct name, the same as that of an ancient prince of Larissa, on which the ancient Dorians bordered. The princes of the allied nations were doubtless confounded in tradition. See the author's Etrusker, vol. I. p. 94.

117.

The settlements which here come into consideration are, 1. the immigration, after the death of Minos (in the third generation before the siege of Troy), of various races, chiefly Hellenes, according to Herod. VII. 170; this is a mere tradition of the towns of Polichna and Præsus, and not a very credible one. 2. The colony of Althæmenes after the expedition of the Heraclidæ from Argos and Megara, and in connexion with Rhodes. 3. Dorians from Peloponnesus, Lyctus, Lampe, and other places settled from Sparta; Pharæ a colony of the Messenians; Gortyna of Amyclæans (Minyans); Phæstus colonized from Sicyon; other towns from Argos (Scylax, p. 18, Diod. V. 80). 4. Æginetans in Cydonia.

118.

Strabo X. p. 475 C.

119.

The Cretan cities were generally considered as Doric; Menander de Encom. XXXII. 1, p. 81, ed. Heeren. and others.

120.

Od. XIX. 175. ἄλλη δ᾽ ἄλλων γλῶσσα μεμιγμένη.

121.

On this migration of the Dorians from their early settlements in the north of Greece to Crete, see Appendix III.

122.

Orchomenos, pp. 233, 234. According to Andron (Strabo X. p. 475) they came directly from Hestiæotis under mount Parnassus. According to Diodorus IV. 67, the Cadmeans drove out the Dorians, who then returned to Doris (Erineus, Cytinium, Boeum). Lycophron v. 1388, might be quoted in confirmation of Herodotus, since he calls the Dorians Λακμώνιοι (Λάκμων ὄρος Περραιβίας ἔνθα ῴκουν Δωριεῖς), Lacmon being the name of the ridge of Pindus and the Cambunian mountains. But Lycophron only alludes to their settlements in Hestiæotis.

123.

Il. II. 849, XXI. 159. It is to this that Herodotus alludes, when he says that the Teucrians, to which race he refers the Pæonians, had penetrated as far as the Peneus (see the Introduction, and Appendix I. § 4).

124.

See Appendix I. § 17.

125.

Introduction, § 3; Appendix I. § 25.

126.

Amphicæa near Dadja. See Leake in Walpole's Travels, p. 509. Clarke, p. 227. Gell, Itinerary, p. 210.

127.

I here chiefly follow Dodwell, vol. II. p. 133, and Gell: compare Orchomenos, p. 41. Pouqueville is completely in error. According to him the Cephisus rises 11-1/2 hours N.E. of Artotina, which he supposes to be Erineus, and flows from the north into the Pindus, which river (he says) runs into the Gulph of Corinth, contrary to all accounts of ancient writers.

128.

The old maps are all incorrect; see now Gell's map to his Itinerary. According to Strabo the Tetrapolis lay chiefly to the east of Parnassus, but it extended also round to the west, IX. p. 417. The river Pindus is now, according to Dodwell, the Aniani.

129.

See p. 40, note i. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote below to “the Locrians,” that starts with “Thucyd. III. 95”.]

130.

See Strabo IX. p. 427. X. p. 476 A. Strabo distinguishes Erineus in Phthiotis from this town, IX. p. 434. Etymol. Mag. p. 373, 56, ὁ Ἐρινεὸς is the correct form. Mela however, and the scholiasts to Pindar and Aristophanes quoted below, call it Erineum.

131.

Strabo IX. p. 427 B. p. 434. Steph. Byz. Ἀκύφας μία τῆς Δωρικῆς τετραπόλεως.—Ὁ Ἀκύφας, Gen. Ἀκύφα, Dorice, see Bekker's Anecdota, vol. III. p. 1313.

132.

Scymnus Chius v. 591. Δωριεῖς Ἐρινεὸν, Βοιὸν, Κυτίνιον ἀρχαιοτάτας ἔχουσι, Πίνδον τ᾽ ἐχομένην. Comp. Conon. hist. 27. In answer to those who deny that Pindus was situated in this Tetrapolis, it is sufficient to quote Herod. VIII. 43. Comp. du Theil Eclairc. sur Strabon IX. tom. III. p. 118. Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. p. 252, IV. p. 392.

133.

Strabo IX. p. 427 C. arranges them in this manner: Ætolians, Locri Hesperii, Dorians, Ænianes, Locri Epicnemidii; compare pp. 425, 430 B.

134.

Thucyd. III. 95, 102. It is the Kakiscala between Stagni and Salona. Dodwell, vol. I. p. 149, and Gell, p. 206.

135.

See Philochorus ap. Dionys. ad Ammæum c. 11. Philoch. Fragm. ed. Siebelis p. 76.

136.

Pausan. X. 33, 2.

137.

This road through Camara, Palæochori, and Neuropoli, is described by Dodwell, vol. II. p. 126. Gell, p. 241.

138.

Holland went over this road near Eleutherochori, p. 383, comp. Dodwell, p. 74. It is also the way alluded to by Procopius de Ædif. IV. 2.

139.

Liv. XXXVI. 15. For a description of Thermopylæ see Orchomenos, p. 486. Clarke, ch. 8, p. 240. Holland, ch. 18, p. 315. Gell, Itinerary, p. 239.

140.

See Stephan. Byz. in Ἀμφαναὶ from Theopompus. Eurip. Herc. Fur. 386.

141.

Strabo IX. p. 428. Liv. XXXVI. 16.

142.

Steph. Byz. in Φρίκιον, and Hellanicus, ibid.

143.

Strabo ubi sup.

144.

See Lycophron, Hecatæus, Rhianus quoted by Stephanus.

145.

Thus Andron in Strabo X. p. 476. Thucyd. I. 107.

146.

Æschin. de Fals. Leg. p. 43, 24, τὸν ἤκοντα ἐκ Δωρίου καὶ Κυτινίου. [Dr. Cramer, Description of Ancient Greece, vol. II. p. 103, corrects Δωρικοῦ Κυτίνου in Æschines, after Thucydides, who in III. 95, speaks of Κυτίνιον τὸ Δωρικόν. Transl.]

147.

Theopompus ap. Steph. Ἀκύφας. Scymnus Chius ubi sup.

148.

Strabo VIII. p. 383. Conon. 27. Scymnus. To this also refers the statement in Apollodorus I. 7, 3. that Dorus the son of Hellen τὴν πέραν χώραν Πελοποννήσου ἔλαβεν. Vitruvius IV. 1, however, gives a different account, Achaia Peloponnesoque tota Dorus Hellenis et Orseidis nymphæ (a mountain nymph) filius regnavit.

149.

Hecatæus ap. Stephan.

150.

In the scholia to Pindar, Pyth. I. 121, in which, however, there is some transposition and confusion. There is nowhere else any mention of a city in Perrhæbia named Pindus. In Pindar Πινδόθεν is used generally for the earlier settlements; for Hestiæotis and Doris both touch on the chain of Pindus. See Boeckh. Explic. p. 235. These scholia are probably followed by the scholiast on Aristoph. Plut. 385, and by Tzetzes ad Lycophr. v. 980. comp. v. 741; but without separating the erroneous parts.

151.

Tarphe was near the Doric Tetrapolis between Œta and Parnassus. It is mentioned in Iliad II. 533, as a Locrian town; according to Strabo IX. p. 426, it was afterwards called Pharygæ, which Plutarch, Phocion 33, includes in Phocis, and names near it a hill called Acrurion. Tarphe and Carphæa may be considered as different forms of the same name, t and k being often interchanged. Thus the mythological hero Talaus is sometimes Calaus. (Schol. Soph. Œd. Col. 1320.)

152.

Herod. VIII. 31, comp. Plutarch. Themistocl. 9.

153.

P. 24. Διμοδωριεῖς.

154.

Herod. VIII. 31 and 43. ἐόντες οὗτοι Δωρικὸν καὶ Μακεδνὸν ἔθνος ἐξ Ἐρινεοῦ τε καὶ Πίνδου καὶ τῆς Δρυοπίδος ὕστατα ὁρμηθέντες. According to this passage, therefore, Cytinium and Boeum may both have been inhabited by the Dryopians.

155.

According to Strabo IX. p. 434, there was a Dryopian Tetrapolis as well as a Dorian.

156.

Ap. Strab. p. 373. The scholia to Apollon. Rhod. I. 1283, furnish a genealogy, viz. Lycaon, Dia, Dryops. Followed by Tzetzes ad Lyc. 480, and Etymol. Mag. p. 288, 32. Pherecydes, however, quoted in the scholia to Apollonius, gives a different account.

157.

See book II. ch. 11, § 3.

158.

In the neighbourhood of the Malians and Myrmidonian Achæans, Pherecydes ap. Schol. Apoll. Rh. I. 1823, pp. 93, 107, ed. Sturz. Aristotle ubi sup. At the foot of Mount Parnassus, Aristotle and Pausan. IV. 34, 6. Λυκωρείταις ὅμοροι. The μετοίκησις from the Spercheus to Trachis is merely a confusion of the scholiast to Apollonius. Callimachus had only mentioned the migration to Peloponnesus, Schol. Paris. Clavier's remarks (ad Apollod. p. 323) are very inaccurate. Dryops, the son of Spercheus, dwelt at the foot of mount Œta, according to Antoninus Liberalis, 32.

159.

Ibid. 4. Κραγαλεὺς ὁ Δρύοπος ᾢκει γῆς τῆς Δρυοπίδος παρὰ τὰ λουτρὰ τὰ Ἡρακλέους. In this strange account Melaneus, the son of Apollo, a king of the Dryopes, is represented as taking Epirus and Ambracia. It is a part of the same history as the migration of the Ænianes and Neoptolemus to Molossis, Æginetica, p. 18.

160.

Book II. ch. 3, § 3.

161.

Aristot. ap. Strab. ubi sup. Apollod. II. 7, 7. Diod. IV. 37. Pausan. IV. 34, 6. Servius ad Æn. IV. 146. Πράξεις Ἡρακλέους, p. 152. Marini Ville Albani. comp. Æginetica, p. 33. Heyne Exc. ad Æn. IV. 2, p. 610. Raoul-Rochette, tom. I. p. 434. Herod. VIII. 43, οἱ δὲ Ἑρμιονέες εἰσὶ Δρύοπες ὑπὸ Ἡρακλέος τε καὶ Μηλιέων ἐκ τῆς νῦν Δωρίδος καλεομένης χώρης ἐξαναστάντες. A peculiar application of the tradition in Suidas in Δρύοπες, Κάρπος. The verse of Callimachus preserved in Etymol. Magn. p. 154, 7, should apparently be thus written, Δειλαίοις Ἀσινεῦσιν ἐπιτριπτῆρας ὀπάσσας, the explanation is given by the etymologist himself. See above, p. 45, note k. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Parnassus,” starting “In the neighbourhood of the Malians.”]

162.

Herodot. VIII. 46. Diodor. IV. 57. Thucydides VII. 57, however, considers the Styrians as Ionians.

163.

Herodot. ubi sup. Diodor. ubi sup. The fabulous war of Amphitryon against Cythnus is probably connected with it.

164.

Herodot. VII. 90. Diodor. ubi sup. Asine in Cyprus, Stephan. Byz. Also in Cyzicus, according to Strabo XIII. p. 586.

165.

See Orchomenos, p. 496. In Æschines adv. Ctesiph. p. 68, 40, according to Didymus and Xenagoras in Harpocration, Κραυγαλλίδαι should be written.

Antonin. Liberal. 4.

Παράλιοι, Ἱερῆς, Τραχίνιοι Thucyd. III. 92. comp. Dodwell, II. p. 71. I may also remark that Scylax and Diodorus, XVIII. 11, appear to make a distinction between Melians and Malians; but in both places ΛΑΜΙΕΙΣ should be written for Μαλιεῖς and Μαλεῖς. Wesseling's opinion concerning the last passage is untenable, since there never was a town of the name of Malea. Diodorus is not quite accurate.

169.

Diodor. XII. 59.

170.

Aristot. Polit. IV. 13.

171.

Thucyd. IV. 100.

172.

See Tittmann's Amphiktyonenbund, p. 41.

Strabo IX. p. 434.

Æginetica, p. 17.

Orchomenos, p. 253.

Book II. ch. 3, § 12.

177.

Thucyd. III. 92.

178.

Strab. IX. p. 442.

179.

Thucyd. VIII. 3. Concerning the founding of Heraclea, see also Stephan. Byz. in v. Δώριον, after the hiatus.

180.

Book II. ch. 1. § 8, ch. 3. § 5.

181.

Orchomenos, p. 238. Compare in general with this chapter, Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. p. 249.

182.

ἡ τῶν Ἡρακλειδῶν κάϑοδος. Thucydides I. 12, says Δωριεῖς ξὺν Ἡρακλεíδαις. Isocrates Archidam. p. 119 C. mentions an oracle enjoining them ἐπì τὴν πατρῴαν ἰέναι χώραν.

183.

XIX. 105.

184.

See Pausan. VII. 25. 3.

185.

Αὐτὸς γὰρ Κρονίων, καλλιστεφάνου πόσις Ἥρης,
Ζεὺς Ἡρακλείδαις τήνδε δέδωκε πόλιν.
Οἷσιν ἅμα προλιπόντες Ἐρινεὸν ἠνεμόεντα,
Εὐρεῖαν Πέλοπος νῆσον ἀφικόμεθα.

τήνδε πόλιν is Laconia. We mean the Dorians: Erineus the Tetrapolis. Strabo VIII. p. 362 has not correctly understood and applied these verses. (See below, note to ch. 7. § 10.) Tyrtæus also calls the Dorians generally Ἡρακλῆος γένος—whence Plutarch de Nobil. 2. p. 388.

186.

Herodot. V. 72. According to VI. 53, he might also have said, “I am an Egyptian.”

187.

A similar idea is entertained by Plato in his Laws, III. p. 682—viz., that the Dorians were properly Achæans, expelled from their own country after the Trojan war, and afterwards collected and brought back by one Dorieus.

188.

Pind. Pyth. V. 70. In Pyth. I. 61, he calls them descendants of Pamphylus and the Heraclidæ, not mentioning Dymas. Compare the fragment of the Isthmians, Ὕλλου στρατὸς Δωριεύς.

189.

See Pausan. IV. 2. 1. There are two other passages of Hesiod referring to the expedition of the Heraclidæ. Schol. Apollon I. 824.

Θεσσάμενος γενεὴν Κλεαδαίου κυδαλίμοιο,

the connexion of which is very obscure (see Bentley ad Callim. Cer. Calath. 48); and Schol. Pind. Olymp. XI. 79. e cod. Vratisl.

Τιμάνδην Ἔχεμος θαλερὴν ποιήσατ᾽ ἄκοιτιν.

From this passage Apollod. III. 10. 6. Pausan. VIII. 5. 1. draw their materials. This, however, might also occur among the actions of Hercules, particularly at the first Olympian festival, as may be seen from Pindar.

190.

VI. 52.

191.

Compare Pausan. IV. 2. 1. with V. 17. 4. and Valckenar. Diatrib. Eurip. pp. 58, 59.

192.

Herod. ubi sup. et c. 51. Wesseling misinterprets the first passage; its purport is, “The Lacedæmonians give a different account from all the poets, who make Eurysthenes and Procles first come to Sparta.” Schweighæuser does not see the exact meaning of the second; the sense is, “So far is the national tradition of the Lacedæmonians; in what follows, I relate the common tradition of Greece.”

193.

Herodot. IX. 26.

194.

IX. 26.

195.

In general the tragic poets successively descend, according to their age, to a later date of mythological history.

196.

Pausan. IV. 2. 1.

197.

I take this opportunity of renewing the memory of one of these Doric-Heraclide leaders, who has been so far forgotten, that in the passage of Pausanias IV. 30. 1. his name has been driven from the text. It should be thus written from the MSS.: Ὕλλου δὲ καὶ Δωριέων μάχῃ κρατηθέντων ὑπὸ Ἀχαιῶν, ἐνταῦθα Ἀβίαν Γλήνου τοῦ Ἡρακλέους τροφὸν ἀποχωρῆσαι λέγουσι, &c. This Glenus occurs as the son of Deianira in Apollod. II. 7. 8. and Schol. Soph. Trachin. 53. Diodorus IV. 37. calls him Gleneus. Pherecydes ap. Schol. Pind. Isth. IV. 104. reckons him among the children of Megara by Hercules.

198.

Ap. Longin. 27. Creuzer. Fragment. p. 54. Apollodorus II. 8. 1. almost makes it appear that the Heraclidæ had been entertained by Eurystheus; but this does not agree with what precedes. Euripides Heraclid. 13. 195. represents them as flying first from Argos to Trachis, and to Achaia in Thessaly, and then to Athens.

199.

Thus Pherecydes in Antonin. Liber. 33. Sturz (Fragm. 50. p. 196.) does not quite understand this passage.

200.

At Marathon, according to most authors. Diodorus IV. 57. mentions Tricorythus; Compare XII. 45.

201.

The outline of the narrative is furnished by Pherecydes and Herod. IX. 27. the details by Euripides in the Heraclidæ, whose account was influenced by the circumstances of the time (Boeckh. trag. Gr. princ. p. 190). Whether the Heraclidæ of Pamphilus (Aristoph. Plut. 385. Schol. ad I. p. 112, Hemsterh.) was a tragedy or a picture, was frequently contested by the ancients. The latter appears to be most probable: see Winckelmann and Meyer Kunstgeschichte, p. 166. Pamphilus painted the battle of Phlius, one of those which took place in the 102nd or 103rd Olympiad; and it may be fairly supposed that he flourished about Olymp. 97, 4, the year in which the second edition of the Plutus was brought forward, and he might have lived to be the master of Apelles, who had obtained great celebrity in the reign of Philip.—Concerning the battle, see Elmsley ad Eur. Heraclid. 860; concerning the death of Eurystheus, Wesseling. ad Diod. IV. 57. and Staveren. Misc. Obs. vol. X. p. 383. Pallene is between Marathon and Athens;—according to Strabo VIII. p. 377. the tomb was at Gargettus on the western coast; according to Pausanias I. 40. in Megaris. Concerning Macaria, see Pausan. I. 32. Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 1148. Zenob II. 61. and other grammarians in v. βάλλ᾽ εἰς Μακαρíαν. A totally different tradition is preserved by Duris ap. Schol. Plat. p. 134, Ruhnk. In the above quoted passage of Strabo, τὴν δὲ κεφαλὴν χωρὶσ ἐν ΤΗΙ ΚΟΡΙΝΘΩΙ, ἀποκόπσαντος αὐτὴν Ἰολάου περὶ τὴν κρὴνην τὴν Μακαρίαν should probably be written ἐν ΤΡΙΚΟΡΥΘΩΙ; thus in VIII. p. 383. one MS. has Τρικόρινθος. (In this correction I now find that I was anticipated by Elmsley ad Eurip. Heracl. 103.) Heyne indeed (ad Apollod. II. 8. 1.) explains ἐν τῇ Κορίνθῳ of the tomb of Eurystheus in Pausan. I. 44. 14.; but this was in Megaris, and there never was any change in the boundaries of Corinth and Megaris. Heyne also considers the tomb near the temple of the Pallenian Minerva and that at Gargettus as identical; but this is not possible, on account of the situation of the two places.—Concerning Gargettus see the article Attika in Ersch's Encyclopædia, p. 222.

202.

Demosth. de Corona, p. 147.

203.

It does not follow from Pindar Pyth. IX. 82. that Iolaus was restored to life, which must have been alluded to elsewhere. I follow the second Scholiast, ηὔξατο δὲ τῷ Διὶ ἐπὶ μίαν ὤραν ἡβῆσαι, &c. Compare Ovid. Met. IX. 408.

204.

See book II. ch. 11. § 10.

205.

Ap. Antonin. Lib. 33.—There is also a trace of another tradition in Apostolius XVIII. 7.

206.

See book II. ch. 11. § 7.

207.

Thus also Thucyd. I. 9. Plat. Leg. III. p. 686. In Schol. Eurip. Orest. 5. write αὐτοὺς μὲν (the Atridæ) ἀποστῆσαι Λακεδοίμονες, τοὺς δὲ Περοείδας βασιλεῦσαι. Polyænus I. 10. is singular in mentioning Eurysthidæ in Sparta at the time of the migration; but by Eurysthidæ must be meant “descendants of Eurysthenes,” not “Eurysthenes and his party.” See Clinton F. H. vol. I. p. 333.

208.

See particularly Plato ubi sup.

209.

Apollod. II. 8. 2. ὁ δὲ θεὸς ἀντεῖπε τῶν ἀτυχημάτων αὑτοὺς αἰτίους εἶναι. τοὺς γὰρ χρησμοὺς οὐ συμβάλλειν. λέγειν γὰρ οὐ γῆς ἀλλὰ γενεᾶς καρπὸν τρίτον καὶ στενυγρὰν τὴν εὐρυγάστορα, δεξίαν κατὰ τὸν Ἰσθμὸν ἔχοντι τὴν θάλασσαν. With the word εὐρυγάστωρ compare κύτους κοιλογάστορος, Æschyl. Theb. 478. and 1026. In later times, however, these oracles were put into an epic form, as may be seen from Œnomaus ap. Euseb. Præp. Ev. V. 20.

210.

See Herod. IX. 26. Pausan. I. 41. 3. I. 44. VIII. 5. 1. VIII. 45. 2. Diod. IV. 58. Schol. Pind. Olymp. N. 80. Van Staveren Misc. Observ. X. 3. p. 385.

211.

Pausan. VIII. 5. Apollod. II. 7. 7. Diod. IV. 58. Strabo IV. p. 427 C. Isocrat. Archidam. p. 119 B. τελευτήσαντος Εὐρυσθέως.

212.

Manso, Sparta, vol. I. p. 61.

213.

Apollod. II. 8. 3. In Pausan. II. 28. 3. Orsobia, a daughter of Deiphontes of Epidaurus, is the wife of Pamphylus.

214.

He was mentioned by Hesiod; see above, p. 55. note k. [Transcriber's Note: No such note on that page, nor any reference to Cleodæus.] A different genealogy is given by Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 804, viz., that Cleodæus was the son of Hyllus, the brother of Lichas and Ceyx, the husband of a certain Peridea, and the father of Temenus.

215.

See Crates ap. Tatian. cont. Græcos, p. 107. ed. Oxf. Interpret. ad Vellei. I. 1.

216.

See particularly Œnomaus ap. Euseb. Præp. Ev. V. 20.; and concerning the second see Apollod. II. 8. 2. Pausan. II. 7.

217.

Isocrates Archidam, p. 119, only supposes one expedition.

218.

Pausan. V. 3. Eusebius ubi sup. Polyæn. I. 9. Compare Heyne ad Apollod. p. 208.

219.

See Strab. IX. p. 427. Ephorus, p. 105. ed. Marx. Compare Stephanus and Suidas in Naύpaktoς.

220.

Bekk. Anecd. Græc. p. 305. 31. στεμματιαῖον. μίμημα τῶν σχεδιῶν αἷς ἔπλευσαν οἱ Ἡρακλεῖδαι τὸν μεταξὺ τῶν Ῥίων τόπον. Hesychius, στεμματιαῖον. δίκηλόν τι ἐν ἑορτῇ πομπέων δαιμόνων (as should be read for δαίμονος, rather than πομπέως for πομπέων with Siebelis ad Pausan. III. 20. 9). Δίκηλον is explained by Hesychius to be a Lacedæmonian word for “statue.” These πομπεῖς δαίμονες, the “conducting deities,” were probably Zeus Agetor (book III. ch. 12. § 5.) and the Carnean Apollo: and their festival doubtless was connected with the Carnea. At this solemnity then (as it seems) a boat was carried round, and upon it a statue of the Carnean Apollo (Ἀπόλλων στεμματίας), both adorned with lustratory garlands, called δίκηλον στεμματιαῖον, in allusion to the passage from Naupactus. Compare book II. ch. 3. § 1. ch. 8. § 15.

221.

Paus. III. 20. 9.

222.

See Orchomenos, p. 333. To the passages there quoted may be added Etymol. in v. Ἀλήτης. And see book II. ch. 8. § 15.

223.

There were in later times Acarnanian soothsayers at Thermopylæ, Herod. VIII. 221. in the case of Pisistratus, and elsewhere.

224.

Thucyd. I. 103. The city was afterwards Ætolian: Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 1756.

225.

Polyb. Excerpt. lib. XII. ap. Mai, Script. Vet. Nov. Coll. vol. II. p. 386.

226.

And of Pleuron with Xanthippe the daughter of Dorus, Apollod. I. 7. 7, although Ætolus is also represented as killing Dorus the son of Apollo.

227.

Perhaps the Ætolians had from early times worshipped the three-eyed Zeus (Ζεὺς τριόφθαλμος), which Sthenelus the Ætolian brought from Troy, according to Pausanias II. 24. 5.

228.

Oxylus is said to have contracted an alliance with the Heraclidæ in the island of Sphacteria (Steph. Byzant.); but this story is probably founded merely on the etymology of the name Sphacteria.

229.

As also Pausanias, V. 1. says.

230.

Pausan. ubi sup. Strabo X. p. 463. Compare Il. ψ. 630.

231.

This is the representation given by Pausanias V. 4. 1. ἐπὶ ἀναδασμῷ τῆς χώρας.

232.

Pausan. V. 15. 7. Concerning the Tyrrhenians who accompanied them, see Orchomenos, p. 443. note 3, together with Pausan. II. 31. 3. Of the Thebans, who are said to have joined under Autesion, see a detailed account in the same place.

233.

As, e.g., Apollodorus evidently.

234.

The name of Tisamenus, as an epithet of his father (τισάμενος), corresponds to Eurysaces the son of Ajax, Telemachus and Ptoliporthus of Ulysses, Astyanax of Hector, Nicostratus the youngest son of Menelaus according to Hesiod, Gorgophone the daughter of Perseus, Metanastes the son of Archander, Aletes of Hippotes; but it cannot be inferred from this that it was mere fiction, since this method of giving names existed in historic times (Polyæn. VI. 1, 6) even in the royal family of Macedon. See also what Plutarch de Malignit. Herodot. 39, says on the names of the children of Adeimantus the Corinthian. Names derived from a characteristic of the parent (an example of which occurs in Iliad IX. 562) were called φερώνυμα, according to Schol. Steph. in Dionys. Gramm. ap. Bekker Anecd. Gr. vol. II. p. 868.

235.

Pausan. V. 4, 1. See below, ch. 7, § 6, note.

236.

Pausan. VIII. 29, 4. It is related as a stratagem of Cypselus by Polyænus I. 7. Perhaps Cypsela, a fort in Parrhasia, near Sciritis in Laconia, is the same as Basilis, Thucyd. V. 33. It would not however be very accurate to say of Basilis that it lies ἐπὶ τῇ Σκιρίτιδι. An oracle referring to the amity with the Arcadians is preserved in Schol. Aristid. Panathen. p. 191, ed. Steph.; p. 33, ed. Frommel.

237.

See Æginetica, p. 39, note e, and Euripides ap. Strab. VIII. p. 366. Sophocl. Aj. 1287. (comp. Suidas in v. δραπέτης), Hesychius in ἀνανομὴν and καταβολή.—Plato Leg. III. p. 686. Apollodorus, Polyæn. I. 6. The vase in Tischbein I. 7, represents an ἀγὼν ὑδροφορικὸς, and not this casting of lots, as Italinsky supposes. The same group indeed sometimes occurs on gems armed (Gemmæ Florentinæ, tom. II. tab. 29; compare Winckelmann Monum. ined. n. 164, vol. III. of his works, p. xxvii.); but I believe that an ἀγὼν ὑδροφορικὸς is equally meant, as, e.g., that of the Argonauts in Apollon. Rhod. IV. 1767, since the expedition of the Heraclidæ, early as it was, was not one of the usual subjects of art.

238.

See below, ch. 5.

239.

Boeckh Inscr. I. p. 81, 82.

240.

In an oracle preserved by Plutarch de Pyth. Orac. 24, p. 289, the Spartans are called ὀφιοβόροι. The word of the oracle itself doubtless was ὀφιόδειροι (ὀπφιόδειροι), as in Aristot. Mirab. Auscult. 23, which however might have been explained to have the same meaning as the former word, viz. “drawing back the skin of serpents in order to eat them.” The frog was the emblem of the Argives, as never coming out of their hole; compare ch. 8, § 7.

241.

Isocrates, Panath. p. 286 A., says far too generally, μάχῃ δὲ νικὴσαντες τοὺς μὲν ἡττηθέντας ἔκ τε τῶν πόλεων καὶ τῆς χώρας ἐξέβαλον, which he afterwards modifies considerably.

242.

V. 4, 2. An Achæan from Helice occurs as the cotemporary of Hercules in Theocrit. XXV. 165; a greater inconsistency with the received chronology than poets usually permit themselves.

243.

Pausan. VII. 1.

244.

Orchomenos, pp. 398, 477.

245.

Aristot. Pol. V. 8, according to the most probable reading.

246.

Pind. Nem. XI. 32.

247.

Peloponnesus is called the ἀκρόπολις γῆς in Phlegon de Olymp. p. 129, in Meurs. Op. vol. VII.

248.

As Pouqueville several times remarks. The mountain-chains are more connected by the Œnean promontory, and the mountains running westward from Sicyon and joining mount Cyllene.

249.

Ap. Gemin. Elem. Astron. XIV. p. 55, in Petavius Uranolog. The passage is from the work of Dicæarchus, entitled Καταμετρήσεις τῶν ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ ὀρῶν, concerning which see Pliny N. H. II. 65, and Suidas in Δικαίαρχος.

250.

Apollodorus ap. Steph. Byz. (p. 400, ed. Heyne.) Eustath. ad Hom. p. 1951, 15. According to Capt. Peytier Cyllene is 7266 Paris feet in height, Taygetus 7434, Parthenion (Zagura) 6095. These measurements make Taygetus somewhat higher than Cyllene.

251.

Holland in Walpole's Travels, p. 426.

252.

Aristot. Meteorol. I. 13.

253.

See Polybius IV. 21, 1, who particularly mentions Cynætha. Close by was the cold spring of Λοῦσοι, or Λοῦσσα; and Sprengel in his translation of Theophrastus, vol. II. p. 383, well corrects in Theophrast. IX. 15, 8, τὸ δὲ κώνειον ἄριστον περὶ Λοῦσα καὶ ἐν τοῖς ψυχροτάτοις τόποις.

254.

From the Journal of Fourmont the younger.

255.

Polyb. V. 22.

256.

According to the interpretation of the Venetian Scholiast and others.

257.

Abaris is said to have appeased a pestilence, which had been occasioned by this heat; Jamblich. in Vit. Pythagor. 19. Compare Apollon. Dyscol. Hist. Mirab. c. 4, p. 9, ed. Meurs.

258.

Theophrastus calls Laconia ῥοώδης, ἔπομβρος, καὶ ἔλειος (de causis pluviæ III. 3, 4).

259.

ῥωχμοὺς ἀπὸ σεισμῶν ἔχουσα, Eustath. ad Hom. p. 294, 10, p. 1478, 43, ed. Rom.

260.

See Des Monceaux in Corneille le Bruyn, tom. V. p. 465.

261.

Alcman ap. Athen. I. p. 31 C. Theognis, v. 879 sq. ed. Bekker.

262.

Book III. ch. 2, § 3. Boeckh's Economy of Athens, book IV. ch. 19.

263.

Ἀλιμενότης, Xenoph. Hell. IV. 8, 7.

264.

In Strabo VIII. p. 366. See Cresphont. fr. 1, ed. Dindorf.

265.

It has been beautifully said of this district that ὀφρυᾷ τε καὶ κοιλαίνεται, Strabo VIII. p. 381.

266.

Polybius XVI. 16. 4. places it about west-south-west from Corinth. Comp. Athenæus II. p. 43 E. Pindar Olymp. XI. 30. means the same place.

267.

Aristot. Meteor. I. 14. p. 755 C, and Aristides, Ægypt. vol. II. p. 351, ed. Jebb.

268.

Athen. V. p. 219 A. Lucian. Icaromenipp. 18. Nav. 20. Liv. XXVII. 31. Schol. Aristoph. Av. 969. Zenobius III. 57.

269.

According to Fourmont's Journal and Gell's Argolis.

270.

See Schol. Pind. Olymp. VII. 152. Boeckh Comment. Pind. p. 175. Siebelis ad Pausan. II. 25, 6.

271.

Elis in general is a χώρα ὕπαμμος, according to Theophrastus, Hist. Plant. I. 6.

272.

I here follow the Journal of the younger Fourmont, which appears deserving of credit: he also states that he saw iron rings on the blocks of stone.

273.

Compare with this Orchomenos, chap. 2.

274.

See Schol. Eurip. Orest. 626. comp. Manso, Sparta, vol. I. p. 11.

275.

Strabo VIII. p. 363 A.

276.

Polyb. V. 22. 6.

277.

Thucyd. I. 120. κατακομιδὴ τῶν ὡραίων.

278.

See book III. ch. 10. § 2, 5.

279.

Isocrates Panath. p. 286 C, says, that in the most ancient times there were only 2000 Dorians in Sparta; but his statement is too uncertain to found any calculation upon.

280.

See Boeckh on the four ancient tribes of Attica, Museum Criticum, vol. II. p. 608.

281.

Pausan. VII. 1. 6, 7.

282.

Pausan. VII. 18. 3, book III. ch. 4, § 8.

283.

Clarke's Travels, II. 2. p. 646, &c.

284.

Below, ch. 5. § 1 and 8.

285.

See Thucyd. I. 122. III. 85, and the example of Decelea.

286.

Εὐρυσθέος Κυκλώπια πρόθυρα, Pindar. Fragment. Incert. 48, ed. Boeckh.

287.

πολυχρυσοῖο Μυκήνης, Homer. Compare book IV. ch. 1.

288.

Fourmont supposes that he has recognised Temenium in a citadel to the south of Lerna, but it must lie to the north.

289.

See Callimach. Fragm. 108. ed. Bentl. from Schol. Pind. Nem. X. 1. Concerning the taking of Argos see Polyæn. II. 12.

290.

Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 48. p. 404. Cf. Schol. Callim. Pall. 37.

291.

Pausan. II. 28. 3. The names given by Apollodorus II. 7. 6., viz. Agelaus, Euryphylus, and Callias, are probably from the Temenidæ of Euripides. Ceisus and Phalces are mentioned by Ephorus ap. Strab. VIII. p. 389. Scymn. Chi. V. 525 sq. Pausan. II. 6. 4. II. 12. 6. II. 13. 1. Ceisus is also mentioned by Hyginus, Fab. 124 (where read Cisus Temeni filius); but his account is very confused. See Æginetica, p. 40.

292.

Pausan. II. 6. 3. Eustath. ad Il. V. p. 520. Stephanus Byzant. says Φαῖστος Ῥοπάλου, Ἡρακλέους παιδός.

293.

Νύμφης Συλλίδος; I conjecture Ὑλλίδος.

294.

Fourmont's Journal contains a detailed and accurate account of this river.

295.

Pausan. II. 11. 2.

296.

Pausan. II. 13. 1. ἐπ᾽ ἀναδασμῷ γῆs.

297.

Pausan. ubi sup. and VII. 3. 5.

298.

Pausan. III. 16. 5. Θερσάνδρου τοῦ Ἀγαμηδίδα, βασιλεύοντος μὲν ΚΛΕΕΣΤΩΝΑΙΩΝ, τετάρτου δὲ ἀπογόνου Κτησίππου τοῦ Ἡρακλέους. Since some Doric state must be here meant, ΚΛΕΩΝΑΙΩΝ, the conjecture of Kühn, seems most probable; and all doubt is removed by a comparison of Ælian N.A. XII. 31., where, however, Thersander is called the son of Cleonymus, not of Agamedidas. Perhaps Pausanias means “Thersander, the son of the son of Agamedes.”

299.

Sophocl. Acris. ap. Hesych. in ἀκτίης. Scymnus Chius 526. from Ephorus, Polyb. V. 91. 8. Conon. 7. Diodor. XII. 43. XV. 32. XVIII. 11. Strab. VIII. p. 389. Ælian. V. H. VI. 1. Plutarch. Demetr. 25. Pausan. II. 8. 4. Ἐπιδαύριοι καὶ Τροιζήνιοι, ὁι τὴν Ἀργολίδα ἀκτὴν ἔχοντες. It is different from the Ἀργολικὸς κόλπος, which is the south coast.

300.

Concerning these doubtful names (Ἀγαῖος, Ἀγραῖος), see Æginet. p. 40. The name was common in Macedonia in later times; see Harpocrat. in Ἀργαῖος.

301.

This is stated by Pausanias. See also Jamblichus Pythagor. 2. concerning the Epidaurian colony in Samos. Aristotle ap. Strab. VIII. p. 314, states that the Ionians came together with the Heraclidæ from the Attic Tetrapolis to Epidaurus. The former account is by far the most probable.

302.

Æginet. p. 43.

303.

Pausan. II. 30. 9.

304.

Book II. ch. 2, § 8. According to Pausanias II. 30. 9. Anaphlystus and Sphettus, the sons of Trœzen, passed over to Attica, and gave their names to the two boroughs so called. See Appendix II.

305.

Pausan. II. 33. 1.

306.

Pyth. IV. 49.

307.

Strab. VIII. p. 312. 377.

308.

Plutarch. de Def. Orac. p. 620. Paus. X. 18. 4.

309.

See book III. ch. 4, § 2.

310.

This is evident from Thucyd. V. 53. Κυριώτατοι τοῦ ἱεροῦ ἦσαν Ἀργεῖοι.

311.

Ibid. According to Diodorus XII. 18. the Lacedæmonians were bound to send sacrifices to Apollo Pythaëus (Πύθιος); but his account is confused.

312.

Pausan. II. 35. 2. 36. 5. Compare book II. ch. 3. § 4.

313.

Above, ch. 2, § 4.

314.

Pausan. II. 28. 2. 34. 6.

315.

Steph. Byz. in Νέμεα, where, from the context, τῆσ Ἀργολίδος should be written for Ἠλίδος.

316.

II. 8.

317.

Conon. 26. Etymol. Mag. in Ἀλήτης.

318.

Compare p. 72, note f.

319.

Aristot. ap. Proverb. Vatic. IV. 4. Μηλιακὸν πλοῖον. Compare Apostol. XIX. 89, and Suidas, Diogenianus VII. 31, explains it differently.

320.

Δέχεται καὶ βῶλον Ἀλήτης. See Duris in Plutarch. Prov. Alex. 48. p. 593. Diogenian IV. 27. Zenobius III. 22. Suidas in δέχεται, Schol. Pind. Nem. VII. 155. Perhaps Suidas in ἀδηλώσας refers to this story.

321.

Orchomenos, p. 352. See also Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 13. The delivery of a clod of earth (a common symbol of transfer of possession of land, Grimm Rechtsalterthümer, p. 110-21) also occurs in the history of the Ionic colony, Lycophron 1378. and Tzetzes Chil. XIII. p. 468. v. 112.

322.

Thucyd. IV. 42. Compare Polyæn. I. 39.

323.

Schol. Pind. Olymp. XIII. 56.

324.

Didymus Schol. Pind. Olymp. XIII. 17. Conon ubi sup. Compare Diodorus in Euseb. Chronic. p. 35. (Fragment. 6. p. 635. Wessel.) Ephorus in Strab. VIII. p. 389 D, and Scymnus Chius, 526.

325.

According to Velleius Paterc.

326.

IV. 42.

327.

Orchomenos, p. 140. According to Conon ubi sup. Aletes found Sisyphidæ and Ionians mixed with them.

328.

Orchomenos, p. 257.

329.

II. 4. 3.

330.

Pindar. Olymp. XIII. 11. Compare Boeckh's Commentary, p. 213. Callimachus ap. Plutarch. Symp. Qu. V. 3. p. 213. Ἀλητιάδαι παρ᾽ Αἰγαιῶνι θεῷ Θήσουσιν νίκης σύμβολον Ἰσθμιάδος Ζήλῳ τῶν Νεμέηθε.

331.

Herodot. V. 92. 2. This perhaps may afford some explanation of the ancient affinity between the Cypselidæ and Philaidae (see Herodot. VI. 128.), by a comparison of the table, Orchomenos, p. 465.

332.

II. 4. 4. compare V. 18. 2.

333.

See Blanchard Recherches sur la ville de Mégare, Mém. de l'Acad. des Inscr. tom. XVI. p. 121.

334.

Herodot. V. 76. Lycurg. in Leocrat. p. 196. Strabo IX. p. 293. XIV. p. 653. Conon 26. Scymnus Chius, 503.

335.

See Raoul-Rochette III p. 56. who has omitted the remarkable passage of Pausan. VII. 25. according to which the Lacedæmonians had partly taken Athens. There was at Athens a Delphian gens named Cleomantidæ, whose ancestor was said to have communicated to the Athenians the prophecy concerning the king's death, Lycurgus in Leocrat. p. 196.

336.

Lycophr. 1388. and Tzetzes' note.

337.

See particularly Schol. Pind. Nem. VII. 155. Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 440. Pausan. I. 39. 4.

338.

Schol. Pind. et Aristoph. ubi sup. According to Zenobius V. 8. the Megarians mourned for a daughter of their own king Clytius, and of Bacchius the Corinthian.

339.

This event is always narrated in explanation of the proverb; see Schol. Pind. ubi sup. Schol. Plat. Euthydem. pag. 97. edit. Ruhnken. and Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 440 (from Demon). Compare Aristoph. Eccles. 828. Zenob. III. 21. Vatic. Prov. III. 13. Apostolius VII. 17. XIV. 97. Suidas, Hesychius, Dissen ad Pind. ubi sup. It is probably of this victory of the Megarians that Pausanias (VI. 19. 9.) had read in some document that it took place before the commencement of the Olympiads, when Phorbas was archon for life at Athens; but in my opinion he is incorrect in referring it to a treasury of Dontas the Lacedæmonian (Olymp. 60.), the inscription of which spoke indefinitely of a victory of the Megarians over the Corinthians, in which the Argives were supposed to have had a share. Phorbas was archon from the 173rd to the 148th year before the first Olympiad, according to Eusebius.

340.

Thucyd. I. 103. Diod. XI. 79. Plutarch Cimon. 17. It was probably in some war of this kind that Orsippus of Megara enlarged the territory of his native city, according to Etymol. M. p. 242; he was conqueror in the 15th Olympiad, see book IV. ch. 2. note. Pausan. I. 44. 1. and the epigram in Anthol. Pal. II. App. 272. See Siebelis ad Pausan. ubi sup.

341.

See the account in Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 17. p. 387.

342.

Above, ch. 3. § 11.

343.

See above, ch. 3. § 3.

344.

Called in the Doric dialect Προκλέας, Kühn ad Pausan. III. 1. According to Polyænus I. 10. Procles and Temenus together conquered Lacedæmon.

345.

Herod. VI. 52. and it is followed by Xen. Agesil. 8. Plutarch. Agesil. 19. [The same is preserved in a fragment of Alcæus (Mus. Crit. I. p. 432) ὡς γὰρ δή ποτε φασίν Ἀριστόδαμον ἐν Σπάρτᾳ λόγον οὐκ ἀπάλαμνον εἰπεῖν, as Niebuhr has remarked. History of Rome, vol. I. note 94. ed. 2.]

346.

The words of the oracle, which Herodotus paraphrases, probably were μᾶλλον δὲ γεραίτερον ἔστι γεραίρειν.

347.

V. 16. Also in Plato Leg. III. p. 683. Megillus the Spartan, to the question καὶ βασιλεὺς μὲν—Λακεδαίμονος Προκλῆς καὶ Εὐρυσθένης; answers, πῶς γὰρ οὐ, against his national tradition.

348.

Pindar Pyth. I. 65. says that the Dorians, “coming down from Pindus, immediately took Amyclæ.” Compare Boeckh Comment, p. 479. This is equally fallacious with his other statement, that Pylos fell at the invasion, see below, § 15. According to Ephorus ap. Strab. p. 364 D., Philonomus the Achæan, who had betrayed Lacedæmon to the Dorians, received Amyclæ from them as a reward for his treachery, and held the νόμος Ἀμυκλαῖος (to which his name seems to allude) as a vassal. Compare Conon Narr. 36. Nicol. Damasc. p. 445. Vales.

349.

Servius ad Æn. X. 564. and Lucilius, ibid, compare Heyne Excurs. II. ad Æn. X. Sosibius ap. Zenob. Prov. I. 54.

350.

Pausan. III. 2. 6. ib. 12. 7. ib. 19. 5. The temple was still standing in his time. Compare Orchomenos, p. 313-321.

351.

Pausan. VII. 6. 2. where Preugenes, their leader, is stated to have been descended from Amyclas.

352.

Polyb. V. 19. 2.

353.

Ap. Schol. Eurip. Orest. 46. Simonides fragm. 177. ed. Gaisford.

354.

Εὔπυργος Θεράπια, ap. Priscian. p. 1328. Fragm. 1. ed. Welcker.

355.

Isthm. I. 31.

356.

Ἐν γυάλοις Θεράπνας Pindar Nem. X. 55. The δόκανα were, according to some, tombs of this description.

357.

See Dissen's Commentary to Pindar ubi sup. p. 471.—Concerning Helen at Therapne, see Euripid. Hel. 211. and Tryphiod. 520. Schol. Lycophr. 143. Isocrat. Encom. Hel. p. 218 D. ἔτι γὰρ καὶ νῦν ἐν Θεράπναις (Μενελάῳ καὶ Ἑλένῃ) θυσίας ἁγίας καὶ πατρίους ἐπιτελοῦσιν οὐχ ὡς ἤρωσιν ἀλλ᾽ ὡσ θεοῖς. Concerning the Menelaia, see Athenagoras Leg. p. 14. A. Θεραπναῖος Ἀπόλλων Apollon. Rhod. II. 162. Therapne, according to some, was ἐν Σπάρτῃ, Schol. Apollon. et Pind. ubi sup.; according to other authors, referred to by Steph. Byz., it was Sparta itself. Both are in the wrong.

358.

It was first discovered by Gropius.

359.

Polyb. ubi sup. See ch. 4. § 3.

360.

Od. B. 327. 359. A. 459. N. 412. 414. The passage in Od. A. 10. is also to be explained in this manner.

361.

Pausan. III. 2. 6.

362.

Pausan. III. 2. 7. Phlegon Trallianus ap. Euseb. Arm. p. 130. According to Strabo VIII. p. 365 A. however it was conquered by Agis. Concerning a war between Sparta and its periœci in the time of Lycurgus, see Nicol. Damas. fragm.

363.

Pausan. III. 22. 9.

364.

See above, ch. 3. § 4.

365.

This is now evident from the restoration of the fragment of Ephorus in Strabo VIII. p. 364 D. Χρῆσθαι δὲ ΛΑΙ ΜΕΝ ὀ[χυρώματι, Ἐπιδαύρῳ (or Γυθείῳ) δὲ ἐμπορίῳ διὰ τὸ] εὐλίμενον, ΑΙΓΥΙ δὲ πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους [ἐπιτειχισμῷ, ταύτην] γὰρ ὁμορεῖν τοῖς κύκλῳ [πολεμίοις], ΦΑΡΙΔΙ δὲ [εἰς συνόδους] ἀπὸ τῶν ἐντος ἀσφάλειαν ἐχούσῃ. Polybius II. 54. 3. calls Αἰγῦτις a boundary-district of Sparta, where no alteration is required. See Meursius ad Lycophr. 831.

366.

The νόμος Ἀμυκλαῖος according to Nicol. Damasc.

367.

See Steph. Byz. and Pausanias. The Διοσκοῦροι Λαπέρσαι are derived from this town.

368.

Ὑαμεία πόλις Μεσσηνίων τῶν πέντε, Stephanus Byz. Compare Pausan. IV. 14. 3. Μεσόλα πόλις Μεσσήνης μία τῶν πέντε. Νικόλαος τετάρτῳ, Stephanus. From this Ephorus in Strabo VIII. p. 361 C. should be thus restored, ὤστε τὴν Στενύκλαρον μὲν ἐν τῷ μέσῳ τῆς χώρας παύτης κειμένην ἀποδεῖξαι βασίλειον αὑτῷ τῆς βασιλείας, πέμψαι δὲ ἐς Πύλον τε καὶ Ῥίον [καὶ Μεσόλαν καὶ] Ὑαμῖτιν ποιήσοντας ἰσονόμους πάντας τοῖς Δωριεῦσι τοὺς Μεσσηνίους. Compare Μεσόλα καθήκουσα εἰς τὸν μεταξὺ κόλπον τοῦ Ταυγέτου καὶ τῆς Μεσσηνίας, Strab. VIII. p. 360; Ῥίον ἀπεναντίον Ταινάρου, ibid.

369.

The same termination may be observed in the name of the ancient Laconian city Ἱππό-λα, Pausan. III. 26. 6. Steph. Byz.; and in the ancient gentile name of Argos, Ἀργό-λας.

370.

See Herodotus, Pausanias, Cicero de Divin. II. 43.

371.

Cicero ut sup.

372.

See above, p. 90. note n. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Epidaurus,” starting “Pausan. III. 16. 5.]”

373.

See Valckenaer. ad Theocrit. Adoniaz. p. 266.

374.

Plutarch. Lycurg. 2, 3.

375.

Plutarch. Lycurg. 2. Lac. Apophth. p. 234.

376.

From what is not clear, though probably from the Μέσση of the Homeric Catalogue, the position of which is however quite uncertain, since it is not connected with the city of Messene.

377.

Orchomenos, p. 366. The territory of Pylos had, according to the tradition in Pausan. IV. 15. 4. once extended as far as Καπροῦ σῆμα, near Stenyclarus.

378.

Cresphontes, as well as Aristomenes, were names in Messenia in late days, Boeckh Inscript. No. 1291.

379.

Ap. Strab. p. 633 B. He was one of the Colophonians who had settled in Smyrna.

380.

Strabo, p. 355 D. Pausanias IV. 3. 3. and others speak too generally of the expulsion of the Nestoridæ.

381.

Pausan. IV. 18. 1. IV. 23. 1. Pindar Pyth. V. 70. is not so accurate; Λακεδαίμονι ἀν Ἄργει τε καὶ ζαθέᾳ Πύλῳ ἔνασσεν ἀλκᾶντας Ἡρακλέος ἐκγόνους Ἀἰγιμιοῦ τε (Ἀπόλλων).

382.

Apollod. II. 8. 5. Pausan. IV. 3. VIII. 5. 5. Isocrates Archidam. p. 120. represents the Lacedæmonians as having long governed Messenia, which had been given them by the sons of Cresphontes. Euripides in the Merope told the story as follows:—viz. that Polyphontes killed Cresphontes, and obtained possession of his queen Merope and of his empire: that on this her son Telephon, whom Merope had sent to a friend in Ætolia, returned, and, after various tragic scenes, slew the usurper by stratagem. See the fragments of the Merope, and Hyginus, Fab. 137, with the continuation in Fab. 184. The narrative of Apollodorus is made to coincide more with the national tradition.

383.

The pedigree is, Æpytus—Cypselus—Merope—Æpytus—Æpytidæ.

384.

As it is evident from several passages in the 4th book of Pausanias.

385.

II. 171.

386.

Pausan. IV. 20. 2. 26. 5, 6. 27. 4. 33. 5. It is to this time probably that Methapus the Athenian belongs, who restored the ancient worship of Andania, with some few changes, Pausan. IV. 1. 5.

387.

Leg. III. p. 684.

388.

In the following discussion, although beginning somewhat in advance, I still take for granted what is stated in my Æginetica, p. 42. The ancient expression Λιμοδωριεῖς was referred to this migration. See Hesychius, Plutarch, Prov. 34. p. 590. Yet Didymus in Hesychius calls the Dorians who dwelt under mount Œta Λιμοδωριεῖς. See above, page 44. note e. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Dorians as inhabitants of the sea-coast.”]

389.

The Rhodians came from Argos, according to Thucyd. VII. 57. The Coans were also of Argive origin, according to Tacit. Ann. XII. 61.

390.

The Eratidæ refer to Argos, according to the note of Boeckh, Explic. ad Pind. Olymp. VII. p. 165. Cleobulus also was a Heraclide, according to Diog. Laert. I. 6. § 89.

391.

There were different ways of making the 100 towns of Crete mentioned in the Iliad agree with the 90 in the Odyssey, as may be seen from Schol. Venet. Catal. 156.—According to Ephorus, Althæmenes founded 10 cities in Crete, so that in the time of Ulysses there were only 90, but in Homer's time 100. Strabo X. p. 479. This was the manner in which Ephorus wrote history. “Pylæmenes the Lacedæmonian” in the Venetian Scholiast is probably only a corruption of the name. Conon 47. derives the Tripolis of Rhodes from Althæmenes.

392.

VII. 99.

393.

We find in both the worship of serpents, incubation, the custom of votive tablets, &c.

394.

Pausan. III. 23. 4.

395.

Sprengel's Geschichte der Medicin, vol. I. pp. 343. 326. new edit.

396.

Rhod. Orat. II. p. 396.—Concerning the Asclepiadæ in Cnidos, see particularly Theopompus in Phot. cod. 176.

397.

Sprengel, ibid. p. 554.

398.

Vitruvius II. 8. 12. Cum Melas et Areuanius ab Argis et Trœzene coloniam communem eo loco induxerunt, barbaros Caras et Lelegas ejecerunt.—The 1200 years, mentioned by Tacitus, from the time of its founding to Tiberius, must be taken as a round number.

399.

The religious ceremonies of Halicarnassus, as shown on its coins, can be completely traced up to their origin. The head of Medusa, and of Athene, the trident, and head of Hephæstus, belong to the worship of Athene and Hephæstus at Trœzen and Athens: the tripod, lyre, and heads of Apollo and Demeter to the sacra Triopia. At Cos the insignia of Æsculapius predominated, besides those of Hercules as father of Pheidippus.

400.

Callimach. ap. Steph. in v. Ἁλικάρνασσος. compare Æginetica, p. 140.

401.

Vitruvius, ubi sup.

402.

See book II. ch. 3. § 5.

403.

Dionys. Hal. Rom. Hist. IV. 25. probably ascribes to it too much influence.

404.

Herodot. I. 144.

405.

According to the account of Gelon's ancestors in Herodot. VII. 153.

406.

Compare Herodotus with Diod. V. 54.

407.

Diod. ubi sup.

408.

Scymnus Chius, 549. Probably with the colony of Althæmenes.

409.

E.g. ε [δοξε] ταυ βουλαι και τωι δαμωι φιλ ... θενευς επεστατει γνωμα πρυ [τανιων], &c. from Villoison's papers.

410.

See the quotations in Villoison in the Mém. de l'Acad. des Inscr. tom. XLVII. p. 287. An inscription among his papers refers to the building of the temple of Apollo and Aphrodite at that place. The worship of Aphrodite appears to indicate a Laconian colony.

411.

Concerning Pholegandrus, see Mém. de l'Acad. tom. XLVII. p. 307. 339.

412.

Paus. II. 30. 8. Raoul-Rochette is wrong in stating that Scylax declares Caryanda to have been Doric.

413.

Herodot. V. 121. Ἡρακλείδης Ἰβανωλίος, ἀνὴρ Μυλασεὺς as leader of the Carians.

414.

Plut. de Mul. Virt. p. 271. 4. Polyæn. VIII. 56. According to Lycophron, v. 1388. the Doric colony also possessed Thingrus and Satnium, which were places in Caria, according to Tzetzes, in whose notes Ἰκαρίας should be twice altered into Καρίας.

415.

Concerning Noricum, see below, § 11. The coins of Synnada have ΣΥΝΝΑΔΕΩΝ ΔΩΡΙΕΩΝ; also ΣΥΝΝ. ΙΩΝΩΝ, and both together; also the expression Καστολοῦ (better Καστωλοῦ) πεδίον Δωριεών, Stephan. Byz. Xenophon mentions it twice in the Anabasis, without precisely stating its position.

416.

Compare Steph. Byz. in Ἀραὶ, Ἰωνίας (this is false. They were situated between Syme and Cnidos, Athenæus VI. p. 262.) νῆσοι τρεῖς οὅτω λεγομέναι διὰ τὰς ἀρὰς, ἅς Δωριεῖς ἐποιήσαντο πρὸς τοὺς Πενταπολίτας, ὡς Ἀριστείδης. According to Dieuchidas in Athenæus, the curse was in the time of Triopas and Phorbas.

417.

Polyb. XVI. 12. 1.

418.

See the decree of the Jasians, which includes that of the Calymnians, in the Doric dialect: Boeckh. Corp. Ins. Gr. No. 2671.

419.

Strabo VIII. p. 374, endeavours to give the tradition an historical colouring by supposing that Pelops drove away Anthes. compare XIV. p. 656. Apollod. ap. Steph. in Ἁλικάρνασσος.

420.

Ap. Steph. Raoul-Rochette also perceives this, tom. III. p. 31.

421.

II. 30. 8.

422.

Steph. Byz. in Ἀθῆναι. Hence Athens is called the son of Poseidon, Paus. II. 30, &c. Concerning the Antheadæ as priests of Poseidon see an Halicarnassian inscription in Corp. Inscript. No. 2655, and Boeckh's Commentary. It is well known that Posidonia in the south of Italy received the worship of Poseidon and also its name, from a Trœzenian colony.

423.

Indeed Pindar appears to represent him as dwelling at Argos, the native place of the descendants of Hercules, at a time when all the Heraclidæ were there living together undisturbed; and from Argos he sails to Rhodes.

424.

Olymp. VII. 24. Concerning the mother of Tlepolemus, see the epigram, quoted below, p. 121 note s. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “epigram of Aristotle,” starting “Peplus Troj.”.]

425.

In Iliad E. 628 sqq. there is no necessity for assuming that the poet intended to represent Tlepolemus as a Rhodian. In the catalogue, indeed, four insular Greeks are mentioned, Nireus of Syme, Antiphus and Phidippus of Cos, and Tlepolemus of Rhodes (Il. B. 653-680). But of these the three first are not elsewhere mentioned. Tlepolemus therefore remains the only Greek, of the Asiatic colonies, on the Achæan side, in the Iliad; and the connexion of the catalogue with the other parts of the poem does not seem to intimate as to prove this exception to have been intended by the writer of the fifth book. Tlepolemus must therefore be considered as a Grecian of the mother country. I feel convinced, that, according to Homer, no enemy of Troy comes from the eastern side of the Ægæan sea. Concerning the numerous differences between the catalogue and the genuine Homeric traditions, see the author's History of the Literature of ancient Greece, ch. 2, § 9.

426.

Il. B. 668. When Strabo XIV. p. 653, states that Tlepolemus did not lead out Dorians, but Achæans and Bœotians (as a Heraclide of Thebes), he does not follow any ancient tradition, but the chronological system of his times. The ancestors of Theron of Rhodes (Schol. Pind. Olymp. II. 14.) have no reference to this: and Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. p. 272, mixes various accounts.

427.

See book II. ch. 12. § 6.

428.

Peplus Troj. Her. Epig. 27.

429.

Book II. ch. 11. § 4.

430.

See particularly Etymol. Mag. p. 219. 8. also Raoul-Rochette, tom. III. p. 157.

431.

Hecatæus ap. Stephan. Byz.

432.

As Raoul-Rochette, tom. III. p. 251. clearly shews from Herodotus and Aristænetus περὶ Φασηλίδος ap. Steph. Byz. in Γέλα and other words.

433.

Eckhel D. N. III. p. 68. According to Strab. XIV. p. 671 D. Ῥοδίων καὶ Ἀχαιῶν, which Raoul-Rochette, tom. III. p. 379, proposes to refer to Achæa in Rhodes, and leave out καὶ, but the Gentile name would be rather Ἀχαιεὺς than Ἀχαῖος. Solon, the Lindian, of Rhodes, is called the founder of this Soli in Cilicia, Vita Arati, vol. I. p. 3. vol. II. p. 444. Buhle.

434.

Both names in Etymol. Magn. in v. Γέλα.

435.

Herodot. VII. 153. The coins of Telos have the head of Jupiter and the Crab, like those of Agrigentum; the last symbol is also on those of Cos and Lindus.

436.

Thucyd. VI. 4.

437.

According to the spurious letters, which are correctly treated of by Bentley in several passages of his Dissertation (without, however, noticing the historical connexion), and also by Lennep in the notes.

438.

According to Hippostratus ad Pind. Pyth. VI. 4.

439.

Compare, besides Meursius, Heyne, Nov. Comment. Gotting. II. cl. philol. p. 40 sqq. That Lyons was a Rhodian colony, has, though without any grounds, been lately maintained, after Father Colonia, by count Wilgrin de Tailefer, Antiquités de Vésone.

440.

See Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. p. 124. who also believes in the victory of Perseus over Sardanapalus.

441.

See particularly Dio Chrysost. Orat. Tars. 33, pp. 394, 406, 408. Hercules was called ἀρχηγὸς, and on the day of his festival a funeral pile was built to his honour; compare Athenæus V. p. 215 B. on the Stephanephorus or priest of Hercules at Tarsus.

442.

Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. p. 403 sqq.

443.

Steph. Byz. in Ἰώνη.

444.

The arrival of Diomede the Argive among the Daunians may likewise refer to the founding of Elpiæ. He is said to have come with Dorians. Antonin. Liber. 37.

445.

Polyb. Exc. Leg. XX. 7. Il. Liv. XXXVII. 56.

446.

Ap. Strab. XIV. p. 676.

447.

Steph. Byz. in Γέλα. Compare Athen. VII. p. 297, from the Ὦροι Κολοφωνίων of Heropythus, and Philostephanus περὶ τῶν ἐν Ἀσίᾳ πόλεων.

448.

Book II. ch. 2, § 7.

449.

Pompon. Mela I. 14. The tradition is very ancient. Strab. XIV. p. 668. from Callinus. τοὺς λαοὺς μετὰ Μόψου τὸν Ταῦρον ὑπερθέντας τοὺς μὲν ἐν Παμφυλίᾳ μεῖναι, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐν Κιλικίᾳ μερισθῆναι καὶ Συρίᾳ, μέχοι καὶ Φοινίκης. Concerning Mopsus in Pamphylia, see also Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 334.

450.

Strab. XIV. p. 675, and others.

451.

Philosteph. ubi sup.

452.

Rhodia, near Phaselis, is also without doubt a Rhodian colony; and Mopsus (Theopompus ap. Phot. cod. 176) was the founder merely in the above sense. In the same manner probably Lyrnessus; compare Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. p. 404 sqq., who, however, has not perceived any thing of all this.

De Div. I. 40.

Thucyd. III. 102.

See § 10.

For what Plutarch. Amator. and Diodor. Exc. II. 228. p. 548. Wess. relate of the expulsion of Archias, is stated by the Scholiast to Apollonius IV. 1211, of the family of the Bacchiadæ. The former affirm the accidental murder of the son of Melissus to have been the cause of the founding of Syracuse, the latter of that of Corcyra. Yet this is contradicted by the Parian Marble, I. 47. Archias δέκατος ἀπὸ Τημένου, since the Bacchiadæ derived themselves from Aletes, not Temenus. In either case Archias is an Heraclide. See Boeckh. Explic. ad Pind. Olymp. 6. p. 153. Compare Göller de situ Syracusarum, p. 5. sq.

458.

Strab. VII. p. 380 D.

459.

Strab. VI. p. 269. Compare Scymnus Chius, v. 274.

460.

See Boeckh's Introduction to the sixth Olympiad.

461.

Book II. ch. 9. § 4. ch. 10. § 1.

462.

Athen. IV. p. 167. from Demetrius Scepsius. Archilochus made mention of this Æthiops (Siebel. Fragm. p. 233).

463.

Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 298. His προσόδιον was composed before the Messenian wars, about the same time.

464.

Adoniaz. 53. compare Thucyd. VI. 77. ὅτι οὐκ Ἴωνες τάδε εἰσὶν,—ἀλλὰ Δωριεῖς, ἐλεύθεροι ἀπ᾽ αὐτονόμου τῆς Πελοποννήσου τὴν Σικελίαν οἰκοῦντες.

465.

Dio Chrys. Or. XXXVIII. 4.

466.

According to Thucyd. VI. 5. Raoul-Rochette, III. p. 319. supports the contrary opinion.

467.

Thucyd. I. 108. where this Chalcis is evidently intended.

468.

Raoul-Rochette, ib. p. 290. The coins of Alyzia do not necessarily prove it to be of Corinthian origin, since barbarous towns frequently adopted the devices of the neighbouring Greek cities. Herodotus IX. 28. does not afford any reason for supposing that Pale was a Corinthian colony; yet both here and in Thucyd. I. 27. it appears as closely united with Corinth.

469.

This I believe, because it was founded by Heraclidæ, i.e. by Bacchiadæ, according to Anton. Lib. 4; hence also the worship of Hercules existed there. Compare also concerning the Doric migration to Ambracia, the Epigram of Damagetus in the Palat. Anthol. VII. 231.

470.

Γόργος is probably the most correct form of those in Plut. Conv. VII. Sap. 17. p. 42. Strab. X. p. 452, 7. p. 325. Scymn. Ch. 427. Antonin. Lib. I. 4. p. 23. Teuchn., who alone considers him as the brother of Cypselus. See book III. ch. 9. § 6. note. The form ΓΟΡΓΟΣ is also confirmed by a coin of Ambracia. See Raoul-Rochette, Annali dell' Instituto di corrisp. archeol. 1829, p. 316.

471.

Thucyd. II. 68.

472.

See Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. No. 43.

473.

Plutarch. Themist. 24.; but the whole history is inaccurately related.

474.

Thus Schol. Apollon. IV. 1212., and from Timæus at V. 1216.

475.

Yet Timæus ubi sup. places Chersicrates 600 years after the Trojan war, the date of which he fixed (according to Censorinus de Die Nat. 21.) 417 years before the first Olympiad; consequently the date which he gives to Chersicrates is Olymp. 46. 3. 594. B.C. in the time of the Cypselidæ. But since it is scarcely credible that Timæus could place the foundation of Corcyra so low down, it is probable that he fixed an earlier date for the Trojan war, according to Clinton F. H. vol. I. p. 135. ω. III. p. 490. Compare Mustoxidi Illustrazioni Corciresi, I. 5. p. 65.

476.

Thucyd. I. 47.

477.

Strab. VII. p. 326. Scymn. Ch. 620.

478.

Scymn. Ch. 412. According to Raoul-Rochette, IV. p. 86. it was founded at the same time that Dionysius founded Lissus.

479.

Orchomenos, p. 297.

480.

Thucyd. I. 13.

481.

μάλιστα ὑπὸ ἀποίκων στεργόμεθα, the words of the Corinthians in Thucyd. I. 38. compare I. 26. Plutarch Timol. 3.

482.

I. 56. See book III. ch. 8. § 5.

483.

According to Eusebius. See Raoul-Rochette, III. p. 233.

484.

According to Hesychius Milesius de Constant, p. 48. the founder's name was Dineus.

485.

The situation of Byzantium, in a political and commercial point of view, is well described by Polybius IV. 44.

486.

Dionys. Byzant. de Thracio Bosporo in Hudson's Geogr. Min. vol. III. sacrifices were offered to her on the first day of the year. Heyne Comment. Rec. Gotting. tom. I. p. 62. has treated of the fables of Io at Byzantium with sufficient fulness, but without tracing the origin of the traditions.

487.

Ibid.

488.

See, besides others, Palat. Anthol. VII. 169. Why does not Raoul-Rochette admit here as elsewhere, the supposition of an ancient colony under the guidance of Io, an Argive princess?

489.

See Dionysius. There is something on this head also in Hesychius. Besides the names in the text, there are Athene Ecbasia—Artemis Dictynna (also Lucifera in piscinis), Ajax Telamonius, and Achilles—Rhea—Hecate and Fortune—The Dioscuri—Amphiaraus ἐν συκαῖς, Aphrodite the preserver of peace, and Aphrodite Πάνδημος.

490.

With whom there were at times dissensions. See Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 10.

491.

See, besides the decrees in Demosthenes, Constantin. Porph. Them. I. p. 1452. in Meursii Opp.

492.

Μεταμβριανων and Μεσαμβριανων on coins.

493.

According to Scymnus Chius, v. 714.

494.

Plut. Qu. Gr. 57. Æginetica, p. 67. It is probable that Perinthus also at that time received a party of Doric colonists, as it is called an allied town by the Byzantians (Demosth. de Corona, p. 255), and the worship of Hercules was prevalent there. Compare Panofka Res Samiorum, p. 22, where, however, several passages are incorrectly applied.

495.

Arrian, Periplus of the Pontus Euxinus, p. 14. Hudson. Compare Orelli Heracleot. p. 115. Raoul-Rochette places it as far back as the 30th Olympiad, but according to Scymnus Chius, 231, the founding took place in the time of Cyrus.

496.

Megara was founded in the same year as Naxus, Olymp. 11. 3, according to Ephorus (in Strabo and Scymnus); according to the more exact Thucydides some time after, 245 years before its destruction by Gelon. Gelon reigned from Olymp. 72. 2, in Gela, from Olymp. 73. 4, till 75. 3, in Syracuse (Boeckh ad Pind. Olymp. I. Explic. p. 100). From the narrative of Herodotus VII. 156, it appears that he conquered Megara in the interval of Olymp. 74. 1-3; in which case the foundation would fall about Olymp. 13. 1, 728 B.C. According then to the account of Thucydides, the arrival of Lamis the Megarean must have been some years before. This event was contemporary with the founding of Leontini, which was five years after that of Syracuse: this cannot, therefore, be reconciled with the account of Eusebius, who dates the building of Syracuse Olymp. 11. 4. (Hieron. Scal.) The statement of the Parian Marble agrees better, viz. Olymp. 5. 3. Raoul-Rochette, III. p. 214, reckons on false suppositions. Compare Heyne Opusc. Academ. tom. II. pp. 259. sq.

497.

See Passow ad Theogn. 773. Welcker ad Alcman. p. 85, adds Schol. Platon. p. 220. See also Welcker's Theognis, p. 14. In literary history many instances occur of the same persons being called citizens of the mother-state, and of the colony; e.g., Archilochus was a Parian and Thasian; Protagoras and Hecatæus the younger were citizens both of Teos and Abdera; Terpander belonged to Arne in Bœotia and Lesbos at the same time; Mimnermus was both a Colophonian and citizen of Smyrna, &c.

498.

See Orchomenos, pp. 313-359. Thrige's Res Cyrenensium (1828), pp. 23-35. Concerning a family of the Heraclidæ, see the interesting passages of Synesius, Καταστ. (p. 10. Morell.) and of Theodorus Metochita in the Supplem. ad Nicol. Damasc. Orellii. The account of the latter is very confused.

499.

Pind. Pyth. IX. Boeckh Explic. p. 325. Thrige ibid, 121 sq.

500.

Δωρικοὶ τάφοι, Synesius, ubi sup.

501.

Herodot. I. 174. Diodorus V. 53. speaks of an Argive-Lacedæmonian colony in this district.

502.

V. 9. 53. Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 1388, calls him Ἱππότης ὁ Ἀλήτης, but I can hardly think that he is the same as the ancestor of the Corinthian Heraclidæ.

503.

Diodor. V. 53.

504.

Also at Nisyrus, according to its coins.

505.

I here speak on the authority of some beautiful drawings by M. Huyot, amongst which is a plan of Cnidos; an accurate plan of the harbour was shown me by Captain Beaufort. Compare Clarke, part II. § 1, plate 13.

506.

It is stated by Diodorus V. 9, that the Cnidians in the 50th Olympiad (580 B.C.) sent a colony to Lipara under the guidance of three descendants of their countryman Hippotes, Gorgus, Thestor, and Epithersidas, who, in conjunction with 500 of the former inhabitants, founded a state. Now it was natural to call Æolus the god of the winds, who was supposed to reside on these islands, a son of the new national hero, Hippotes; and hence he became Αἴολος Ἱπποτάδης. If this is true, then the name Ἱπποτάδης in the Odyssey (K. 2. 36.) is certainly later than the Homeric age; which might be almost supposed from the statement of the learned Asclepiades, that the Æolus of Homer was the son of Poseidon (not of Hippotes), which he could hardly have said, if all the copies of the Odyssey had Ἱπποτάδης.

507.

See particularly Pausan. X. 11. 3, from Antiochus, and Diodorus V. 9, probably from the same author.

508.

Pseud-Plutarch, de fluv. Mars. Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 321.

509.

See Strab. XII. p. 570. The inscription on their coins is Σελγέων Λακεδαιμονίων ὁμόνοια. Compare Mionnet Descript. III. p. 525. Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. p. 427, with whom I do not entirely agree. See also Nicephorus Blemmidas, ed. Spohn. p. 13.

510.

Dionys. Perieg. 860, where I consider that “the Amyclæans” is not a mere poetical ornament, although the testimony is not to be much depended upon. Compare Eustathius ad 1.

511.

See Raoul-Rochette's argument, tom. II. p. 428.

512.

Lycophr. vv. 452, 593. Strab. XIV. p. 682. Λακεδαίμων ἐν Κύπρῳ Eustath. ad Homer. p. 293. 45. ed. Rom. Golgi in Cyprus was founded by Sicyonians (Steph. Byz. in Γόλγοι), and it was the only colony sent out by that state, with the exception of Phæstus in Crete, whither a Heraclide of Sicyon is said to have gone; see ch. 5. § 2.

513.

Ut fertur, octavus ab Hercule, Schol. Vetust. ad Hor. Carm. II. 6. 12; and so likewise Servius ad Virgil. Georg. IV. 125. Æn. III. 551. Compare, concerning the Phalantiadæ, Steph. Byz. in Ἀθῆναι. Callimachus is referred to in a verse quoted by Schol. ined. ad Dionys. Perieg. (Spohn. Opusc. Niceph. Blemm. 29.) πάντες ἀφ᾽ Ἡρακλῆος ἐτήτυμον ἔστε Λάκωνες according to Goettling's conjecture.

514.

Ὑακίνθου or Ἁπόλλωνος Ὑακίνθου τάφος, Polyb. VIII. 30. 2.

515.

Ib. VIII. 35. 8.

516.

Scymn. Ch. 330.

517.

Strabo VI. p. 264, from Antiochus.

518.

Herodot. III. 138. IV. 164.

519.

Strabo VIII. p. 387.

520.

Pausan. III. 3. 1. Jamblichus Vit. Pythag. 10. Raoul-Rochette, III. p. 187.

521.

See book II. ch. 3.

522.

Metam. XV. 15. Grates agit ille parenti Amphitryoniadæ.

523.

See Pausan. ubi sup. The newly discovered fragments of Polybius confirm the participation of Sparta in the colonization of Locri, p. 384. Mai, inasmuch as they mention the sending of Locrian auxiliaries to the Spartans as the cause of the foundation of Locri in Italy.

524.

Justin XX. 2.

525.

Thucyd. VI. 44. Raoul-Rochette, p. 194, derives it from Dorians, who had previously settled at Cape Zephyrium: but even if there were Dorians there, they must have been Megareans.

526.

It would lead us too far from our subject to explain the tradition concerning the Lacedæmonians among the Sabines and Samnites. It is remarkable that, according to Silius Italicus, these Lacedæmonians came from Amyclæ and Therapne, the ancient settlements of the Achæans. I must also pass over the Cretan colonies, for many reasons.

527.

Paus. III. 2. 7.

528.

A war with Cnosus is very improbable and almost impossible; Paus. II. 21. III. 11. Vell. Paterc. I. 4. (Lacedæmonii in Asia Magnesiam), had probably some account of the share of the Spartans in these Cretan colonies, which will be discussed book II. ch. 3.

529.

Pausan. V. 20. I, according to Clavier, Plutarch. Lycurg. I.

530.

Λυκοῦργος ὑπὸ πάντων συμφώνως ἱστορεῖται μετὰ τοῦ Ἰφίτου τοῦ Ἠλείου τὴν πρώτην ἀριθμηθεῖσαν τῶν Ὀλυμπίων θέσιν διαθεῖναι, Athen. XIV. p. 635 F.

531.

Pausan. V. 8. 3. ἐξ οὗ γὰρ τὸ συνεχὲς ταῖς μνήμαις ἐπὶ ταῖς Ὀλυμπίασιν ἐστί—

532.

γράμματα Ἡλείων ἐς τοὺς Ὀλυμπιονίκας, Pausan. V. 21. 5. VI. 2. 1.

533.

See Aristodemus ap. Syncell. Chron. p. 196 C. Compare Goeller de Situ Syracusarum, p. 198.

534.

Pind. Olymp. VII. 86. ἐν Μεγάροισίν τ᾽ οὐχ ἔτερον λιθίνα ψᾶφος ἔχει λόγον. Compare Boeckh Explic.

535.

Plutarch de Musica, 3. 8.

536.

Sturz. Hellanici fragment. p. 79 sqq. ed. 2.

537.

Agesil. 19.

538.

In Colot. 17. p. 268. Λακεδαιμόνιοι τὸν περὶ Λυκούργου χρησμὸν ἐν ταῖς παλαιοτάταις ἀναγραφαῖς ἔχοντες. Concerning this oracle see Theodoret Græc. Affect. 9. 10. Max. Tyr. Diss. XXIX. p. 72. The oracle in Œnomaus (Euseb. Præp. Ev. V. p. 113.) is evidently a modern forgery.

539.

Above ch. 5. § 14. Eurysthenes, according to Eusebius, reigned 42 years.

540.

Suidas in Χάρων.

541.

Athen. XI. p. 475 B. concerning the καρχήσιον.

542.

XII. 12. 1.

543.

Plutarch. Lycurg. I. Diod. I. 5. who calls the ἀναγραφὴ of the kings a παράπηγμα. Eusebius says that at the beginning of the Olympiads Lacedæmoniorum reges defecerunt, which error arose from the lists ending here, which had been made for computing the preceding periods.

544.

Apollod. ap. Diod. ubi sup. Eratosthenes ap. Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 336. ed. Colon. Compare Tatian. adv. Græcos, p. 174. Censorinus de Die Natali 21. Euseb. Scalig. p. 23. Cicer. de Rep. II. 10. who also followed the Χρονικὰ of Apollodorus.

545.

I do not contend that the chronological statements in the Spartan lists form an authentic document, more than those in the catalogues of the priestesses of Here and in the list of Halicarnassian priests (Boeckh Corp. Ins. Gr. No. 2655). The chronological statements in the Spartan lists may have been formed from imperfect memorials; but the Alexandrine chronologists must have found such tables in existence, since they could not have been produced by mere computation; and yet the date of 328 years before the 1st Olympiad was entirely founded upon them.

546.

Ap. Clem. comp. Diod. de Virt. et Vit. p. 547, ed. Vales.

547.

P. 411. Fragm. ed. Heyn. from Tatian and Clemens I. p. 327. comp. p. 309. Pausan. III. 2. 4. Eusebius's quotation of Apollodorus at the 18th year of Alcamenes is incorrect, as may be seen from Plutarch. Lycurg. I.

548.

I. 65. Pausan. III. 2. 3.

549.

Ælian. V. H. IX. 41.

550.

Simonid. ap. Plutarch. Lyc. 2. and compare Schol. Plat. Rep. X. p. 474. 21 Bekker. The latter, also, according to Aristot. Polit. II. 7. 1. Ephorus ap. Strab. X. p. 482. Compare Dieuchidas, ap. Plutarch. Lycurg. 2. et Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 328. ed. Colon, (p. 390 Potter). cf. Strab. X. p. 481. He took Lycurgus for a son of Polydectes and a younger brother of Eunomus, and placed him 290 years after the taking of Troy. Dionys. Hal. Arch. Rom. II. 49. calls Lycurgus the uncle of Eunomus, whom he probably places with Herodotus (VIII. 131.) after Polydectes. Thucydides I. 18. places Lycurgus not long before 800 B.C. Timæus escaped the difficulty by supposing that there were two Lycurguses. Xenophon disagrees the most (Rep. Lac. 10. quoted by Plutarch. Lyc. I.), as he says that Lycurgus lived κατὰ τοὺς Ἡρακλείδας, i.e. κατὰ τὴν Ἡρακλειδῶν κάθοδον.

551.

VIII. 131.

552.

See Clinton, F. H. vol. I. p. 144. The same explanation also diminishes the difficulty about the relationship of Lycurgus; yet there still remains the great discrepancy between Herodotus (where the emendation proposed by Marsham does not suit the context) and Xenophon.

553.

The dates of these are given, doubtless from Alexandrine chronologists, by Diodorus, fragm. 6 p. 635, where (with Wesseling after Didymus) 30 years must be assumed from the return of the Heraclidæ to the reign of Aletes, by which the computation comes out right. This has been overlooked by Eusehius, since he makes Aletes contemporary with Eurysthenes. See the Armenian Eusebius, p. 16. Mai.

554.

See above, p. 136. note t. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “district of Laconia.”]

555.

Æginetica, p. 62. Comp. Theocritus XVII. 27.

556.

As may fairly be inferred from V. 4. 3.

557.

V. 4. 4 In an inscription at Olympia (Brunck. Anal. II. p. 193.) he was called the son of Hæmon; according to common tradition, he was the son of Praxonides. In Eusebius (Hieronym.) should be written, Iphitus Praxonidis vel Æmonis f.

558.

I. 66, 67.

559.

Concerning this word see Boissonade, Classical Journal, vol. XX. p. 289.

560.

Boeckh Inscript. No. 11.

561.

E.g. by Wolf Proleg. Homer. p. 67.

562.

Of Clem. Alexand. Strom. I. p. 308.

563.

For the date of Terpander, see book IV. ch. 6. § 1. note.

564.

Scymnus Chius, v. 313. Strabo VI. p. 259.

565.

Plutarch. Lyc. 13. whose words should be thus understood, “Lycurgus did not enact any written laws, but merely sanctioned existing customs.” The ῥῆτραι however were evidently not mere ἔθη, but oracular dicta, expressed in definite words, which had been preserved from ancient times. Plutarch. Agesil. 26. calls them Αἰ καλούμεναι τρεῖς ῥῆτραι, and also de Esu Carn. II. 1. ὁ θεῖος Λυκοῦργος ἐν ταῖς τρίσι ῥήτραις; consequently this was in a certain degree a fixed number.—One of these very regulations was μὴ χρῆσθαι νόμοις ἐγγράφοις.

566.

Plutarch, de Pyth. Orac. 19. αἱ ῥῆτραι, δι᾽ ὧν ἐκόσμησε τὴν Λακεδαιμονίων, πολιτείαν Λυκοῦργος, ἐδόθησαν αὑτῷ καταλογάδην.

567.

The Delphian Inscription in Boeckh Corp. Inscript. n. 1711. The Cretan in Chishull Ant. Asiat. p. 135. The Samian and Prienian in Chandler Inscript. p. 1. 38. 1, 2, 3. Marm. Oxon. p. 25.

568.

I agree with Creuzer Histor. Ant. Fragm. p. 122. that it is unnecessary always to alter writers concerning ὄροι into ὡρόγραφοι, i.e. chronologists. The above Samian inscriptions expressly refer to historical works; and are we then to alter in Herodian p. 7. (where see the passages quoted), and in p. 39. ἐν Σαμίων ὄροις?

569.

Monumenta saxis sculpta et ære prisco, Tacitus Annal. IV. 44.

570.

I mention Eumelus in this place, as being a Lyric poet in the modern sense of the word, on account of his ᾆσμα προσόδιον for the Messenian Theoria to Delos, Pausan. IV. 4. 1.

571.

Περὶ νομοθετῶν. He must however have either invented himself, or adopted the inventions of others, if he mentioned the names of the twenty assistants and friends of Lycurgus, Plutarch. Lyc. 5.

572.

Plutarch. Lyc. 31. and 11.

573.

See book II. ch. 10. § 2.

574.

He was anciently celebrated for his mildness. Plutarch in the Life of Lycurgus, and de Adul. 16. On the other hand, Heraclides Ponticus 2. καὶ τὸν Χάριλλον (ΧΑΡΙΛΑΟΝ) τυραννικῶς ἄρχοντα μετέστησε.

575.

Plutarch. Lyc.

576.

Book III. ch. 1. The names of Eunomus as the father and of Eucosmus as the son of Lycurgus (Pausan. III. 16. 5.) belong to the class pointed out above, p. 69. note g. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “capture of Ægialea,” starting “The name of Tisamenus.”]

577.

Only Plutarch. Lycurg. 23. and Heraclid. Pont. 2. καὶ κοινὸν ἀγαθὸν τὰς ἐκεχείρας (the Pythian are probably meant) κατέστησε. The account of Hermippus is evidently, in part at least, invented.

578.

This Cleosthenes is mentioned in Phlegon Trallianus ap. Meurs. Opera, vol. VII. p. 128. and Schol. Plat. Rep. V. p. 246, 7. Bekker.

579.

Συνχώρημα Ἑλλήνων ἱερὰν καὶ ἀπόρθητον εἶναι Ἠλείαν, Polyb. IV. 73. who calls the peaceable existence of the Eleans in early times a ἱερὸς βίος; Strab. VIII. p. 357. Diod. Excerpt, p. 547. Wessel., where very absurd motives are attributed to the Lacedæmonians.

580.

Isthm. II. 23. Boeckh Explic. p. 494. Schneider Lexicon in v. et ad Xen. Hell. IV. 7. 2.

581.

The determination of this time was somewhat ambiguous. See Thuc. V. 49. ἐπαλλέλλειν is the proper word for the announcement.

582.

Herod. VI. 19. see also V. 77.

583.

Thucyd. V. 49. comp. Pausan. V. 6, 4. VI. 3, 3.

584.

As in the well-known treaty between the Eleans and Heræans, αἰ δὲ μά συνέαν, τάλαντόν κ᾽ ἀργύρω ἀποτίνοιαν τῷ Δὶ Ολυμπίῳ.

Thuc. V. 31.

Thuc. III. 8, 14.

Pausan. IV. 4.

Pausan. IV. 2. 1.

Plutarch Romul. 25. Sympos. Qu. IV. 1. 1. Sept. Sap. Conviv. 16. Polyæn. II. 31. 2. Plin. H. N. XI. 70.

591.

See Fulgentius in Staveren Mythograph. Latin, p. 770. Si quis enim centum hostes interfecisset, Marti de homine sacrificabat apud insulam Lemnum, quod sacrificatum est a duobus, Aristomene Gortynensi et Theoclo Eleo, sicut Sosicrates scribit. Apollodorus ap. Porphyr. de Abstin. II. 55. p. 396. (comp. Meursius, Misc. Lac. II. 14.) says that the Lacedæmonians also had sacrificed a man to Mars.

592.

Paus. IV. 15. 5.

593.

Polyæn. II. 31. 3. Plin. XI. 70. Valer. Maxim. I. 8. ext., 15.

594.

Stephanus Byz., who quotes Herodotus, Rhianus, and Plutarch. Herodotus, however, does not mention the subject. What Stephanus says is taken from Plutarch de Herodot. Maled. 2. p. 291. where however for φησὶν αὐτὸς should probably be written φασὶν αὐτόν.

595.

Isocrates (Archidam. 11.) connects the Messenian war with the assassination of Cresphontes; and relates that the Spartans were much encouraged by the oracle: the narrative evidently had not at this time received the form in which it was afterwards represented. Yet he mentions the twenty years' siege (on the authority of Tyrtæus), § 66.

596.

See Antip. Sidon. VII. 161. Anthol. Palat.

597.

Pausan. IV. 16. 4. VI. 32. 5. IX. 39. 5.

598.

Lycurgus in Leocrat. 15. p. 155. comp. Isocrates Archidam. 10.

599.

Pausan. IV. 27. 4.

600.

Also Æschylus of Alexandria wrote Messeniaca, Athen. XIII. p. 599 E.

601.

See Athen. XIV. p. 857 D. Diodorus probably follows him, since he represents Cleonnis in the first war and Aristomenes as fighting together, Fragm. N. p. 637, Wessel. In XV. 66. he means him among the ἔνιοι. Boivin and Wesseling endeavour in vain to reconcile the contradictions. The genuineness of the fragment of Diodorus is however doubtful.

602.

IV. 15. 1.

603.

Concerning Rhianus see Jacobs in the Index Auctorum to the Anthology.

604.

See Strabo, VIII. p. 362.

605.

E.g. it was a Messenian account which Myron followed (Pausan. IV. 6. 2), that Aristomenes killed the king Theopompus (contrary to Tyrtæus, as may be seen from Plutarch Agid. 21.).

606.

I will now point out some instances of modern fiction in the narrative of Pausanias. The account of Polychares and Euæphnus supposes a greater power in the Areopagus than it ever possessed; nor did the quarrel come at all within the province of the Argive Amphictyons. Besides Pausanias, see Diodorus Excerpt, p. 547, who generally follows the same authorities. The Cretan bowmen must have been introduced by Rhianus from his own country; it is certain that there were no mercenaries at so early a period. How could the Corinthians have gone to Laconia without passing through an enemy's country, and who would have allowed them a free passage? The flight of the initiated to Eleusis is contrary to all probability; and this the more, as in the second war they were quiet spectators, Pausan. IV. 16. 1. Yet we are told the sacred torchbearers (δᾳδοῦχοι) fought at Athens in military array. The disposition of the light-armed troops in separate bodies (IV. 7. 2.) is contrary to the account of Tyrtæus and to ancient usage, compare IV. 8. 4. Οἱ Μεσσήνιοι δρόμῳ ἐς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἐχρῶντο (IV. 18. 1.) is contrary to Herodotus (VI. 112). Many events are attributed to very improbable causes, e.g. that they left the fortified cities (IV. 9. 1.) from want of money. There is absolutely no reason given for the subjection of Messenia. That the Argives came in a private capacity, and not at the command of the state, appears from Herodot. VI. 92. The oracle in IV. 9. 2. in iambic verses is of a late date, but nevertheless more ancient than the corresponding one in hexameters preserved by Eusebius Præp. Ev. V. 27. p. 130. ed. Steph. The verse in Pausan. IV. 12. 1. ἀλλ᾽ ἀπάτῃ μὲν ἔχει γαῖαν Μεσσηνίδα λαὸς, refers to the fraud of Cresphontes at the original division. In the oracle in Pausan. IV. 12. 3. and Eusebius ubi sup. should be written, ἦ γὰρ Ἄρης κείνων εὐήρεα τείχη, Καὶ τειχέων στεφάνωμα πικροὺς οἰκήτορας ἕξει. Whence these oracles were derived does not appear: nor is it easy to decide concerning the date of such short pieces. (The above oracle is differently, and perhaps more correctly, emended by Lobeck ad Phrynich. Par. p. 621.)

607.

See the Fragments as arranged by Frank, Callinus, p. 168.

608.

Ap. Strab. VIII. p. 362.

609.

By Pausauias and Diodorus de Virt. et Vit. p. 540.

610.

Pausan. IV. 4. 4.

611.

Justin. III. 5. says eighty years. Thirty-nine years are probably too short a period; for, as the Spartans did not marry before the age of thirty (book IV. ch. 4. § 3.), the difference between grandfathers and grandchildren must have been on an average sixty years. If the interval had been only thirty-nine years, most of those engaged in the second war would have been the sons of the conquerors of Ithome.

612.

The same date is in the Parian Marble, Ep. 34. But Pausanias IV. 15. 1. proves only from Tyrtæus that Rhianus was incorrect in calling Leotychides a contemporary of the second war; consequently the numbers cannot have much authority. Pausanias had however various means of judging: e.g. after the expulsion and subjugation of the inhabitants no Messenian occurred in the Ὀλυμπιονῖκαι, Pausan. VI. 2. 5. Different writers however vary remarkably. Dinarchus in Demosth. p. 99. 29. places the subjection of the Messenians 400 years before their restoration (370 B.C.); Lycurgus in Leocrat. p. 155. 500; Isocrates Archidam. p. 121 B. only 300; but Bekker reads 400 from a manuscript, which agrees better with the early date of Isocrates for the subjection of the Messenians. Plutarch Reg. Apoph. p. 126. only 230 years before the liberation by Epaminondas.

613.

It has been proved by the succession of the excerpts of Diodorus that he placed the second Messenian war at the same time as Eusebius: Krebs Lectiones Diodoreæ, Epimetrum. Now Eusebius places the beginning of the second war at Olymp. 35. 3. (638 B.C.), and Tyrtæus at Ol. 36. 3. (636).

614.

Pausan. IV. 6. 2. (comp. Frank, Callinus, pp. 172, 196. who proposes Polydôrô without any reason); see Polyæn. I. 15.

615.

See above, ch. 5. § 12, 13.

616.

Strabo VIII. p. 360.

617.

In the time of Augustus it was in Messenia. The name Nedon was only preserved in that of Ἀθηνᾶ Νεδουσία.

618.

IV. 4. 2.

619.

Strabo V. p. 257. has nearly the same account as that of the Lacedæmonians in Pausanias; and so also Heraclides Ponticus, and Justin. III. 4.

620.

Annalium memoria vatumque carminibus, Tacit. Annal. IV. 43.

621.

Pausan. IV. 14. 2. See above, ch. 5. § 13.

622.

Probably tradition had preserved some report of a sacrifice to Artemis Orthia (Iphigenia), concerning which see book II. ch. 9.

623.

Plutarch also mentions the same expedition, de Superstit. 7. p. 71, Hutten.

624.

Fragm. 25.

625.

Pausan. IV. 4. Strabo VI. p. 257.

626.

IV. 14. 2. 23. 3.

627.

Hence Hercules Manticlus was worshipped at Messana, Pausan. IV. 23. 5. IV. 26. 3.

628.

See particularly Thucyd. VI. 5.

629.

Strabo ubi sup. The Rhegini considered the Messenians of Naupactus as kinsmen, Pausan. IV. 26. We may pass over the often corrected error of Pausanias concerning Anaxilas (last by Jacobs, Amalthea, I. p. 199. where Bentley is forgotten).

630.

Yet it should be observed that Dionysius Perieg. 376. mentions Amyclæans as colonists in Tarentum, which is probably not a mere poetical embellishment.

631.

Ἀνδανία.—ἐκ ταύτης Ἀριστομένης ἐγένετο, Steph. Byz. The words οὕτω γὰρ καὶ ἡ Μεσσήνη Ἀνδανία ἐκαλεῖτο, ἥν οἰκίσαι φασί τινας τῶν μετὰ Κρεσφόντου καὶ οὕτω καλέσαι, &c. contain two errors; comp. Pausan. IV. 26. 5.

632.

The whole of the following passage is evidently taken from Tyrtæus, VIII. p. 362. τὴν μὲν πρώτην κατακτ. φησὶ Τυρταῖος—γενέσθαι. τὴν δὲ δευτέραν, καθ᾽ ἥν ἑλόμενοι συμμάχους Ἠλείους καὶ Ἀργείους [καὶ Ἀρχάδας addendum] καὶ Πισάτας ἀπέστησαν, Ἀρκάδων μὲν Ἀριστοκράτην τὸν Ὀρχομενοῦ βασιλέα παρεχομένων στρατηγὸν, Πισατῶν δὲ Πανταλέοντα τὸν Ὀμφαλίωνος. It is stated by Strabo, p. 355 C. that at the ἐσχάτη κατάλυσις τῶν Μεσσηνίων the Eleans assisted the Spartans. They must therefore have espoused the cause of the latter out of hatred towards Pisa. With Strabo agrees the article of Phavorinus in v. Αὐγείας, p. 134. viz. that “the Lacedæmonians deprived the Pisatans of this privilege for siding with Messenia, and gave it to the Eleans, who took their part.” But if Elis was friendly and Pisa hostile to the Spartans, Pantaleon can hardly have obtained the agonothesia, when Sparta had overcome all her enemies, and had ended the war victoriously. Accordingly, the 34th Olympiad, which Pantaleon celebrated without the Eleans, probably fell in the period of the second war.

633.

According to Pausanias also the Sicyonians.

634.

Pausan. VI. 22. 2.

635.

Plutarch de sera Num. Vind. 2. p. 216. agrees with Pausanias, and states that the war lasted for more than twenty years.

636.

Ap. Polyb. IV. 33. 2. The words of the inscription are as follows:—

πάντως ὁ χρόνος εὖρε δίκνην ἀδίκῳ βασιλῆι,
εὖρε δὲ Μεσσήνη σὺν Διὶ τὸν προδότην
ῥηιδίως. χαλεπὸν δὲ λαθεῖν θεὸν ἄνδρ᾽ ἐπίορκον.
χαῖρε Ζεῦ βασιλεῦ, καὶ σάω Ἀρκαδίαν.

637.

See Æginetica, p. 65.

638.

Which city was still governed by kings in the Peloponnesian war, Plutarch Parallel. 32. p. 430. In this strange composition, arbitrary fictions are curiously mixed with learned notices.

639.

See the genealogy of the Orchomenian, Epidaurian, and Corinthian princes below, ch. 8. § 3. note.

640.

The battle ἐπὶ τῇ Μεγάλῃ Τάφρῳ, περὶ Τάφρον (Polyb. IV. 33. Pausan. IV. 6. 1. 17. 2.), in which Aristocrates is supposed to have betrayed the Messenians, was also mentioned by Tyrtæus; but the account which he gave of it quite differs from that in Pausanias, viz. that the Spartans were intentionally posted in front of a trench, that they might not be able to run away. Eustratius ad Aristot. Eth. Nic. III. 8. 5. fol. 46. καὶ οἱ πρὸ τῶν τάφρων καὶ τῶν τοιούτων παρατάττοντες. τοῦτο περὶ Λακεδαιμονίων λέγοι ἄν; τοιαύτην γάρ τινα μάχην, ὄτε πρὸς Μεσηνίους ἐμαχέσαντο, ἐπολέμουν, ἧς καὶ Τυρταῖος μνημονεύει.

641.

According to Pausanias.

642.

Pausan. IV 15. 4. What he says in IV. 24. 1. does not, however, agree well with this.

643.

Herod. III. 41. That the Lacedæmonians, at the beginning of the second war, dedicated a statue of Jupiter, twelve feet in height, at Olympia, with the inscription in Pausan. V. 24. 1. is merely a conjecture of the ἐξηγηταί.

644.

The passage of Strabo VIII. p. 362. should be arranged thus: “Tyrtæus says that the second conquest of Messenia took place,” ἡνίκα φησὶν αὐτὸς στρατηγῆσαι τὸν πόλεμον τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις, καὶ γὰρ εἶναί φησιν ἐκεῖθεν ἐν τῇ ἐλεγείᾳ ἥν ἐπιγράφουσιν Εὐνομίαν; Αὐτὸς γὰρ Κρονίων—νῆσον ἀφικόμεθα. Ὤστε ἤ ταῦτα ἈΚΥΡΩΤΕΟΝ τὰ ἐλεγεῖα (for ἠκύρωται τὰ ἐλ. some MSS. have ΗΚΥΡΩΤΑΙΟΝΤΑ), ἢ Φιλοχόρῳ ἀπιστητέον καὶ Καλλισθένει καὶ ἄλλοις πλείοσιν εἰποῦσιν ἐξ Ἀθηνῶν καὶ Ἀφιδνῶν ἀφίκεσθαι. Comp. p. 52. n. d., and Porson's Adversaria, p. 39. But there is nothing surprising in Tyrtæus, who lived among the Dorians, speaking of the whole nation in the first person plural, without mentioning his own different origin. In the same manner Tyrtæus says of the Spartan nation as of a whole, Μεσσήνην εἵλομεν εὐρύχορον, Pausan. IV. 6. 2. Compare the verses of Mimnermus in Strab. XIV. p. 634. The Laconian town of Aphidnæ, from which the Leucippidæ are supposed to have come, has probably arisen from some misunderstanding. (Steph. Byz. in v.) Archimbrotus also, the father of Tyrtæus (Suidas in v.), looks like an etymological invention; Ἀρχίμβροτος, “the ruler of men.”

645.

Concerning a defeat of the Spartans by the Argives, see below, § 13.

646.

Callisthenes ap. Polyb. IV. 33. 2. Aristomenes, according to Pausan. IV. 24. married his sister and daughters to persons at Phigalea, Lepreum, and Heræa. This is alluded to in a verse from the fifth book of Rhianus in Steph. Byz. in v. Φιγάλεια, τὴν μὲν ἀνήγετ᾽ ἄκοιτιν ἐπὶ κραναὴν Φιγάλειαν, viz. Tharyx.

647.

This circumstance was narrated by Rhianus in the sixth (probably the last) book, in which Atabyrum, a town in Rhodes, was mentioned, Steph. Byz. in v. Ἀτάβυρον.

648.

Aristotle Polit. II. 6. 8. speaks of wars with Argos, Arcadia, and Messenia, before the time of Lycurgus; but probably he is incorrect. According to Polyæn. VIII. 34. the Tegeatans took king Theopompus prisoner (provided the king is meant): and the same authority states II. 13. that Mantinea was taken by Eurypon.

649.

Pausan. VIII. 39. 2.

650.

Pausan. VIII. 48. 3. concerning Ἄρης γυναικοθοίας, compare III. 7. 3.

651.

Herod. I. 67. Pausan. III. 3. 5. comp. Dio Chrys. Orat. XVII. p. 251. C. the speech of the Tegeatans in Herodotus IX. 26. Polyænus I. 11.

652.

At this time probably the oracle was delivered, which held out such deceitful promises to the Spartans, Δώσω τοι Τεγέην ποσσίκροτον ὀρχήσασθαι, Καὶ καλὸν πέδιον σχοίνῳ διαμετρήσασθαι, Herod. I. 66. The ambiguity lies in the word ὀρχήσασθαι, which may be derived from ὄρχος. Also διαμετρήσασθαι signifies the condition of a Helot, or a Clarotes, who receives a measured-out piece of land to cultivate.

653.

See the stratagem of king Ἄλνης (Ἄλεος Casaubon) in Polyæn. I. 8.

654.

See below, ch. 9. § 1.

655.

Above, ch. 5. § 1, 4, 5.

656.

Pausan. IV. 5. 1. The Amphictyons decided concerning Thyrea, Plutarch Parallel. Hist. Gr. et Rom. 3.

657.

Herod. VI. 92. sqq.

658.

Concerning these Amphictyons, see Ste Croix Governemens fédératifs anciens, p. 100. who, however, treats the subject with his usual carelessness. See Boeckh Corp. Inscript. n. 1121. cf. n. 1124. Maffei in Muratori, 561.

659.

I should not now venture to make such positive assertions as those made in my Æginetica, p. 54.

660.

III. 2. 2. III. 7. 1.

661.

Paus. III. 2. 2. III. 7.1.

662.

III. 7. 3. and hence perhaps Œnomaus ap. Euseb. Præp. Ev. p. 133. Steph.

663.

II. 26. 5. III. 7. 5. IV. 8. 1. IV. 14. 2. IV. 43. 6.

664.

Thus, according to Herodotus, Hermione and Asine ἡ πρὸς Καρδαμύλῇ τῇ Λακωνικῇ, which then probably was the nearest place of importance, belonged to the Dryopians; comp. Theopompus ap. Strab. p. 373.

665.

See Boeckh. Inscript. n. 1193.

666.

Æginetica, pp. 51-63.

667.

With regard to the dominion of his brother in Macedonia, the relation of this narrative to that in Herodotus VIII. 137. appears to me to be as follows. Both describe the same event; but the latter is the rude native tradition of Macedon, formed among a people which had few historical memorials; the former is derived from an Argive tradition, and, though as well as the other not purely historical, is yet connected together in a more probable manner. Κάρανος is perhaps only another form of Κοίρανος; see Hesychius in Κόραννος. The account of Euripides, that Archelaus, the son of Temenus, took the city of Ægæ in Macedonia, whither he had come as a goatherd in great distress (Hyginus Fab. 219; Dio Chrysost. p. 70.), is the most unfounded. Whether Isocrates (ad Philipp. p. 88. D.) was acquainted with the tradition concerning Caranus, or followed the account of Herodotus, does not appear. There is also a discrepancy in the account of Constant. Porphyr. Them. I. p. 1453. See Appendix I. § 15.

668.

Æginetica, p. 57. cf. Addenda, p. 199.

669.

And only silver (not τό τε ἄλλο καὶ τὸ ἀργυροῦν, as Strabo says), since copper was not coined till a much later period, and gold was first coined in Asia. In the Etymologicum Gudianum, p. 549. 58. it is stated inaccurately that Phido reduced the measures.

670.

See book III. c. 10. § 12. The ancient Macedonian coins were struck according to the same standard.

671.

Polyb. II. 37. 10.

672.

See in general Julian. Epist. ad Arg. 35. p. 407.

673.

According to Eusebius, p. 1297. ed. Pont. Pausanias places τὸν περὶ τῆς Θυρεάτιδος ἀγῶνα at the end of the reign of Theopompus, at the same date; Solinus, c. 13. in the seventeenth year of Romulus.

674.

Otherwise Herodotus could not have said of the Cynurians, ἐκδεδωρίευνται ὑπό τε Ἀργείων ἀρχόμενοι καὶ τοῦ χρόνον. Compare Æginetica, p. 47.

675.

Pausan. II. 24. 8.

676.

In addition to the passages in Æginetica ubi sup. see the Epigrams of Simonides VIII. 431. of Dioscorides VII. 430. Damagetus 432. Nicander 526. Chæremon 720. Gætulicus 244. in the Palatine Anthology. According to Isocrates Archid. p. 136. D. 300 Spartans destroyed all the Argives. It is a remarkable continuation of the legend, that Perilaus, the son of Alcenor, who went away too soon (Herod. I. 82.), a conqueror at the Nemean games, slew Othryadas, Pausan. II. 20. 6.—The offerings of the Argives for the battle of Thyrea, as well as those of the Tegeatans for a victory over Sparta, at Delphi (Pausan. X. 9. 3, 6.), cannot, from the dates of the artificers, have been made before the 100th Olympiad (380 B.C.).

677.

Hence their institution (according to Eusebius, Olymp. 27. 3. 678 B.C.) is derived from that event. See Athen. XIV. p. 631. Ruhnken ad Tim. p. 54. Hesychius in Θυρεατικοὶ στέφανοι. Apostolius VI. 56.—Compare Manso, Sparta, I. 2. p. 211.

678.

Lucian Icaromenipp. c. 18. calls Cynuria, taking indeed a bird's-eye view, a χωρίον κατ᾽ οὐδὲν φακοῦ Αἰγυπτίου πλατύτερον, “not wider than a bean.”

679.

Pausan. IV. 24. 1. IV. 35. 2.

680.

According to Eusebius in Olymp. 51. 6. ed. Pontac. comp. Corsini Dissert. Agon. p. 51.

681.

As Dissen has shown, ad Pind. Nem. IV. p. 381.

682.

From this I have explained Herod. VIII. 73. in my Æginetica, p. 47, where however the σύνοικοι after the Persian war are not different from the former Periœci.

683.

I. 18. and compare I. 76. and I. 122. See also Herodotus V. 92. 1. ἄπειροι τυράννων καὶ φυλάσσοντες δεινότατα τοῦτο ἐν τῇ Σπάρτῇ μὴ γενέσθαι, Sosicles the Corinthian says to the Spartans, “Heaven and earth will be changed, before you abolish free governments (ἰσοκρατίαι) in order to introduce tyrannies.” See also Dionys. Halicarn. Lys. 30. p. 523. The Syracusans also overthrew many tyrants, before they had one of their own, Aristot. Polit. V. 8. 18.

684.

Tyrtæus Fragm. 3. v. 8. Gaisford.

685.

Libanius in Sever, vol. III. p. 251. Reisk.

686.

Polit. V. 9. 21.

687.

The series is not, however, quite certain, as Herodotus VI. 126. only goes down as far as Andreas. Aristotle merely says, Ὀρθαγόρου παῖδες καὶ αὐτὸς Ὀρθαγόρας, and Plutarch, de sera Num. Vind. 7 (see Wyttenbach. p. 44). Ὀρθαγόρας καὶ μετ᾽ ἐκεῖνον οἱ περὶ Μύρωνα καὶ Κλεισθένην. From the new Excerpta of Diodorus, VII-X. 14. Script. Vet. Nov. Coll. vol. II. p. 11. Mai, it appears that Andreas and Orthagoras are probably the same person: for Andreas is stated also to have been a cook, by whom the dynasty was first raised.

688.

Pausan. VI. 19. 2. II. 8. 1. where for Πύρρων write Μύρων.

689.

Herod. I. 163. and others.

690.

Aristot. Pol. V. 10. 3. For what Aristotle says, μεταβάλλει καὶ εἰς τυραννίδα τυραννὶς, ὥσπερ ἡ Σικυῶνος ἐκ τῆς Μύρωνος εἰς τὴν Κλεισθένους, implies that the tyranny did not pass quietly from Myron to Cleisthenes, but that the latter re-acquired it by force.

691.

Book III. ch. 4. § 3.

692.

Herod. V. 67. Ἀργείοισι πολεμήσας.

693.

See, besides Herodotus, Diodor. Exc. 2. p. 550. with Wesseling's Notes.

694.

Herodotus, followed by Dio Chrysost. III. p. 43 B. I would now in this passage of Herodotus (V. 67.) retain λευστῆρα, where Casaubon proposed ληιστῆρα; not, however, in a passive sense, but according to its grammatical form, for a stone-slinger, i.e. a γύμνης or ψιλοὸς, the great mass of light-armed soldiers being furnished with slings. Compare e.g. Thuc. I. 106. οἱ ψιλοὶ κατέλευσαν.—“Adrastus is king of the Argives, but thou art a common bond-slave,” says the oracle to Cleisthenes.

695.

Pausan. II. 9. 6. X. 37. 4. Schol. Pindar. Nem. IX. 2. Polyæn. III. 5. It is remarkable that Sparta took no part in this war.

696.

See Boeckh Explic. Pindar. Olymp. XII. p. 206.

697.

Pausan. II. 9. 6.

698.

Pausan. X. 7. 5.

699.

For the tyranny lasted, according to Aristotle and Diodorus, p. 11. Mai, 100 years, i.e. from about the 26th to the 51st Olympiad, 676-576 B.C.

700.

Herod. V. 68.

701.

Herod. VI. 128.

702.

Strab. p. 378. About 200 men according to Diodorus ap. Syncell. Cronograph. p. 178. Par.

703.

Herod. V. 92. 2.

704.

Aristot. Pol. V. 8. 4. V. 9. 22.

705.

Ælian. V. II. I. 19.

706.

Concerning a stratagem of Cypselus on this occasion, see Polyænus V. 31. 1. That a Bacchiad, Demaratus, should have gone at this time to Italy, is very probable; but that the Tarquins were descended from him is a fiction. See Niebuhr's History of Rome, vol. I. p. 215.

707.

According to Eusebius, which agrees with the 447 years in Diodorus (Fragm. 6. p. 635. Wessel.), from the return of the Heraclidæ until Cypselus. It is not easy to see what were Strabo's grounds for reckoning the dominion of the Bacchiadæ at 200 years, VIII. p. 378. According to Diodorus they were Prytanes for only 90 years.

708.

Aristot. ubi sup.

709.

Plutarch. Sept. Sapient. 21. cf. Sympos. Qu. VIII. 4. 4. p. 361.

710.

Herod. V. 92. 6. according to Schol. Plat. Hipp. Maj. p. 135 Ruhnk. he was πρῶτον δημοτικὸς, as should be read in Apostol. XX. 47.

711.

Herod, ubi sup. Aristot. Pol. III. 8. 3. V. 8. 7. V. 9. 2.

712.

Aristot. Pol. V. 9. 2.

713.

Nicolaus Damascenus.

714.

Aristot. Pol. V. 9. 22. Heraclid. Pont. 5. Nicol. Damasc.

715.

Βουλὴν ἐπ᾽ ἐσχάτων, Heraclides. Compare Aristot. Pol. V. 6. γίγνονται δὲ μεταβολαὶ τῆς ὀλιγαρχίας καὶ ὅταν ἀναλώσωσι τὰ ἴδια, ζῶντες ἀσελγῶς. καὶ γὰρ οἱ τοιοῦτοι καινοτομεῖν ζητοῦσι, καὶ ἢ τυραννίδι ἐπιτίθενται αὐτοὶ, ἢ κατασκευάζουσιν ἔτερον.

716.

Ibid.

717.

Book III. ch. 3. § 3.

718.

Heraclides. Perhaps for προαγωγοὶ should be written προσαγωγοὶ (like the ποταγωγίδες of Sicily, book III. ch. 9. § 7. note).

719.

See Book II. ch. 10. § 7.

720.

Concerning the Colossi and offerings of the Cypselidæ, see Aristot. Polit. V. 9. 2. Theophrast. ap. Phot, in Κυψελιδῶν ἀνάθημα. Ephorus ap. Diog. Laërt. I. 96. Pausan. V. 2. 4. Plato Phædr. p. 236 et Schol. p. 313. ed. Bekker. Strabo VIII. p. 353. 378. Plutarch de Pyth. orac. 13. See book III. ch. 10. § 12.

721.

Herodotus. Compare Antenor and Dionysius of Chalcedon, in Plutarch, de Malign. Herod. 22. p. 302. and the elegant legend in Pliny H. N. IX. 41.

722.

See above, ch. 6. § 8. Besides Gorgus, there was also at Ambracia a tyrant named Periander, Aristot. Polit. V. 8. 9. Plutarch. Amator. 23. p. 60. perhaps the son of Gorgus.

723.

Either to this person, or to Periander, or to Cypselus, the beautiful Rhadina of Samos was, according to Stesichorus (ap. Strab. VIII. p. 347.) sent as a bride, but she was killed out of jealousy. That it was the Ionic Samos is proved against Strabo by Pausan. VII. 5. 6.

724.

There is some difficulty in the chronology of this family; the following is a genealogical table:—

[Transcriber's Note: Here are the relationships shown in the table:

Aristocrates of Orchomenus: Father of Aristodemus and Eristhenea.

Eristhenea married Procles of Epidaurus, and bore Melissa.

Aëtion fathered Cypselus, who fathered Gorgus and Periander, who married Melissa.

Melissa and Periander parented Cypselus and Lycophron.]

There are also Gordias and Psammetichus, as to whom nothing is known. See Æginetica, p. 64. sqq. Periander ruled from Olymp. 38. 1. (Eusebius) to Olymp. 48. 4. (Sosicrates ap. Diog. Laërt. I. 74.), 44 years according to Aristotle. This is not inconsistent with the fact mentioned by Herodotus V. 95 and Apollodorus (p. 411. Heyn. comp. Timæus ap. Strab. 13. p. 600. A. Aristot. Rhet. I. 15. 14.) that he decided between Athens and Mytilene concerning Sigeum, since Phrynon of Athens (victor in the 36th Olympiad, Afric.) had contended on this same point with Pittacus in Olym. 43. 1. (Eusebius), before the time of Pisistratus. Compare Polyænus I. 25. Plutarch de Herod. Malign. 15. Diog. Laert. i. 74. Festus in Retiarii. Schol. Æsch. Eumen. 401. The narrative of Herodotus is not arranged entirely in a chronological order. Periander, however, was reigning, according to Herodotus I. 20. in the fifth year of the reign of Halyattes (Olymp. 41), and before his death sent him a present of Corcyræan boys, in the third generation (i.e. in the 16th Olympiad), before the siege of Samos by the Lacedæmonians (Olymp. 63.), as Panofka (Res Samiorum, p. 30.) has rightly corrected in Herod. III. 48. (γ᾽ γενεῇ πρότερον) from Plutarch, de Malign. Herod. 22. Cypselus, according to Herodotus, reigned thirty years, and therefore ascended the throne in Olymp. 30. 3.; the Cypselidæ ruled altogether 76-1/2 years (according to my emendation of Aristot. Pol. V. 9. 22); Procles reigned from about the 35th to the 49th Olympiad; Aristocrates goes as far back as the 25th Olympiad.

725.

Æginetica, p. 64.

726.

Who himself had aimed at the tyranny of Athens so early as the 42d Olympiad. Thucyd. I. 126. Heinrich, Epimenides, p. 83.

727.

Aristot. Rhet. I. 2. 19. Polit. V. 4. 4.

728.

Like the Enneacrunus of the Pisistratidæ. Pausan. I. 40. 1. I. 41. 2. Theognis v. 894. ὡς κυψελλίζον Ζεὺς ὀλέσειε γένος cannot well refer to a factio Cypselidarum, especially if it has any connexion with what precedes, concerning the Persian war; but κυψελλίζειν must mean “to be deaf,” “to have the ears closed,” from κυψέλη.

729.

I will only mention the tyrants in Doric states.—Cleobulus at Lindos, who was similar to Periander, Plutarch, de EI 3. p. 118. comp. Clem. Alex. Strom. IV. p. 523 B. (the Diagoridæ however still continued at Ialysus). Cadmus in the island of Cos, whose history must, from Herod. VI. 23. and VII. 164. be as follows. Scythes, the tyrant of Zancle, being driven out by the Samians (Olymp. 70. 4. 497 B.C.), fled to the king of Persia, and remained chiefly at his court. To Scythes' son, Cadmus, the king of Persia probably gave the island of Cos. For though it might be objected that Cadmus could not have been the son of Scythes of Zancle, since the latter, according to Herodotus, died in Persia (ἐν Πέρσῃσι), whereas Cadmus inherited the tyranny from his father (παρὰ πατρός); it may be answered that Scythes, notwithstanding that the king had given him the government of Cos, yet did not reside there, but at the Persian court, as we know to have been the case with Histiæus. Afterwards, however, before the 75th Olympiad (480 B.C.), having made a treaty with the Samians, he returned to his ancient country. He was followed by Epicharmus the comic poet, Suidas, in v. Ἐπίχαρμος. At his departure from Cos he gave the state its liberty, and instituted a senate (βουλή). He was a contemporary of Hippolochus the Asclepiad, and the ancestor by the mother's side of Thessalus. See the 7th Epistle of Hippocrates. In Sicily, Oleander and the family of Hippocrates, Gelon and Hieron, at Gela and then at Syracuse; Phalaris, and afterwards Theron, and Thrasidæus at Agrigentum; Anaxilas at Rhegium and Zancle; Panætius (Olymp. 41. 3. 614 B.C.) at Leontini. See Aristot. Pol. V. 8. 1. V. 10. 4. Perhaps also Aristophilidas of Tarentum (Herod. III. 136.) was a tyrant. Tyrants also existed in Italy, in Croton, Sybaris, and Cyme.

730.

Ap. Plutarch, de Herod. Malign. 21. p. 308. Compare Manso, Sparta, I. 2. p. 308.

731.

Although they were the guests of Sparta, τὰ γὰρ τοῦ θεοῦ πρεσβύτερα ἐποιοῦντο ἢ τὰ τῶν ανδρῶν, Herod. V. 63. 90. Thuc. VI. 53. Aristoph. Lysist. 1150, &c.

732.

See Aristot. Pol. V. 5. 1. and his πολίτεια Ναξίων in Athenæus VIII. p. 348. According to Herod. I. 61. 64. Lygdamis was established in his government by Pisistratus, about the 60th Olympiad (540 B.C.). Comp. Heyne Nov. Comment. Gott. II. Class. Phil. p. 65.

733.

See above, § 2. Sicyon gave ships to Cleomenes about the 65th Olympiad, or 520 B.C.

734.

Before the time of Histiæus.

735.

Lycurg. 30.

736.

Herod. III. 54. Plutarch. de Herod. Malign. 21.

737.

This follows from Plutarch ubi sup. and Cimon c. 16. Herod. VI. 12. Pausan. III. 7, 8.

738.

Herod. VII. 159.

739.

According to Pausan. III. 4. 1. Therefore before Olymp. 65. 1. or 520 B.C. for Cleomenes was then king, as is evident from a comparison of Herod. VI. 108. with Thucyd. III. 68. He was in that year in the neighbourhood of Platæa. According to Plutarch. Lacon. Apophth. p. 212. Cleomenes was regent in the 63rd Olympiad (525 B. C), when the Samians came to Sparta: this however would give too great a length to his reign, (which Herodotus states to have been of short duration,) viz., from about 525 to 491 B.C.

740.

It appears that this wood was near Sepea in the territory of Tiryns. Apostolius IV. 27. states that the battle took place on the Ἄργους λόφος. The stratagem of Cleomenes is narrated after Herodotus by Polyænus I. 14.

741.

The marvellous narrative of Herodotus VI. 77 sqq. is also unconnected, from there being no explanation of the two first verses of the oracle, ἀλλ᾽ ὅταν ἡ θήλεια, which however must have referred to some real event. Or does Herodotus refer θήλεια to Juno? Pausanias II. 20. doubts whether Herodotus understands it. But the story of Telesilla in Pausanias, Plutarch. de Mul. Virt. 5. p. 269. and Polyænus VIII. 33. is very fabulous. The festival Ὕβριστικὰ could not have had this historical origin, but must have belonged to the mystical rites of some elementary deities. The number of the Argives who were slain is stated by Plutarch and Polyænus to have been 7777; by others 6000 (also a tradition of a seven days' armistice in Plut. Lac. Apoph. p. 211.). This is the battle ἐν τῇ ἑβδόμῃ ἱσταμένου, but of what month we are ignorant, Pol. V. 2. 8. Plut. Mul. Virt. ubi sup. Others placed it at the νουμηνία of the fourth month, anciently Hermæus, but only because the Ὕβριστικὰ were then celebrated. See Clem. Alex. Strom. IV. p. 522. ed. Sylb. Suidas in v. Τελέσιλλα.

742.

Concerning these slaves, see book III. ch. 3. § 2.

743.

Polit. V. 2. 8. Plutarch confounds bond-slaves and Periœci.

744.

See Schol. Ven. ad Il. B. 108. concerning the nine hamlets (islands) near Argos.

745.

Pausan. VIII. 27. 1.

746.

Strabo VIII. p. 376. distinguishes Orneæ κώμη τῆς Ἀργείας from the city near Sicyon, as also in the same place a κώμη named Asine, p. 373 B.

747.

Diod. XI. 65.

748.

Strabo p. 377. Yet Cleonæ soon occurs again as a friendly state.

749.

Ch. 7. § 15. Cleonæ was at that time engaged in a war with Corinth, Plutarch. Cimon. 17.

750.

Pausan. VII. 25. 3. Comp. Diodorus XI. 65. It is remarkable how rapidly Mycenæ fell into oblivion among the Athenians. Æschylus does not once mention it; succeeding poets frequently confound it with Argos. In the Electra of Sophocles there is throughout the play the most confused notion of the locality; compare Elmsley ad Eurip. Heraclid. 188. Concerning the destruction of Mycenæ, see Brunck Analect. tom. II. p. 105. n. 248.

751.

Pausan. II. 25. 7. cf. II. 17. 5. VIII. 46. 2. Concerning the emigration, see Strabo VIII. p. 373 B. and Ephorus lib. VI. ap. Steph. Byz. in v. Ἁλιεῖς. ὅτι οὗτοι Τιρύνθιοί εἰσιν, &c. In Stephanus in v. Τίρυνς, as well as in Strabo ubi sup. the Hermioneans in Halieis are spoken of. There is much that is very singular in the oracle, ποῖ τὺ λαβὼν καὶ ποῖ τὺ καθίξω καὶ ποῖ τὺ οἴκησιν ἔχων ἀλιέα τε κεκλῆσθαι. See App. V. § 11.

752.

Herod. VIII. 43. The Hermioneans however maintained their ancient connexions at a later period; see above, ch. 7. § 13.

753.

Pausan. II. 34. 5. Strabo adds the destruction of Asine; but this took place at a much earlier period. The statement of Strabo (p. 373 D.) that the Mycenæans used Eiones as their ναύσταθμον, must, if it is correct, refer to some time before the 75th Olympiad, or 480 B.C.

Pausan. II. 25. 1.

Diod. XII. 75.

Herod. VII. 148.

Herod. I. 30. where the ἀστυγείτονες are the Megarians, not the Eleusinians.

758.

Pausan. I. 40, 45. Strabo IX. p. 271. Herod. Vit. Homer. c. 28. Polyæn. Strateg. I. 20. 1, 2. Diogen. Laërt. I. 48. Quinctil. V. 11.

759.

Plutarch. Comp. Solon, et Public. 4.

760.

Pausan. I. 40. 4.

761.

Plutarch. Solon. 10. 12. confirmed by Ælian. V. H. VII. 19. There was at Delphi a statue of Apollo armed with a lance, mentioned by Plutarch Pyth. Orac. 16. p. 273. and Pausan. X. 15. 1. which was offered up by the Megarians after a victory over Athens, i.e. after that gained in Olymp. 83. 3. see book III. ch. 9, § 10.

762.

Pausan. V. 23. 1. compare Æginetica, p. 126.

763.

They occur in the following order; Corinth, Sicyon, Megara, and Epidaurus, at a later period, after the destruction of Ægina.

764.

Herod. VIII. 72.

765.

Καὶ ἄλλα γέρεα μεγάλα καὶ—IX. 26. Thucyd. V. 67. Concerning the fidelity of Phlius towards Sparta, see Theodoret. Græc. Affin. IX. 16.

Thuc. II. 9.

Thuc. V. 29.

Herod. IX. 77.

Herod. VIII. 72.

Herod. VII. 202.

παραστάται, Diod. XV. 12. See also Xen. Hell. V. 2. 3.

772.

Thuc. V. 29. 33.

773.

Thuc. IV. 134. Concerning this internal war, see below, § 9.

774.

Thuc. V. 29. See book III. ch. 4, § 7.

775.

Ἡγεῖσθαι, ἡγεμονεύειν, Thuc. I. 71. The Corinthian orator says to the Spartans, τὴν Πελοπόννησον πειρᾶσθε μὴ ἐλάσσω ἐξηγεῖσθαι (ad finem) ἢ οἱ πατέρες ὑμῖν παρέδοσαν.

776.

Thuc. II. 10. περιήγγελλον κατὰ τὴν Πελοπόννησον.

777.

Likewise ships, implements for sieges, &c. Thucyd. III. 16. VII. 18.

778.

For expeditious without Peloponnesus τὰ δύο μέρη, i.e. two thirds of the whole, appear to have been the common proportion, Thuc. III. 15. Demosth. in Neær. p. 1379.

779.

Ἀργυρίον ῥητόν. Thuc. II. 7.

780.

Boeckh Inscript. No. 1511. It is probably of the time of Lysander.

781.

Ὡς οὐ τεταγμένα σιτεῖται πόλεμος, Plutarch. Cleomen. 27. (Ἀρχίδαμος ὁ παλαιὸς, i.e. the second, ὑπὸ τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ Πελοποννησιακοῦ πολέμου.) Compare Plutarch. Demosth. 17. Crassus 17. Reg. Apophth. p. 126. and Lacon. Apophth. p. 202. Hutten. In this passage the apophthegm is incorrectly attributed to Archidamus the Third, although the Peloponnesian war is mentioned in connexion with it.

782.

Thuc. I. 141.

783.

Thuc. V. 54. Cleomenes also, Herod. V. 14. conceals the real object; but the army is soon separated.

784.

Thuc. ubi sup.

785.

See book III. ch. 12. The army of the 10,000, although composed entirely of mercenaries, was in many respects like an allied army, and was under Spartan discipline.

Thucyd. II. 10.

I. 141.

Ibid.

Thucyd. I. 125. καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἐψηφίσαντο. V. 30. κύριον εἶναι ὅτι ἂν τὸ πλῆθοσ τῶν ξυμμάχων ψηφίσηται ἢν μή τι θεῶν ἢ ἡρώων κώλυμα ᾖ. V. 17. the Megarians, Eleans, Corinthians, and Bœotians are outvoted. But, according to I. 40, 41, the vote of the Corinthians alone prevented the Peloponnesians from succouring the Samians, i.e. they gave the preponderance to the party opposed to war.

790.

Besides Herodotus V. 93. see Dio Chrys. Orat. XXXVII. p. 459. 15.

791.

Thucyd. I. 67.

792.

Thuc. ubi sup. Xenoph. Hell. V. 2. 11. 20.

793.

Herod. IX. 9. where however he is distinguished from the ἄγγελοι. Compare Plutarch de Malign. Herod. 41. Polyæn. V. 30. 1. Plutarch Themistocl. 6.

794.

See the treaty in Thucyd. V. 77, 79.

795.

Thucyd. I. 28. cf. V. 79.

796.

V. 31.

797.

V. 7, 9. καττὰ πάτρια δίκας διδόναι τὰς ἴσας καὶ ὁμοίας. The expression καττὰ πάτρια does not at all refer to ancient treaties of the Dorians. The πατρῷοι σπονδαὶ in Pausan. III. 5. 8. probably refer to the tradition mentioned above, ch. 5. § 16.

798.

Thucyd. ubi sup. τοῖς δὲ ἔταις καττὰ πάτρια δικάζεσθαι.

799.

Herod. VI. 84.

800.

VI. 108. ἐδίδοσαν σφέας αὐτούς.

801.

V. 70.

802.

V. 49. 70.

803.

According to Justin XIX. 1. the Sicilian states also applied to Leonidas for assistance against Carthage. How general the respect for Sparta was at that time in Greece, is shown by several passages in Pindar, which are not otherwise intelligible, e.g. Pyth. V. 73.

804.

See Appendix IV.

805.

Pers. 819.

806.

Thuc. II. 71. III. 58. 68.

807.

Herod. IX. 106.—These σπονδαὶ are also probably the ζυνθῆκαι, according to which the Athenians wished δίκας δοῦναι at the beginning of the war, Thuc. I. 144, 145.

808.

Thuc. I. 95.

809.

Diod. XI. 50.

810.

Thuc. VI. 82. αὐτοὶ δὲ τῶν ὑπὸ τῷ βασιλεῖ πρότερον ὄντων ἡγεμονες καταστάντες.

811.

Of this Eichstädt has treated in his Notes to the translation of Mitford's History of Greece; also Mosche in a Dissertation De eo quod in Cornelii Vitis faciendum restat. Francof. 1802; and lastly, Dahlmann in his Forschungen auf dem Gebiet der Geschichte, vol. I. p. 1-148. with great clearness and accuracy.

812.

Herod. VI. 42. See my Review of a work of Kortüm's, Göttingische Anzeigen, 1822. p. 117.

813.

Thuc. VIII. 5. cf. 46. ὅσοι ἐν τῇ βασιλέως Ἕλληνες οἰκοῦσι, an official expression of frequent occurrence.

814.

Plutarch. Themist. 29. Thucyd. I. 138. Diod. XI. 57. His sons also appear to have possessed them, according to Pausan. I. 26. 4.

815.

Xenoph. Hell. III. 1. 6. To this family Procles also belongs, who married the daughter of Aristotle (when the latter was at Atarneus), and had by her two sons, Procles and Demaratus, Sextus Empiricus adv. Mathem. p. 51 B. ed. Col.

816.

Xenoph. ubi sup.

817.

Thucyd. V. 1.

818.

Herod. IX. 35. Pausan. III. 11. Isocrat. Archid. p. 136 A. Hence also Leotychides in 469 B.C. went to Tegea in exile, Herod. VI. 72. Herodotus IX. 37. also mentions a dissension between Tegea and Sparta before the Persian war.

819.

Fragm. 21. Gaisford.

820.

At that time also Tegea assisted Argos against Mycenæ; above, ch. 8. § 7.

821.

Polyænus I. 41. 5. confounds Archidamus III. and II. Plato Leg. III. p. 692. has not an accurate idea of the time of this war, of which Diodorus XI. 64, has given altogether an incorrect and inconsistent representation.

822.

Plin. H. N. II. 79, 81. Cicero de Divin. I. 50.

823.

The ἄγος Ταινάριον. See Thucyd. I. 128. Ælian. V. H. VI. 7. Suidas in Ταινάριον κακόν. Apostolius XVIII. 92. Prov. Vat. IV. 12. Plutarch. Prov. Al. 54. Pausan. IV. 24. 2. who mentions Lacedæmonians instead of Helots.

824.

Thucyd. I. 101. ᾗ καὶ Μεσσήνιοι ἐκλήθησαν οἱ πάντες.

825.

Herod. IX. 64.

826.

If in Herod. IX. 35. the alteration πρὸς Ἰθώμῃ may be ventured. The expression of Pausanias III. 11. πρὸς τοὺς ἐξ Ἰσθμοῦ Ἰθώμην ἀποστήσαντας is compounded of the passage of Herodotus, which he reads as we now have it, and Thucyd. I. 101. οἱ Εἵλωτες—ἐς Ἰθώμην απεστησαν.

827.

Thucyd. II. 27. IV. 56.

828.

Xenoph. Hell. V. 2. 3.

829.

Thucyd. III. 54.

830.

Aristoph. Lysistr. 1138. The 4000 hoplitæ, here mentioned by Aristophanes, were about the third part of the disposable forces of Athens (Thuc. II. 13); and since the Platæans likewise sent τὸ τρίτον μέρος of their numbers to the assistance of the Spartans (ib. III. 54. ἰδιᾳ as opposed to the rest of Bœotia), this was probably a contingent fixed for such cases. Platæa, it should be observed, had been on friendly terms with Sparta after the time of Pausanias, and been connected with that state by προξενίαι, to which the son of the Platæan general Arimnestus owed his name of Lacon, Thuc. III. 52, where we should read Ἀριμνήστου, or vice versâ in Plutarch Aristid. 11. and 19. Ἀείμνηστος should be read for Ἀρίμνηστος.

831.

Thucyd. Compare Manso, Sparta, vol. I. p. 377. They must also at that time have been angry with the Athenians on account of Thasos.

832.

These συνθῆκαι may, I believe, be safely referred to this time; from which Aristotle, quoted in Plutarch, Qu. Rom. 52. p. 343. and Qu. Gr. 5. p. 380. cites the passages in the text on account of the expression χρηστὸν ποιεῖν, for “to kill.” Compare Hesychius: χρηστοὶ οἱ καταδεδικασμένοι. That the Arcadians in a certain manner carried on war for the Helots is also implied in Zenobius Prov. I. 59.

833.

Thucyd. III. 112. IV. 3. cf. VII. 57. οἱ Μεσσήνιοι νῦν καλούμενοι.

834.

Thucyd. I. 102. The σπονδαὶ Παυσανίου still, however, remained in force (the συνθῆκαι in cap. 144).

835.

Æginetica, p. 179. and see Boeckh ad Pind. Pyth. VIII. Dissen ad Nem. VIII. 15.

836.

See the excellent explanation of Boeckh ad Pind. Isthm. VI. p. 532.

837.

On the oligarchical troubles in Olymp. 80. 4. (457 B.C.) and the probable share of Cimon in them, see the accurate discussion in Meier's Historia Juris Attici de Bonis damnatis, p. 4. n. 11.

838.

Thuc. I. 118. τὸ δέ τι καὶ πολέμοις οἰκείοις ἐξειργόμενοι.

839.

See Boeckh's Public Economy of Athens, vol. II. p. 396, note.

840.

Thucyd. I. 115. Νίσαιαν καὶ Πηγὰς καὶ Τροιζῆνα καὶ Ἀχαΐαν; for in this order the words should be read. Achaia therefore is the district on the north of Peloponnesus, which indeed did not belong to Athens, but was enumerated in the lists of the contending parties as belonging to the Athenian side (concerning these lists see Thucyd. I. 31, 40.), and at this time passed over to that of the Lacedæmonians. See Thucyd. IV. 21. Compare the very confused account in Andocides Περὶ εἰρένης, and that of Æschines borrowed from it.

841.

Thucyd. I. 40. See above, p. 200. note e. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “strong opposition,” starting “Thucyd. I. 125.”]

842.

The meaning of the article in the thirty years' truce, Thucyd. I. 35. can only be, States not included in the alliance may join whichever side they please, by which means they come within the treaty, and the alliance guarantees their safety. But if a state already at war with another state party to the treaty (ἔνσπονδος) is assisted, a war of this description is like one undertaken by the confederacy of the assisting state.

843.

Thucyd. II. 54.

844.

The Asiatic cities are not exceptions; in Rhodes also the Doric spirit rose against Athens in the person of the noble Dorieus.

845.

Thucyd. III. 86. with the exception of Camarina.

846.

Thucyd. II. 8. cf. 11.

847.

Thucyd. I. 118. 123. Plutarch. Pyth. Or. 19. p. 276.

848.

The Spartans were at first quite contemptible by sea; Alcidas in particular was destitute of all talent, Thucyd. III. 30, 31. sq.

849.

Thucyd. I. 103. V. 82.

850.

I. 121. cf. Isocrat. de Pace, p. 174, E. οἰ συνάγοντες ἐξ ἁπάσης τῆς Ἑλλάδος τοὺς ἀργοτάτους—πληροῦντες τούτων τὰς τριήρεις.

851.

See particularly Thucyd. II. 11. V. 6.

852.

Thucydides has with great ingenuity, but with the most bitter coldness, laid down the principles of the Athenian policy in the Melian conference.

853.

According to Thucyd. III. 82. πλήθους ἰσονομια πολιτικὴ and ἀριστοκρατία are ὀνόματα εὐπρεπῆ as at that time they truly were; but not τὸ κατὰ τὰ πάτρια πολιτεύεσθαι.

854.

Ubi sup.

855.

Τὸ εὔηθες, οὗ τὸ γενναῖον πλεῖστον μετέχει, is the beautiful expression of Thucydides, ib. 83.

856.

Plutarch, Reg. Apophth. p. 127.

857.

In conclusion, I remark, that the possessions of the Peloponnesian states in this war, as they had agreed with one another at the commencement of it, and as Sparta maintained them (Thucyd. V. 31. cf. V. 29.), are represented in the accompanying map of Peloponnesus.

858.

Against Myrtilus in Dionysius Halic. I. 23. who however was probably deceived by confounding a Cabirus with Apollo (see Orchomenos, p. 455).

859.

The temples are, first, that of Apollo Oncæus at Thelpusa, in connexion with Hercules, Pausan. VIII. 25. 3. Antimach. p. 65. ed. Schellenberg. The native gods are in this case Demeter, Erinys, and Poseidon. Secondly, to the north of Pheneus the temples of Apollo Pythius and Artemis; they were said to have been built by Hercules after the conquest of Elis, Pausan. VIII. 15. 2.: compare Aristot. Mirab. Auscult. 59. and below, ch. 12. § 3. Thirdly, in Tegea the temple of Apollo Agyieus, in connexion with Crete, Pausan. VIII. 53. 1. Fourthly, the temple of Apollo Epicurius at Phigalea, built at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, Pausan. VIII. 41. 5. Fifthly, the Pythian or Parrhasian Apollo, near mount Lycæum, Paus. VIII. 38. 6. (the temple Πύθιον in Paus. ibid. Πύτιον in an Arcadian inscription, Boeckh, No. 1534.) would doubtless more properly be called Aristæus. Sixthly, Apollo Cereatas in Æpytis, near Carnium, probably came from Messenia, Paus. VIII. 34. 3.

860.

Liv. III. 63. IV. 25, 29. Asconius in Cicer. Orat. in toga cand. vol. II. p. 1. p. 525. ed. Orelli. The sacra of the Falisci on mount Soracte were, as well as others of that city, half Grecian, Virg. Æn. XI. 785. Plin. H.N. VII. 2. compare Spangenberg de Rel. Latin. p. 38. The Salian priests did not mention the name of Apollo, Arnobius adv. Gent. II. 13. Aplu upon Etruscan Pateras (Demster Etrusc. Reg. tab. 3. 4. Gori II. p. 93.) is the Thessalian name.

Apollodorus I. 7. 6.

The valley of Tempe was a favourite place of Apollo; see Callimachus Hymn. in Del. 152. Horat. Carm. I. 21. 9. Melisseus also, in his historical work on Delphi, appears to have derived the worship of Apollo from the borders of Macedonia, as may be conjectured from the fragment cited by Tzetzes ad Hesiod. Op. 1. p. 29. ed. Gaisford. On account of the vicinity of this great temple, the worship of Apollo was very prevalent in Macedonia, on the coins of which country his symbols frequently occur.

864.

Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. No. 1767. The other inscription, found near the ancient Atrax (Turnovo) may be thus written in the common dialect: Ἀπόλλωνι Κερδ.... Σωσίπατρος Πολεμαρχιδαῖος ὁ θύτης ἀνέθηκε ἱερομνημονήσας καὶ ἀρχιδαφνηφορήσας. See Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. No. 1766. and Expl. Pind. p. 336. Classical Journal, vol. XXVI. p. 393.

865.

Δυαρεία ἡ ἐν τοῖς Τέμπεσι δάφνη. τὸ δὲ αὐτὸ καὶ Δηλία, Hesychius p. 1040. ed. Alberti. Laurus Penei filius, Fulgent. 13.

866.

Κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν ἣν νῦν ἱερὰν καλοῦμεν, Plut. Quæst. Græc. 12.

867.

Ælian V. H. III. 1. mistakes the succession of the districts.

868.

A temple of Apollo and Diana at Libæa, Pausan. X. 33. 2.

869.

Steph. Byz. in Δειπνιὰς, with a fragment of Callimachus. The connexion of Larissa and Delphi is proved by the ancient offering mentioned by Pausan. X. 16. 4. It is not known whether Phyllus, with its temple of Apollo Phyllæus, and Ichne, with a temple of Themis, both towns in Thessaliotis, were situated on this road, Strabo IX. p. 435.

870.

Iliad. II. 766. cf. XXIII. 383 sqq. Πηρείη is mentioned as a place of pasturage; and is cited by the Scholia to this passage, Stephanus Byz. and Hesychius, as a place in Thessaly, but probably only from this passage. In the Orphic Argonautics the pastures are placed on the banks of the Amphryssus, which is near Pheræ.

871.

Hesiod, Scut. 17, 58. Παγασίτης Ἀπόλλων παρὰ Ἀχαιοῖς ἐν Παγασαῖς καὶ παρὰ θεσσαλοῖς, Hesychius. In Apollon. Rhod. I. 404, 411. the Argonauts are represented as building a temple of Apollo Actius and Embasius at Pagasæ.

872.

Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 133. where for ἡλίου write Ἀπόλλωνος, a common corruption, as both words were denoted by the same abbreviation. See Gaisford ad Hesiod. Theog. 709.

873.

Scut. 477. Eurip. Herc. Fur. 389. Compare Orchomenos, p. 251. Cycnus dwelt ἐν παρόδῳ τῆς θαλασσίας, according to Stesichorus ap. Schol. Pind. Olymp. X. 19. (Mus. Crit. vol. II. p. 266.) Schol. Il. Ψ. 346. from the Cyclic poets, ἐν τῷ τοῦ Παγασαίου Ἀπόλλωνος ἱερῷ, ὅ ἐστι πρὸς Τροιζῆνι, (read with Heinrich Τραχῖνι, see Scut. 469). Pausanias places the battle on the Peneus, I. 27. 7. See also Schellenberg's Antimachus, p. 67.

874.

Scut. Herc. ad fin.

875.

It is fair to suppose that Stesichorus so far altered the fable as to make Cycnus build Apollo a temple of sculls; and it is not necessary with Heyne ubi sup. to substitute Mars for Apollo. See also Sturz ad Hellanic. Fragm. 121. p. 137.

876.

Tzetzes ad Hesiod. Scut. p. 194. ed. Heins.

877.

Chishull Antiq. Asiat. p. 134. Æginetica, p. 154. The coins of Cnosus have the head of Apollo. The Omphalian plain near Cnosus (Callim. Hymn. Jov. 45.) is connected with the stone of the Omphalos at Delphi, but both belong to the worship of Zeus.

878.

Odyss. XIX. 188. Pausan. I. 18, 5. Strabo X. p. 476. See Boettiger's Ilithyia, p. 18. Einatus, whence Ilithyia Einatinè, was probably in the neighbourhood.

879.

Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 33. The geographical position of the places is partly founded on the investigation in Hoeck's Kreta, vol. I. ch. 1.

880.

Steph. Byz. in Πύθιον. Its coins have on them the head of Apollo.

881.

See book I. ch. 5. § 2.

882.

The latter under the title of φυτία, with a festival named Ἐκδύσια, Antonin. Liberal. 17. The wolf on its coins also refers to Apollo.

883.

Steph. Byz. in Τάρρα. Compare Theophrast. Hist. Plant. II. 2. An oracle (preserved by Œnomaus, Euseb. Præp. Evang. p. 133 ed. Steph.) calls upon the inhabitants of Phæstus, Tarrha, and Polyrrhum, to make expiations (καθαρμοὶ) to the Pythian Apollo.

884.

Pausan. II. 7. 7. X. 16. 3. comp. Tibullus IV. 1, 8.

885.

Alexander's Κρητικὰ, lib. I. ap. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. IV. 1492. comp. Pausan. VIII. 53. 2.

886.

Antonin. Liber. 30. comp. Verheyk.

887.

Pausan. X. 16. 3. Hence the goat upon the coins of Elyrus. Also a she-wolf upon the coins of Cydonia, suckling the little Cydon.

888.

Tarrha is the parent state of Zappa, the coins of which city have therefore Apollo or a lyre. Perhaps this place derived from this worship the right of asylum: see Spanheim de Præst. Num. p. 342. There are also other traces of the worship of Apollo in Crete, e.g. the temple of Allaria. Chishull. Ant. Asiat. p. 137. Oaxus was called the son of Apollo, Servius ad Virg. Ecl. I. 66. Upon the ancient coins of Eleutherna Apollo is holding in his right hand a ball (viz. an apple, μῆλα ἱερὰ τοῦ Θεοῦ, Luc. Anach. 9), and in the left a bow. Also the coins of Rhitymna. On those of Tylissus is a youth with a goat's head in the right, and a bow in the left hand; which is certainly an Apollo. The same god is also on the coins of Præsus, Aptera, Chersonesus, and Rhaucus.

889.

According to Apollodorus I. 3. 4, by Thalia; according to Strabo X. p. 473. by Rhytia (which refers to the city of Rhytium under mount Ida).

890.

The statement of the Theologi in Cicero de Nat. Deor. III. 23. p. 616. ed. Creuzer.

891.

Æn. IV. 146. compare Heyne, vol. II. p. 736.

892.

Ch. 2. § 14.

893.

Anius, the son and priest of Apollo, is called the viceroy of Rhadamanthus at Delos. Diod. V. 62. 79. Comp. Pherecydes Fragm. 74. ed Sturz.

894.

ὀργίονας, οἳ θεραπεύσονται Πυθοῖ ἐνὶ πετρηέσσῃ, Ἱερά τε ῥέξουσι καὶ ἀγγελέουσι θέμιστας.

895.

See Orchomenos, p. 493.

896.

This etymology was known to ancient mythologers, Cornuficius Longus ap. Serv. ad Æn. III. 332. In memoriam gentis ex qua profectus erat (Cretæ,) subjacentes campos Crisæos vel Cretæos appellasse.

897.

In the Homeric Hymn to the Pythian Apollo, in vv. 90. 103. and other passages, Pytho is stated to be ἐν Κρίσσῃ, that is, “in the territory of Crissa, within the Crissæan boundaries.”

898.

It is to this that verse 265 of the hymn probably refers. Concerning the tripod in the adytum at Crissa, see Epist. Hippocrat. VIII. There were statues of Latona, Artemis, and Apollo remaining in the time of Pausanias, X. 37. 6.

899.

Hymn. XXVII. 14. Heraclitus ap. Plutarch. Pyth. Orac. p. 404.

900.

Below, ch. 3. § 3.

901.

Ion v. 418. (Matthiæ). οἱ πλησίον θάσσουσι τρίποδος ... Δελφῶν ἀριστεῖς οὓς ἐκλήρωσεν πάλος.

902.

Κοίρανοι Πυθίκοι, v. 1219. Δελφῶν ἄνακτες, v. 1222. Πυθία ψῆφος, v. 1250. cf. v. 1111. ἀρχαὶ αἱπιχώριοι χθονός.

903.

Herod. V. 72. Compare VI. 66. Κόβωνα τὸν Ἀριστοφάντου, ἄνδρα ἐν Δελφοῖσι δυναστεύοντα μέγιστον. Δυναστεύειν is also used by Herodotus of the Attic Eupatridæ (VI. 35.); compare VII. 141.

904.

Plutarch. Quæst. Græc. 9. p. 380.

905.

Pausan. X. 6. 2.

906.

Strabo IX. p. 418. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. II. 711. Compare Callimachus ap. Steph. Byz.

907.

Dodwell's Travels, vol. I. p. 189.

908.

Lycorea appears to have taken its name from the worship of Apollo Lyceius, or Lycoreus; see Callimach. Hymn. Apoll. 19. Λυκωρέος ἔντεα Φοίβου, frequently in the Anthology, Suidas, &c.

909.

See Appendix V. ad fin.

910.

Concerning this connexion see Zoëga, Bassirilievi, tom. I. on tav. 81. Æginetica, p. 154. Raoul-Rochette, Etablissement des Colonies Grecques, tom. II. p. 164. The name of Coretas also, the supposed discoverer of the oracle (κώρης for κούρης Dorice) is Cretan, Plutarch, de Defect. Orac. 21. 46. It appears that the names Κόρης (otherwise Κώρης, Κούρης,) Κορησσὸς in Ceos, with a temple of Apollo Smintheius, Κορησία λίμνη, in Crete (Steph. Byz.), Κορησσὸς, a sacred hill near Ephesus, Κρῆσος, an Ephesian hero (Paus. VII. 2. 4.), and the name of Crete itself, are all etymologically connected.

911.

Pausan. X. 7. 2.

912.

ἀνθρώπων ἀπαρχὴ, Plutarch, Thes. 16.

913.

Orac. ap. Pausan. X. 6. 6.

914.

According to the Cyclic poets, see Orchomenos, pp. 188. sqq.

915.

Cited by Pausan. X. 31. 2.

916.

Κρητίδαι: μάντεισ ἀπὸ Κρήτης, Photius.

917.

As Raoul-Rochette supposes, although his work contains very valuable materials for this inquiry, Histoire de l'Etabl. des col. Grecques, tom. II. p. 137-173.

918.

On the connexion of Crete and Asia, see Heyne, Excurs. ad Æn. III. 102.

919.

I. 173. cf. VII. 92. According to Herodotus, Europa also came to Lycia (IV. 45.), i.e. the tradition.

920.

Herod. I. 173. Comp. Boeckh ad Platon. Min. p. 55. Heraclid. Pont. 15.

921.

See Steph. Byz. in v. cf. Herod. I. 176.

922.

Augustinus de Civ. Dei XVIII. 12.

923.

Appian, Bell. Civ. IV. 78.

924.

II. XVI. 666.

925.

Transplanted to Cilicia, Zosimus I. 57. Diodorus ap. Phot. Biblioth. cod. 244. p. 377. ed. Bekker.

926.

On the former see Strabo XIV. p. 666. cf. p. 651., on the latter Diod. V. 56.

927.

Menecrates in Lyciacis ap. Antonin. Liber, c. 35.

928.

Σύεσσα καλύβη τις ἐν Λυκίᾳ ἀπὸ Συέσσης γραός τινος ὑποδεξάμενης τὴν Λητώ. Steph. Byz.

929.

Both the derivations of the name Patara, the one from a son of Apollo (Hecatæus ap. Steph. Byz. in v. Cf. Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 129. Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 920.), and the other from πατάρα, κιστὶς, refer to the worship of Apollo.

930.

Callim. Hymn. Del. 1. and Spanheim's note. Herodotus says indefinitely, ἐπεὰν γένηται, I. 182. Cf. Serv. ad Æn. IV. 143.

931.

Alexander ap. Steph. Byz. in v. Eustath. ubi sup. On the temple, see the inscriptions in Walpole's Travels, p. 541. and Beaufort's Caramania.

932.

Pausan. VII. 21.3.

933.

Herod. I. 78. Apostolius XVIII. 25. from Dionysius ἐν κτίσεσιν, Herodian. ap. Eustath. ad Dion. Perieg. 860.

934.

The coins of Patara, Phaselis, Xanthus, Cydna, Cragus, Apollonia, Corydalla, Limyra, and Olympus, have a head of Apollo, the tripod, lyre, the deer, and similar symbols. Cf. Steph. Byz, Δάφνη ὲν Λυκίᾳ. Apollo Ἐρεθύμιος among the Lycians, Hesych. in v. Perhaps this is a corruption of Ἐρυθίβιος, as Apollo was called in Rhodes, Strabo XIII. p. 613. See below, ch. 5. § 4.

935.

See Strabo XIV. p. 683. from Hedylus, or some other poet. On the sacred deer of Apollo at Curium, see Ælian. Nat. Anim. XI. 7.

936.

Strabo XIII. p. 611. Scylax, p. 26. Compare the obscure gloss of Hesychius in Πυθίων ἀνακτόρων.

937.

On this temple, see Heyne ad Il. A. 39. According to Strabo XIII. p. 604. there were Sminthea near Hamaxitus in Æolis, near Parium, at Lindus in Rhodes, and elsewhere. A certain Philodemus, or Philomnestus, wrote a treatise on the Σμινθεῖα in Rhodes, Athen. III. p. 74 F. 445 A.

938.

The inhabitants of Tenea, a village near Corinth, were said to have been transplanted by Agamemnon from Tenedos. That they really worshipped Apollo in the same manner as the Tenedians, is testified by Aristotle ap. Strab. p. 380. Paus. II. 5. 3. And the worship of Apollo was carried by means of Archias from Tenea to Syracuse, Strabo, ibid. See book I. ch. 6. § 7.

939.

A. 37-39.

940.

Strabo XIII. p. 591. Hesych. in Θύμβρα. Schol. Il. X. 430. Servius ad Æn. III. 85. compare Choiseul Gouffier, Voyage Pittoresque, tom. III. to pl. 25. Walpole's Memoirs, p. 609. The fable of Pan, the son of Thymbris, and teacher of Apollo in divination (Apollodor. I. 4. 1.), has also reference to this story.

941.

Il. V. 446. VII. 83.

942.

Il. II. 827. IV. 119. V. 105. with the Schol. Min.

943.

Hesychius in Λυκαῖον. There are likewise many other signs of the worship of Apollo on this coast, Strabo XIII. p. 618; in Priapus, Schol. Lycophr. 29; Apollo Πασπάριος in Parium and Pergamum (Hesych. in v.); on the coins of Gargara, Germe, Lampsacus, Atarneus, Neandria, Abydos, and New Troy.

944.

The Æolians built a temple to the Cillæan Apollo at Colonæ, Strabo XIII. p. 613. from Daes of Colonæ.

945.

Strabo XIII. p 604. τοῖς γὰρ ἐκ τῆς Κρήτης ἀφιγμένοις Τεύκροις, οὓς πρῶτος παρέδωκε Καλλῖνος, &c. It does not appear that this can, with Frank, Callinus, p. 31, he understood only of a mention of the name of the Teucrians.

946.

The latter fact is supported by the ancient name of Cephalion, an inhabitant of the Teucrian city of Gergis (ap. Steph. Byz. in Ἀρίσβη. Eustath. ad Il. p. 894.): but his Τρωικὰ was the forgery of an Alexandrine writer named Hegesianax (Athen. IX. p. 393 B). Lycophron, v. 1302. calls Teucer, Scamander, and Arisbe, Cretans.

947.

In the fragments of Nicolaus Damascenus, p. 442. ed. Vales.

948.

Iliad. VII. 452. XXI. 442. which passages do not agree. Hesiod in Her. Geneal. ap. Schol. Lycophr. 393. Hellanicus ap. Schol. Il. XX. 145. Coluthus v. 309.

949.

Inscription in Walpole's Memoirs, p. 104.

950.

Æneid. II. 318. 430.

951.

Iliad. XV. 522.

952.

Achilles was slain by Apollo, according to Homer; Aretinus and Æschylus in the ψυχοστασία (Heyne ad Il. XXII. 359. Tychsen ad Quint. Smyrn. Comment. p. 61); Neoptolemus was killed at Pytho. For the same reason Achilles slays Tennes, the son of Apollo (Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 232.), in whose temple it was forbidden to pronounce the name of the Phthian hero (Plutarch Quæst. Gr. 28. p. 933).

953.

Iliad. V. 446.

954.

Herod. V. 122. VII. 43. It was situated in the territory of Lampsacus (Strabo XIII. p. 589.), in mount Ida (Athen. VI. p. 256 C.), opposite Dardanus (Herod.); the village of Mermessus, 240 stadia from Alexandria Troas (Pausan. X. 12. 2), was a κώμη Γεργιθία, Suidas in v. Also in Schol. Plat. Phædr. p. 61. Ruhnken. p. 315. Bekker. write, ἐν κώμη Μερμήσσῳ—περὶ τινα πολίχνην Γέργιθα or Γέργιθον for Μαρμυσσῷ and Γεργετίωνα.

955.

Xenoph. Hell. III. 1. 10.

956.

Iliad. XX. 307. Compare the remarks of A. W. Schlegel on this point in his celebrated Review of Niebuhr's Roman History.

957.

Steph. Byz. in Γέργις, from Phlegon.

958.

This may be collected from the confused account of Clearchus of Soli ἐν Γεργιθίῳ, in Athen. VI. p. 256. cf. XII. p. 524 A. Strab. XIII. p. 589 D.

959.

Plin. H. N. XXXIV. 8.

960.

Heyne Exc. ad Æn. VI. 3. The rock was called Ζωστηρία κλιτὺς (Lycoph. 1278), as the Attic promontory with the temple of Apollo.

961.

See the tabula Iliaca, ΜΙΣΗΝΟΣ.

962.

Od. IX. 197.

963.

Diod. V. 79. compare Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. p. 160.

964.

Pindar, in Pæan. ap. Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 445.

965.

Ephorus ap. Strab. XIV. p. 634 D.

966.

Callimachus apud Clem. Alex. Strom. V. p. 570. Strab. IX. p. 421. Conon Narr. c 33, 44. Stat. Theb. VIII. 198. Gesner Comment. Soc. Gotting. vol. IV. p. 121. Ionian Antiquities, vol. II. new ed.

967.

Quintilian. Inst. Orat. XI. 3. p. 305. Bipont. Est interim et longus et plenus et clarus salis spiritus, non tamen firmæ intentionis, idemque tremulus. Id βράνχον Græci vocant. This is exactly the voice of enthusiastic priests and prophets.

968.

There was likewise a family of diviners named Εὐαγγελίδαι, Conon Narr. c. 44.

969.

Strabo IV. p. 139 B. Æginetica, p. 151.

970.

Clem. Alex. Strom. V. 8.

971.

On this see D'Orville ad Chariton. p. 349. and Quintus Smyrnæus I. 283.

972.

Herod. II. 159.

973.

Pythius and Comæus. Athen. IV. p. 149 E. Ammian. Marcellin XXIII. 6.

974.

Schol. Apoll. Rh. I. 966. Hence the offerings of the Cyzicenians in the Didymæum, Chishull Ant. Asiat. p. 67. In the character of Ἐκβάσιος, Apollo has on coins his foot resting on a fish.

975.

A coin of Parium, in the cabinet of M. Allier de Hauteroche, shows the statue of Apollo on the seashore, with the circumscription, ΑΠΟΛΛΩΝΟΣ ΑΚΤΑΙΟΥ ΠΑΡΙΑΝΩΝ, agreeing with Strabo XIII. p. 588.

976.

Strabo VII. p. 319 B. Apollo Ἠῷος on the island of Thynias (Apollonia, Daphnusa). Apoll. Rhod. II. 686. Schol. ad 1. Plin. Hist. Nat. VI. 12. is probably Milesian: also Apollo Φιλήσιος at Trapezus on the Euxine sea, Arrian. Peripl. p. 2.

977.

Collected in Raoul-Rochette's Antiquités Grecques du Bosphore Cimmérien, pl. 5, 7, 8.

978.

The Cyclic Thebaid in Schol. Apoll. Rh. IV. 308. Apollod. III. 7. 4. Diod. IV. 66. Pausan. VII. 3. 1. IX. 33. 1.

979.

He was called both Ῥάκιος and Λάκιος, because in the Cretan dialect ῥάκος and λάκος were exchangeable forms, Schneider ad Nicand. Alexipharm. 11. p. 83. Compare book I. ch. 6. § 5.

980.

Proclus Chrestomath.

981.

Strabo XIV. p. 675. Conon Narr. 6. Tacit. Ann. II. 54. On the temple see Locella ad Xenoph. Ephes. p. 128. ed. Peerlkamp.

982.

Diod. XV. 18. Strabo ubi sup.

983.

Hecatæus ap. Steph. Byz. in Γρῦνοι. Strabo XIII. p. 622. Hermeias of Methymna wrote a treatise on the Grynean Apollo, Athen. IV. p. 149. E. Hence the temple of Apollo, the sibyl, and the Apollo δαφνηφόρος, on the coins of Myrina, which city also sent χρυσᾶ θέρη to Delphi, Plutarch. de Pyth. Orac. 16. p. 273.

984.

Malus the son of Manto, Hellanicus ἐν Λεσβικοῖς apud Steph. Byz. in Μαλλόεις. Thucyd. III. 3. Likewise in Lesbos, Apollo Ναπαῖος (Hellanicus ap. Steph. Byz. in Νάπη. cf. Strab. IX. p. 429. Suid. in Ναπαῖος. Macrob. Sat. I. 17. coins of Nape with the image of Apollo in Mionnet's work), Λεπετύμνιος, Antigon. Caryst. 17. and Ἐρέσιος, Hesych. in v. In Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 144. for ΓΟΝΝΑΠΑΙΟΥ Ἀπόλλωνος write ΤΟΥ ΝΑΠΑΙΟΥ Ἀπόλλωνος.

985.

Strabo XIV. p. 675 C. Arrian. II. 5. Hence perhaps the worship of Apollo came to Tarsus, Osann. Syllog. Inscr. p. 141.

986.

Book I. ch. 5. § 4.

987.

Pausan. II. 32. 2. Ἄρτεμις σώτειρα, brought from Crete to Trœzen, ib. 31. 1.

988.

Paus. II. 31. 7. 11. The temple of Apollo Thearius at Trœzen was, according to Pausan. ib. 31. 9. the most ancient in Greece. Apollo joined with Leucothea, Ælian. V. H. I. 18.

989.

Called Ψυχοπομπεῖον, like the institutions in Thesprotia, at Phigalea and Heraclea Pontica. See book I. ch. 1. § 6.

990.

Plutarch, de sera Num. Vind. 17. p. 256. Hesych. in τέττιγος ἔδρανον.

991.

Thus Strabo VIII. p. 368. the name being derived from Delos. Also called Ἐπιδήλιον.

992.

Pausan. I. 42. 1. 2. conf. Epigram. Adespot. 3. p. 193. Brunck. Analect. Meziriac ad Ovid. Epist. vol. I. p. 448.—Also, Megareus the son of Apollo, in Steph. Byz. in Μέγαρα. comp. Dieuchidas of Megara in Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 517.

993.

V. 773. Φοῖβε ἄναξ, αὐτὸς μὲν ἐπύργωσας πόλιν ἄκρην, Ἀλκαθόῳ Πέλοπος παιδὶ χαριζόμενος.

994.

Δεκατηφόρος, ὅς δεκάτην φέρει, i.e. here, “he who receives it,” Paus. I. 42. 1. 5. Compare an Argive inscription (Boeckh No. 1142. Δεξιστρατος Αρχιππ. Απολλωνι δεκατ—.) Apollo was likewise worshipped at Megara under the titles of Pythius (Schol. Pind. Nem. V. 84. Philostrat. Vit. Soph. I. 24. 3.), Archagetas, Prostaterius, Carnius and Agræus. The tripod and the Delphine on the coins of Megara see Pouqueville, tom. IV. p. 131. against Clarke, vol. II. sect II. p. 768.

995.

From Megara Calchedon (see the coins) derived its worship and oracle of Apollo (Dionys. Byz. p. 23.) Not far off was Demonesus; and an Apollo of Demonesian brass is mentioned in Pseud. Aristot. de Mirab. 59. Jungermann ad Poll. V. 5. 39. Byzantium likewise, a Megarian colony, had a temple of Apollo on the promontory of Metopon, according to Dionysius de Bosp. Thrac. Byzantium, moreover, had evidently derived from its parent city, but in an exaggerated form, the tradition of the foundation of the city by Apollo, and that this god placed his lyre upon a tower. Hence the seven resounding towers (Hesych. Miles, ap. Codin. p. 2. 3. Dionys. Byz. p. 6. Dio Cass. LXXIV. 14): also the fable of the dolphin charmed by the sound of the lyre (Dionysius pag. 9. Gyllius de Constantinop. pag. 285.) evidently belongs to the Megarian worship.

996.

Homer. Hymn. Cer. 126.

997.

See Pherecydes ap. Schol. Od. XI. 320. Apollod. II. 4. 7. Observ. ad Apollod. p. 333.

998.

Κεφαλίδαι γένος Ἀθήνησιν, Hesychius.

999.

Paus. I. 37. 4.

1000.

See Strabo X. p. 452. Thuc. III. 94. Propert. III. 9. ad fin. Servius ad Æn. III. 271. Dodwell, vol. I. p. 53. Hughes, vol. I. p. 402. has a Leucadian inscription, Ἀπολλωνιᾶται ᾠκοδόμησαν.

1001.

Aristot. in Ithac. Rep. ap. Etymol. M. in Ἀρκείσιος, Heraclid. Pont. 17 and 37. ed. Koehler. Heyne ad Apollod. II. 4. 7.

1002.

Apollod. III. 15. 1. According to the ancient Charon of Lampsacus, Phobus of Phocæa was the first who took this leap, Plutarch. Virt. Mul. p. 289.

1003.

Κατ᾽ ἐνίαυτον, Strabo X. p. 452. Ovid. Fast V. 630. Tristia Leucadio sacra peracta modo. Photius Lex. Λευκάτης. σκοπελὸς τῆς ἠπείρου, ἀφ᾽ οὗ ῥίπτουσιν αὑτους εἰς τὸ πέλαγος οἱ ἱερεῖς.

1004.

Photius in Τευμησία, from the ἐπικὸς κύκλος.

1005.

Stesichorus apud Athen. XIV. p. 619. D. and Sappho. Compare Hardion. Sur le sault de Leucade, Mém. de l'Acad. des Inscript. tom. VII. p. 245.

1006.

See Hesych. in θόρικος. Ptolem. Hephæst. 7.

1007.

Fragment of the Παρθένια, p. 595. ed. Boeckh.

1008.

See below, ch. 11. § 8.

1009.

Od. VII. 322.

1010.

Plutarch, de Def. Orac. 5.

1011.

According to the emendation Τεγύρας for Τανάγρας in fragm. incert. 14. Boeckh.

1012.

See Orchomenos, p. 220. Boeckh in the Berlin Transactions on the Oration against Midias, below, ch. 8. § 4.

1013.

Pausan. IX. 10. See Stanley ad Æsch. Eum. 21.

1014.

Herod. VIII. 134. Soph. Œd. T. 21. μαντείᾳ σποδῷ, Philochorus ap. Schol. ad 1.

1015.

Hesych. in v. Also the lots burnt in the sacred fire, according to the same grammarian, φρυκτὸσ Δελφοῖς κυῆρος. Compare Boeckh Explic. Pind. Ol. VIII. 2. and Plutarch de Frat. Am. 20. To this custom likewise refer the Φοίβου ἐσχάραι in Eurip. Phœn 292, and the name of the ancient priest of the Delphic oracle πύρκεων. See the Eumolpia in Paus. X. 5. 3.

1016.

The stone of Manto in front of the temple, Paus. IX. 10. μαντίων θῶκος. Pind. Pyth. XI. 6.

1017.

The serpent of Cadmus is also by later writers called Castalius and Δελφίνιος, Creuzer ad Nonni Narr. in Melet. vol. I. p. 93.

1018.

Apollo Polius was also without the gates at Thebes, Paus. IX. 12. 1. Apollo was likewise worshipped in the village of Calydna near Thebes, Androtion ap. Steph. Byz. in Κάλυδνα.

1019.

Below, ch. 11. § 7.

1020.

See Orchomenos, pp. 234, 393.

1021.

See the author's work De Minerva Poliade, p. 2.

1022.

Herodot. I. 56. VII. 94. VIII. 44.

1023.

Hence Ion is called the πολέμαρχος or στρατηγὸς of the Athenians, Herod. VIII. 44. Paus. I. 31. 2. II. 14. 2. VII. 1. 2. &c. hence also Euripides says (Ion 1319) that “the shield and spear was the whole patrimony of Xuthus.”

1024.

Cicero de Nat. Deor. III. 22. 23. Lydus de Mens. p. 105.

1025.

See Phanodemus ap. Athen. IX. p. 392. Plutarch, ap. Euseb. præp. ev. II. p. 99. fragm. 10. p. 291. ed. Hutten. Euseb. Canon. 497. comp. Paus. I. 18. 5. Legends of this kind were greatly amplified by Attic orators, who, like Hyperides before the Amphictyons, had to defend the claims of Athens upon Delos.

1026.

Μηδὲν προσήκων Ἐρεχθείδαις, Plutarch Thes. 13.

1027.

Ξοῦθος is the “bright” “shining” god, another form of ξανθός. See below, ch. 6. § 7. Αἰγεὺς, from αἶγες, “the waves of the sea” is equivalent to Ποσειδῶν Αἰγαῖος.

1028.

Plutarch Thes. 5.

1029.

Strabo IX. p. 392. after Sophocles and Philochorus. Cf. Schol. Aristoph. Lys. 58. Vesp. 1218. Schol. Eurip. Hipp. 35.

1030.

Philochorus apud Schol. Soph. Œd. Col. 1047. ed. Elmsl.

1031.

Compare Barbié du Bocage's Histoire de la bourgade d'Œnoë la sacrée at the end of Stanhope's Plan of Platæa.

1032.

Hence Sophocles ubi sup, calls the district of Eleusis Πυθίας ἀκτάς. The Scholiast confounds the Œnoë of the tribe Hippothoontis with that of the tribe Aiantis. The situation of the Pythium is correctly treated by Reisig Enarr. Œd. Col. p. 134.

1033.

In the passage of Philochorus ubi sup. read οἱ ἐκ τοῦ γένους Πυθιάδα καὶ Δηλιάδα, for οἱ ἐκ τοῦ γένους Πυθίαι δὲ καὶ Δηλιάδες.

1034.

The Δηλιασταὶ occurred in the laws of Solon, Athen. VI. p. 234 E. the Πυθαϊσταὶ are mentioned in Steph. Byz. in Πυθώ.

1035.

Strabo IX. p. 404 C. Eurip. Ion. 285. On the Pythium, see Thuc. II. 15. VI. 54. Isæus p. 113. 187. Suidas in Πύθιον. Suidas, Hesychius, Prov. ἐν Πυθίῳ.

1036.

Strabo IX. p. 404. Steph. Byz. in ἅρμα. Eustath. ad Il. β' 499. Hesych. in ἀστράπτει. Prov. in ὅταν δι᾽ Ἄρματος.

1037.

Pausan. Dodwell vol. II. p. 170.

1038.

See Æsch. Eum. 12. πέμπουσι δ᾽ αὐτὸν καὶ σεβίζουσιν μέγα κελευθοποιοὶ παῖδες Ἡφαίστου. Compare Ephorus ap. Strab. IX. p. 422 D. Aristid. Panath. vol. I. p. 329. Orchomenos p. 36. 188.

1039.

This rare tradition is preserved in the Schol. Æsch. Eum. 13. Schol. Aristid. p. 107. ed. Frommel.

1040.

This explains Herod. VI. 34. ἰόντες δὲ οἱ Δόλογκοι τὴν ἱρὴν ὁδὸν διὰ Φωκέων τεκαὶ Βοιωτῶν ἤϊσαν. καί σφεας ὡς οὐδεὶς ἐκάλεε, ἐκτράπονται ἐπ᾽ Ἀθηνέων.

1041.

There is a trace of the correct tradition in Diod. IV. 60. cf. Serv. ad Æn. VI. 14. The funeral games of Laius were made by the poets the motive for this journey.

1042.

Ἐν πολιτείᾳ Βοττιαίων ap. Plutarch. Thes. 16. cf. Qu. Gr. 35. Conon. Narr. c. 25.

1043.

Plutarch Thes. 15. Diod. IV. 61. Ovid. Metaph. VIII. 171.

1044.

The chief passage on the septenary number of the boys and girls sent to Crete is Servius ad. Æn. VI. 21. Septena quotannis (κατ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν) quidam septem pueros et septem puellas accipi volunt, quod et Plato dixit in Phædone (p. 58.) et Sappho in Lyricis (p. 255. in Wolf's Poetr. Gr.) et Bacchylides in Dithyramhis (p. 17. ed. Neue.) et Euripides in Hercule (v. 1331.), quos liberavit secum Theseus.

1045.

The visit to Naxos originally signified a transmission of the worship of Dionysus and Ariadne to that island, which rites had been kept up at the festival of the Ὀσχοφόρια, though confounded with the laurel-bearing procession of Apollo.

1046.

Boeckh Economy of Athens, vol. II. p. 150. Erysichthon is said to have sent the ξόανον with theorias to Delos, Plutarch Fragm. 10. p. 291. ed. Hutten.

1047.

This confirms a fact which we collected from other sources, viz., that the Thargelian Apollo was the same god as that worshipped at Delos and Crete.—There was an ancient writing on this subject preserved in the Daphnephoreum at Phyle in Attica, Theophrastus ap. Athen. X. p. 424 F. The origin of the Thargelia is also referred to Crete by a tradition, that this festival arose from the expiatory rites for the murder of Androgeus, Helladius ap. Phot. in Gronov. Thes. Ant. Gr. vol. X. p. 978.

1048.

Paus. I. 18. 5. τὰ μὲν δὴ δύο ξόανα εἶναι Κρητικά. See above, ch. 1. § 5.

1049.

Pyth. I. 31. Compare Dodwell, vol. I. p. 532.

1050.

Plutarch Thes. 12. 14. 18. cf. Paus. I. 19. 1. On his return Theseus sacrifices to Apollo and Diana as οὔλιοι θεοὶ, Pherecydes ap. Macrob. Sat. I. 17. frag. 59. ed. Sturz. comp. Spanheim ad Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 40. 46.

1051.

See Pollux VIII. 10. 119.

1052.

Demosth de Coron. p. 274. cf. Aristot. ap. Harpocrat. in Ἀπόλλων πατρῷος. The Achenians had πατρῷοι θυσίαι at Delphi, Demosth. Epist. p. 1481. Apollo's Attic title of πατρῷος is explained from his being the πατὴρ of Ion; it is possible, however, that he was so called as being the god of the πάτραι of the Ionians. Apollo was also called λεσχηνόριος at Athens (Plutarch Εἰ 2. p. 217. Suidas in v.); perhaps as being the titular deity of the 360 Δέσχαι of the 360 γένη at Athens, Proclus ad Hesiod. Op. et Di. p. 116. Heins. Cleanthus ap Harpocrat. in λέσχαι, Meursius ad Lycophr. 543.

1053.

γεννῆται Ἀπόλλωνος πατρῷου καί Διὸς ἑρκείου, Demosth. adv. Eubulid. p. 1315. 15. Pollux VIII. 85.

1054.

As appears from Plato, Euthyd. p. 302 B. cf. Schol. et Heindorf. p. 404.

1055.

Pollux VIII. 122.

1056.

Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 69. with the Schol. and Spanheim. Harpocrat. in Βοηδρόμια. Suidas and Etym. M. in Βοηδρομεῖν. Hence the archon Polemarchus administered justice in the Lyceum, the temple of Apollo Lyceus, near the statue of a wolf, Suidas in ἄρχων. Bekker Anecd. vol. I. p. 449. Hesych. in ἐπιλύκιον. Λυκαμβὶς ἀρχὴ of the polemarch, according to Cratinus, Hesych. in v. And in general all the courts at Athens were under the protection of the wolf, viz., Apollo, Eratosth. ap. Harpocrat. in δεκάζων, Lexic. and Parœmiogr. in λύκου δέκας. Etymol. M. in δεκασαι.

1057.

In Colot. p. 31.

1058.

Thes. 25. According to Plato Rep. IV. p. 427. Apollo is the πάτριος ἐξηγητὴς of the Athenians.

1059.

Hence Dorotheus (ap. Athen. IX. p. 410 A.) ἐν τοῖς τῶν εὐπατριδῶν (not τῶν θυγατριδῶν) πατρίοις treated of the purification of suppliants.

1060.

Below, ch. 8. § 6.

1061.

By representing the notion that Xuthus was the father of Ion as a mere deceit of Xuthus.

1062.

For example v. 668. Ὑμῖν δὲ σιγᾶν, δμωΐδες, λέγω τάδε, Ἢ θάνατον εἰπούσαισι πρὸς δάμαρτ᾽ ἐμήν.

1063.

V. 591. Εἶναί φασι τὰς αὐτόχθονας Κλεινὰς Ἀθήνας οὐκ ἐπείσακτον γένος, &c.

1064.

The view taken in the text on the Ion of Euripides has been approved, since the first publication of this work, by Hermann, in the preface to his edition of that tragedy, p. 32.

1065.

Below, ch. 5, § 2. ch. 8. § 15.

1066.

Book I. ch. 5, § 3. comp. Pausan. II. 24. 1. He was also called Δειραδιώτης, from the height. There was likewise divination there, Telesilla ap. Pausan. II. 35. 2-36. 5. Πυθαεὺς and Κρηταεὺς are Doric forms; the hero Pythaëus cannot be separated from the god. Zeus, Apollo, and Hercules, were the deities of the city of Argos, Liv. XXXII. 33.

1067.

Thucyd. II. 47. Sophocl. Electr. 7. Hence Λύκειος ἀγόρα, Sophocles, Hesych. in v. The Argive coins with the wolf refer to this statue, comp. Pausan. VIII. 40. 3. Here was also an oracle, Plut. Pyrrh. 31. 31. where write, ἡ τοῦ Λυκείου προφῆτις Ἀπόλλωνος. At Argos also stood the statue of Apollo Ζωτεάτας, Hesych. in v. A temple of Latona, Pausan. II. 21.

1068.

Alcman Fragm. 35, 36. ed. Welcker. Herod. I. 69. comp. Bast. ad Gregor. Corinth, p. 187. At Sparta, according to Hesychius, Λυκιάδες κόραι τὸν ἀριθμὸν τριάκοντα αἱ τὸ ὕδωρ κομίζουσαι εἰς τὸ Λύκειον (a kind of Hydrophoria).

1069.

Pausan. II. 9. 7. Respecting the ancient temple of Apollo there, and a brass statue, see Pseud.-Aristot. Mirab. Auscult. p. 59. Pausan. II. 11. 2. Polyb. XVII. 16. 2. The tradition respecting its foundation by Epopeus is not worth notice. Cleisthenes was the person who instituted the Pythian games, Schol. Pind. Nem. IX. 49, 76. comp. Boeckh and Dissen Explic. p. 451. Apollo had there an ἱερὰ χώρα; Polyb. ubi sup. Liv. XXXII. 40.

1070.

Pausan. IV. 15. 5. The Messenians at Naupactus had also a temple of Apollo (Thucyd. II. 91.); and the coins of the Messenians of Sicily afford proof of the same worship. Concerning the ancient temple at Æpea, Pausan. IV. 34. 4.

1071.

Herod. VI. 57.

1072.

Apollo Acreitas, Pausan. III. 12. 7. At Thornax Apollo Pythaëus, III. 11. 2. Hesych. in Θόρναξ, cf. in θοράτης. Apollo Maleates, Pausan. III. 12. 8. Thucyd. VII. 26. Apollo Λιθήσιος, Steph. Byz. Suid. in v. comp. Pausan. II. 27. 8. Apollo at Geronthræ, Boeckh Inscript. No. 1334.

1073.

Herod. II. 32. Plutarch Arat. 40. Pausan. II. 5. 4. Hesych. in Ζωτελιστὴς. At Corinth, Apollo, as at Argos, was ἀγορῆς καλλίχορου πρύτανις, Simonides in Palat. Anthol. VI. 212. On the temple of Apollo at Sicyon, likewise in the market-place, Ampel. Liber. Memor. 8.

1074.

Pausan. II. 26. 3. comp. the inscriptions of the temple of Æsculapius, Boeckh. Inscript. Nos. 1175, 1176. The temple of Apollo Ægyptius belongs to the time of the Antonines.

1075.

In this island a temple of Apollo was connected with the Thearion (see Dissen ad Pind. Nem. III. p. 376.), with the worship of Apollo Δελφίνιος, Οἰκιστὴς, and Δωματίτης, and the festival of the Hydrophoria. Æginetica, p. 150. cf. 135.

1076.

Above, ch. 2. § 8. The Pythian games, according to Pausan. II. 32. 2. founded by Diomed, are probably of a later date.

1077.

ἀρχηγέτης, δωματίτης, οἰκιστὴς (Æginetica, p. 150, note k); for, as Callimachus says (Hymn. Apoll. 55.), Φοῖβος ἀεὶ πολίεσσι φιληδεῖ Κτιζομένῃς.

1078.

Pausan. IV. 4. 1. 33. 3. cf. V. 25. 1.

1079.

Thucyd. V. 18. IV. 118.

1080.

Among the Achæans of Patræ. Pausan. VII. 21. 4.—of Ægira. id. VII. 26. 3. comp. the tradition respecting Bolina, id. VII. 23. 3.

1081.

Pausan. VIII. 53. 1.

1082.

ἦρος ἐπερχομένου. Theognis of Megara, v. 777.

1083.

Pausan. V. 4. 2.

1084.

On this enmity, to which so many legends refer, see Pausan. V. 2. 4. VI. 16. 2.

1085.

That Zeus was the chief god of the Eleans is evident from the confederate temple at Ægium and elsewhere.

1086.

Hesychius in v.

1087.

Pausan. V. 15. 4.—τὸν μὲν δὴ παρὰ Ἠλείοις θέρμιον καὶ αὐτῷ μοι παρίστατο εἰκάζειν, ὡς κατὰ Ἀτθίδα γλῶσσαν εἴν θέρμιον; for the last θέρμιον Buttmann corrects θέσμιον; and it is evident that θέρμα was Elean for θέσμα, “sacred ordinance or armistice.” See Appendix V. § 2. Also Therma, the place of the Panætolia, derived its name from this word, which is probably of Ætolian-Elean origin. On its temple of Apollo, see Polyb. XI. 4. 2.

1088.

Pausan. IV. 4. 4.

1089.

Perhaps this was the beginning of the connexion with Crete, to which the name of the Ἰδαῖον ἄντρον at Olympia (Pind. Olymp. V. 42. Demetrius ἐν νεῶν διακόσμῳ in the Scholia. Boeckh ad Schol. and Explic. p. 150.), and the tradition that Clymenus, a descendant of the Idæan Hercules, came to Pisa soon after the flood of Deucalion, and there founded a temple, refer; comp. Pausan. V. 8. 1. VI. 21. 5. V. 14. 6.

1090.

Boeckh ad Pind. Olymp. III. 18. p. 138. Explic. Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 41. does not speak of this event with the same exactness as the Schol. Pind. Olymp. III. 39. Comp. also Wurm de Ponderum, etc. § 90. p. 174.

1091.

See particularly Philostratus Vit. Apollon. V. 25. p. 208. Cic. de Divin. I. 41. concerning the Telliadæ, Herod. IX. 37. VIII. 27. These diviners are called the μάντεις Ἠλείων πρόμολοι at the altar of Olympia in the oracle in Phlegon p. 129. in Meursii Op. vol. VII.

1092.

Pausan. VI. 17. 4.

1093.

Pausan. V. 8. 1.

1094.

Boeckh Corp. Inscript. No. 1711.

1095.

As appears from the Homeric Hymn to Apollo.

1096.

See Porphyr. de Abstin. II. 17. comp. Apostol. VI. 93. and the story of Æsop; also the proverb, Δελφὸς ἀνὴρ στέφανον μὲν ἔχει, δίψει δ᾽ ἀπόλωλεν.

1097.

Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 535.

1098.

The λαὸς οἰκήτωρ θεοῦ, Eur. Androm. 1092.

1099.

Plutarch, de Pyth. Orac. 16. p. 273. The Thessalians vowed at least every year a hecatomb of men to Apollo Καταιβάτης. Schol. Eur. Phœn. 1416. Zenobius in θετταλῶν σόφισμα.

1100.

Sosicrates ap. Suid. vol. I. p. 621. Hesych. p. 1026. Apostol. VII. 37. Prov. Vat. App. II. 94. and Steph. Byz. in Δούλων πόλις, with which he mentions the ἱερόδουλοι. We may probably discern a similar servitude in the gift of the golden tripods which the Θηβαγένεις were bound to bring at certain times to the Ismenian temple of Apollo, Orchomenos, p. 397. Apollo Nesiotes at Chalia in Bœotia also possessed Hieroduli, Boeckh. Inscript. No. 1607. The Delian Ἑκατηβελέταο θεράπναι (Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 157) were of the same description as the chorus in the Phœnissæ. In the Didymæum (Inscript. in Walpole's Travels, p. 582) there were οἱ περι το μαντειον παντες και οἱ το ἱερον κατοικουντες και οἱ προσχωροι, boys sent thither as the spoil of war, Conon. Narr. c. 44.

1101.

ἀνάθημα πόλεως ἢ τινὸς πραθεὶς ὕπο.

Eurip. Ion. 322.

ἱερὸν τὸ σῶμα τῷ θεῷ δίδωμ᾽ ἔχειν.

Ver. 1299.

1102.

Boeckh in Hirt Ueber die Hierodulen, p. 48.

1103.

See book III. ch. 4.

1104.

Diod. IV. 66. Pausan. VII. 3. 1. see above, ch. 2. § 7.

1105.

Apostol. VII. 34. where for Ἀθηναίων read Ἀργείων. Suidas in δόρυ κηρυκεῖον. Orchomenos, p. 118.

1106.

Herod. VII. 132. Xenoph. Hell. VI. 3. and 5. ἐλπὶς δεκατευθῆναι τὸ πάλαι λεγόμενον Θηβαίους. Not the land, but the people themselves were to be decimated.

1107.

See above, p. 46, note n. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “the Dorians or Malians,” starting “Aristot. ap. Strab.”] Etymol. M. p. 154. 7.

1108.

Apollod. II. 7. 7. cf. Diod. IV. 37.

1109.

Pausan. II. 35. 2. Apollo was also worshipped under the titles of Ὄριος and Πλατανίστιος. Concerning the Dryopes as worshippers of Apollo see Pausan. IV. 34. 6. Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 480. Prob. ad Virgil. Georg. III. 7. Anton. Liberal. c. 32. Etymol. M. p. 288. 32. Heyne ad Æn. IV. 143. vol. II. p. 736. ed. 3. According to Pausanias they also retained this worship in the Messenian settlements. According to Conon, c. 29. upon the occasion of the return from Troy they sent a tithe (δεκάτη).

1110.

See above, b. I. ch. 2. § 4.

1111.

Ver sacrum vovere, i.e. quæcunque vere proximo nata essent immolaturos, Festus in v. Mamertin. Trecenta millia hominum, velut ver sacrum, miserunt, Justin. XXIV. 4.

1112.

According to the remarkable account of Parthen. Erot. 5. they were δεκατευθέντες ἐκ Φερῶν ὑπ᾽ Ἀδμήτου, and were conducted by Leucippus a Lycian. Strab. XIV. 647. reverses the story: Δελφῶν ἀπόγονοι, τῶν ἐποικησάντων τὰ Δίδυμα ὄρη (near Pheræ, Orchomenos, p. 192.) ἐν Θετταλίᾳ.

1113.

Plato Leg. XI. p. 919 D. comp. Boeckh In Minoem et Leges, pag. 68. Magnesia, re-established according to Plato's fiction, consecrates to Apollo and Helius, κατὰ τὸν παλαιὸν νόμον, three men as an ἀκροθίνιον, ibid. XII. p. 945. See also Apollod. Fragm. p. 386. Conon Narr. c. 29. Varro 3. Rer. Human. apud Prob. ad Virg. Ecl. VI. Cretans in the Asiatic Magnesia, Strab. XIV. p. 636. Schol. Apollon. Rhod. I. 584.

1114.

Parthenius mentions Κρητιναῖον and Leucophryne instead of Magnesia.

1115.

Boeckh Corp. Inscript. 2910; and see particularly Conon ubi sup.

1116.

Aristot. and Theophrast. ap. Athen. p. 173 F.

1117.

Semus ἐν Δηλιακοῖς ap. Athen. ubi sup.

1118.

It is to this that the Homeric hymn to the Pythian Apollo, v. 1. refers; also the coins of Magnesia (Apollo supra Mæandrum stans). There was also a place near Magnesia called Apollonia.

1119.

X. 32. 4.

1120.

Hence the name of Apollo Hylates in Lycoph. 447; where Tzetzes is confused. Apollo Hylates at Amamassus in Cyprus, Steph. Byz. in v. In Athen. XV. p. 672 E. for ὙΒΛΑ ὙΛΑΙ. Query, whether Hiera. Come, Liv. XXXVIII. 12, 13. is the same place? Magnesia on the Sipylus also worshipped Apollo, τὸν ἐν Πάνδοις, Marm. Oxon. 26. 85.

1121.

See Frank Callinus, p. 89. Liebel Archil. p. 202. Concerning the founding of Magnesia see Ruhnken on Velleius I. 4. Kanne on Conon, c. 29. Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. p. 387.

1122.

Plut. Quæst. Græc. 13. 26.

1123.

A Rhegian in Timæus (Strab. p. 260 C. Antig. Caryst. 1), ἱεροὺς εἶναι τοῦ θεοῦ τοὺς προγόνους αὐτοῦ, καὶ τὴν ἀποικίαν ἐνθένδε ἐστάλθαι. cf. VI. p. 257 D. Creuzer Fragm. Xanth. p. 373. cf. p. 178.

1124.

Respecting the ablutions in the seven rivers, the sacred laurel-tree, &c., see Varro ap. Prob. Præf. ad Virg. Ecl. and compare Hermann's excellent dissertation on the Glauci of Æschylus, Opuscula, vol. II. p. 59.

1125.

Pausan. V. 25. 1. The coins of Rhegium have the head of Apollo, a lyre, a tripod, and cortina.

1126.

See particularly Tacit. Annal. IV. 14.

1127.

Founded, according to Callim. Epigr. XLI. 2. by Acrisius the Pelasgian, to whom the establishment of the Amphictyonic council was for that reason attributed.

1128.

Ælian. V. H. III. 1. Liv. XXXIX. 24. comp. Plutarch de Def. Orac. 14.

1129.

On the towns included in the league see above, book I. ch. 6. § 2. On the games at the festival, Herod. I. 144.

1130.

Neptune and the nymphs were also of the number of the Triopian deities, Schol. Theocr. XVII. 69. Comp. Boeckh ad Schol. Pind. Pyth. II. 27. p. 314. Concerning the worship of Apollo at Halicarnassus, see Inscript. in Walpole's Travels, p. 576. Apollo Telchinius at Lindus (see Meurs. Rhod.), at Cameirus ἐειγεννήτης and ἐπιμήλιος. Macr. Sat. I. 17. at Anaphe, Apollo Ægletes, Æginetica, p. 170. note a; comp. above, p. 116. note z.

1131.

I have adopted the opinion of Ste. Croix, Gouvernemens fédératifs, p. 156. that the federal festival of the twelve Æolian cities was at Gryneum, chiefly on account of the altars of the twelve gods, and the Ἀχαιῶν λιμὴν at that place, and the statements of Scylax.

1132.

According to Strabo X. p. 487. there were here ἑστιατόρια, as at Delos, for the assembly; and in a Tenian inscription (Boeckh Corp. Ins. Gr. No. 2329), a citizen is eulogized for having undertaken a θεαροδοκία for the Delians, the office of receiving the θεωροὶ, a species of λειτουργία. Spanheim ad Callim. Hymn. Del. 325.

1133.

Ἱστίη νήσων, Callim. Hymn. Del. 325. et Spanheim ad 1.

1134.

Hom. Hymn. ad Apoll. Del. 141. The coins like those of Delos: the name also reminds us of mount Cynthus. (Hemsterh. ad Aristoph. Plut. p. 311.)

1135.

An Apollonia in this island, Steph. Byz. Compare the coins.

1136.

Particularly at Carthæa, Pind. Isthm. I. 6. Athen. X. p. 456 E. Probably a Δήλιον, according to Dissen. Explic. p. 484. Πύθια at the same place, Anton. Lib. c. 1. Concerning the choruses of Apollo at Carthæa see Boeckh Corp. Insc. Gr. Nos. 2361-3. A Smintheum at Coressus and Pœessa, Strabo X. p. 486.

1137.

Apollo Tragius, Steph. in Τραγαία. Apollo Ποίμνιος, Macr. Sat. I. 17. Hipponax ap. Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 658. A Δήλιον at Naxos. Aristot. Plut. Virt. Mul. p. 289. ed. Hutten. Parthen. Erot. 9. comp. Obs. Misc. Bat. vol. VII. p. 24. Besides these, there were many other Ionic temples of Apollo, in Samos, Eubœa, &c.

1138.

See above, book I. ch. 6. § 12.

1139.

Ælian. V. H. II. 26. Tzetzes ad Lycoph. 911. Wesseling corrects Ἀλαῖος for Ἅλιος in Aristot. ubi sup. comp. Heyne Opusc. Acad. vol. II. p. 178. with Creuzer Symbolik. II. p. 200. The bird on the coins is not an eagle but a raven (Mionnet Descr. planche 60), the comes iripodum.

1140.

One hundred and twenty stadia from Croton, Aristot. Mirab. Ausc. p. 1098 C. Justin. XX. 1. Etym. Mag. in Ἀλιαῖος.

1141.

Ap. Strab. VI. p. 265 C.

1142.

On the statue of Aristeas in the market-place of Metapontum, by the side of the statue of Apollo, see Herod. IV. 15. and on a brass laurel-tree in the same place, Athen. XIII. p. 605 C. In the temple of Apollo, Plutarch περὶ τοῦ μὴ χρᾶν 8.

1143.

Caulonia in Italy is also remarkable for this worship, the ancient coins of which town exhibit Apollo bearing a laurel, or a bow, with a stag.

1144.

Thucyd. VI. 3. ΑΡΧΑΓΕΤΑ ΠΟΛΛΩΝΟΣ, on the coins of Tauromenium and Enna. As to Sicily, there was a temple of Apollo Temenites Pythius at Syracuse, Cic. Verr. IV. 53. Steph. Byz. in Συρακοῦσαι. comp. Ælian. V. H. I. 18. Letronne Topographie de Syracuse, p. 26. Göller de Situ Syrac. p. 59. also of Apollo Δαφνίτας, Etymol. p. 250. 38. At Gela there was a colossal statue of Apollo in front of the town, Timæus apud Diod. XIII. 107. Apollinarian rites of the Erbitæans and their colony Alæsa, Diod. XIV. 16. Inscript. ap. Castelli, p. 109 sqq. At Lilybæum, according to the coins, Apollo Libyrtius near Pachynum. Macr. Sat. I. 17. The month Dalius in Sicily, Castelli Prol. 73.

1145.

Inscription at Olympia, ap. Pausan. V. 22. 2.

1146.

Plut. de Pyth. Orac. 16. p. 273. Also at Myrina in Æolis. Comp. ch. 2. § 7.

1147.

Orchomenos, p. 327 sqq.

1148.

A similar tradition in Sinope, Philostephanus ap. Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 953. Diod. IV. 71.

1149.

Herod. IV. 32. See also Homer. Hymn. VII. 29.

1150.

X. 5. 4.

1151.

See above, ch. 1. § 3.

1152.

Thus I write for Ἀμάδοκος in Paus. I. 4. 4. and Λαοδόκος, ib. X. 23. 3. on account of the Laodice of Herodotus. Herodotus VIII. 39. mentions, on a similar occasion, the native heroes Phylacus and Autonous.

1153.

Scholl. Apoll. Rh. II. 675. unless Cluver. Germ. Ant. I. p. 16, is right in correcting Κελτοὺς for Δελφούς.

1154.

See the beautiful fragment in prose in Himerius Orat. XIV. 10. with which Cicero de N. D. III. 23. agrees; see Heindorf's note. It is to this ode, perhaps, that the words of Plutarch refer, De Mus. 14. δῆλον ἐκ τῶν χορῶν καὶ τῶν θυσιῶν, ἃς προσῆγον μετ᾽ αὐλῶν τῷ θεῷ, καθάπερ ἄλλοι τε καὶ Ἀλκαῖος ἔν τινι τῶν ὕμνων ἱστορεῖ.

1155.

In this part occurred what Pausanias X. 8, 5. cites from the προοίμιον ἐς Ἀπόλλωνα of Alcæus, that the water of Castalia came from the Cephisus.

1156.

Diod. II. 47. where the period is alone falsely stated. That the harvest begins at the rising of the Pleiades, is stated by Hesiod. Op. et D. 381. Compare the story in Eratosth. Catast. 29.

1157.

Tischbein I. 8. 9. with the correct explanation of Italinsky. As in the vase in Tischbien IV. 8. the tripod is represented as standing beside the figure, which is a certain proof that Apollo is in question.—Nevertheless, some very distinguished antiquarians are still of opinion that the figure is Triptolemus, and not Apollo; indeed the Instituto di corrispondenza Archeologica at Rome has lately published a painted vase (I. Distrib. pl. 4.), in which Τριπτολεμος is written by this figure in the same position, and with the same accompaniments; whence it seems to me probable that, in antiquity, the ideas attached to this composition were not fixed. A vase in Millin I. 46. represents Apollo Daphnephorus attended by a Hyperborean in the Arimaspian costume.

1158.

Paus. X. 5. 5.

1159.

XXI. 3.

1160.

Œnomaus ap. Euseb. Præp. Evang. p. 133. Steph. quotes from a supposed oracle of a prophetess named Asteria, that the inhabitants and priests of Delos came from the Hyperboreans.

1161.

Aristot. Hist. An. VI. 35. Antig. Caryst. 61. p. 111. ed. Beckmann. Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 124.

1162.

Herod. IV. 35. Opis and Hecaërgus, according to Pseudo-Plato Axioch. pag. 371. A. Servius ad Æn. XI. 858. The circumstance of the θήκη of these virgins being turned to the east shows that it was of the Cretan time, since the Dorians laid their dead to the east, the Ionians to the west. See book IV. ch. 1. § 2.

1163.

περφέρεες, also ἀμαλλοφόροι and ὑλοφόροι. See Porphyr. de Abstin. II. 19. Rhoer ad 1 and Spanheim ad Callim. Hymn. Del. 283.

1164.

Dodona was Hyperborean, according to Etymol. M. in Δωδωναῖος.

1165.

Plutarch de Musica 14.

1166.

According to Herodotus and Callim. ad Del. 281. cf. Plin. H. N. IV. 26. Mela III. 5. Salmasius considers the gifts as θυμάτων ἀπαρχαὶ, prosiciæ hostiarum, with Mela; but they were doubtless primitiæ frugum, Exerc. Plin. p. 147.

1167.

No weight can be laid on the particular road, as Pausanias I. 31. 2. mentions one which touches Attica, where also there were rites or sanctuaries, τὰ ἐξ Ὕπερβορέων, Chrysost. Epist. ad Tit. Rom. 3. vol. XI. p. 744 E. ed. Montfaucon. See below, § 6.

1168.

Heyne Excurs. ad Æn. IV. 2. He also comes to Delos in the spring.

1169.

Tischbein II. 12. Compare the coins of Chalcedon ap. Valliant. et Theupoli. A commentary is furnished by the beginning of Callimachus' hymn to Apollo.

1170.

Above, ch. 1. § 2.

1171.

Herod. IV. 13. The statement of Herodotus is exactly confirmed by a fragment of Aristeas in Tzetz. Chiliad. VII. 144. which may be genuine. In v. 688. for καὶ σφᾶς ανθρωπους should be written καὶ φᾶς᾽ ἀνθρώπους (φασί).

1172.

Φοιβόλαμπτος. The Issedones were first mentioned by Alcman, who called them Ἀσσέδονες, Steph. Byz. in Ἰσσήδονες. He also mentioned the Rhipæans, Schol. Soph. Œd. Col. 1312.

1173.

Ap. Steph. Byz. in Ὕπερβόρεοι.

1174.

The two last points are likewise mentioned by Hellanicus ap. Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 305. Later authorities on this point I pass over.

1175.

Herod. IV. 25.

1176.

Olymp. III. 14. cf. Olymp. VIII. 41. Pyth. X. 31. Isthm. V. 22.

1177.

Ap. Schol. Apoll. Rh. IV. 284.

1178.

This is considered by Voss as the original notion, who supposes the whole fable of the happy Hyperboreans to be an invention of Spanish sailors, Ad Virg. Georg. II. p. 381. Weltkunde, Jena Journal Quart. II. p. 20, 29. sqq.: on the Griffins ib. Quart. IV. His opinions have been implicitly followed by Uckert, Géographie, vol. II. p. 237.

1179.

See particularly Apollon. Rh. IV. 284. who, according to the Scholia, follows Æschylus.

1180.

Boreas, according to Sophocles ap. Strab. VII. p. 204. carried Orithyia.

Ὕπέρ τε πόντον πάντ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἔσχατα χθονὸς,
Νυκτός τε πηγὰς οὐρανοῦ τ᾽ ἀναπτυχὰς,
Φοίβου τε παλαιὸν κῆπον.

1181.

Hellanicus ubi sup. Simonides and Pindar ap. Strab. XV. p. 1038 B. Æschyl. Choëph. 371.

1182.

Pyth. X. 56.

1183.

Compare the αἴθρια στέφη, Suidas in στέφος—τὰ ἐξ Ὕπερβορέων κομιζόμενα, ὡς ἀεὶ ἐν ὑπαίθρῳ τιθέμενα. Cratinus ap. Hesych. in v. Bekker. Anecd. p. 355. 30. Classical Journal vol. VI. p. 369.

1184.

Ap. Ælian. N. A. XI. 1. compare Creuzer Vet. Historic. fragm. p. 85. This Hecatæus still believed in the real existence of the Hyperboreans, Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 615. Steph. Byz. in Καραμβύκαι.

1185.

Comp. Callim. fragm. 187. Bœus and Simmias ἐν Απόλλωνι ap. Anton. Liber, c. 20. Tzet. zes Chil. VII. 144. v. 677. (compare Brunck Anal. vol. II. p. 525.) Gesner comment. Soc. Gotting. vol. II. p. 33.

1186.

Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. No. 1688. lin. 14.

1187.

Mela and Plin. ubi sup. cf. Hellanic. ubi sup. It is remarkable that this custom of leaping from high rocks occurs, in precisely the same manner as among the Hyperboreans, in Scandinavian legends. See Grimm, Deutsche Rechtsalterthümer, p. 486.

1188.

De Nat. Deor. III. 23.

1189.

So also Etymol. M. in νόμοι κιθαρ. p. 607. Referred to music (from νόμος, a strain) by Schol. Pind. Nem. V. 42. Procl. Chrestom. p. 282. 13. in Gaisford's Hephæstion.

1190.

Pyth. IX. 64. Boeckh. Explic. p. 324.

1191.

Orchomenos, p. 348.

1192.

The Parrhasian Apollo on mount Lycæum (Paus. VIII. 38. 2.) was originally the Apollo Nomius.

1193.

Cicero de Div. I. 57. 130. from Heraclides Ponticus.

1194.

Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 500. partly from Bacchylides, Pherecydes fragm. 42. ed. Sturz.

1195.

Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 514. cf. Schol. II. α. 766.

1196.

Clem. Alex. Protrept. p. 8. cf. Porphyr. Vit. Pythag. § 16. Cyrill. adv. Julian, p. 542.

1197.

The statement that Pythagoras placed at Delphi on a grave an inscription of these words, “Apollo the son of Silenus,” is a confused and fabulous story of late times, Porphr. ubi sup. The wild olive was sacred to Apollo Nomius, according to Theocritus XXV. 20; and he was considered the author of a kind of epilepsy, Hippocrat. de Morbo Sacro, p. 303.

1198.

Below, ch. 8. § 15.

1199.

Hesiod. fragm. 21. ed. Gaisford.

1200.

Paus. VIII. 30.

1201.

Apollo is represented with a crown of ears on his head, in a gem in Lippert's Dactyliothek I. p. 62. No. 145. Sometimes also on coins there is only a grain of corn with symbols of Apollo, e.g., on those of Hephæstia and Abdera.

1202.

Σμίνθοι ἀρουραῖοι, Æschylus ap. Ælian. Hist. An. XII. 15.

1203.

Strabo XIII. p. 604. Schol. II. α. 89. Ælian ubi sup. Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 1302. Apollo bears a mouse in his hand on a coin of Hadrian, belonging to Alexandria Troas Mionnet. tom. II. p. 644. A painted vase in Tischbein II. 17. probably refers to the sacred mice of a Smintheum; concerning which see Heraclid. Pont. ap. Strab. ubi sup. According to Pollux IX. 6. 84. the Argives had a mouse on their coins (as an emblem of Apollo); Eckhel has none of this kind; Mr. Payne Knight's collection contains a very small ancient gold coin with this type. See Knight on the Symbolical Language of Mythology, § 128. note.

1204.

Strabo XIII. p. 613.

1205.

Philochorus ap. Schol. Vulg. ad Od. XX. 155. cf. ad XXI. 258.

1206.

Plutarch Dion. 23.

1207.

Plutarch de Defect. Orac. 7, 12. de Pyth. Orac. 12. Symp. Quæst. III. 10.

1208.

Æginetica, p. 27. The Apollo Ἠλεῖος at Argos (Paus. VIII. 46. 2.) is hardly a Ἤλιος.

1209.

The Trœzenian Ὦρος (Paus. II. 30. 6.) was probably a god of the seasons, and afterwards the sun; but ὥρα and the Ægyptian Horus cannot surely have any etymological connexion.

1210.

Herod. VI. 97. Pseudo-Plat. Axioch. p. 371 A. comp. Æsch. Pers. 206.

1211.

See below, ch. 6. § 10. [Transcriber's Note: There is no such section in that chapter.]

1212.

Eurip. Phaeth. fr. 2. Matthiæ. Ἀπόλλω δ᾽ ἐν βροτοῖς σ᾽ ὀρθῶς καλεῖ Ὅστις τὰ σιγῶντ᾽ ὀνόματ᾽ οἶδε δαιμόνων.

1213.

Fragm. 48. The same doctrine was followed by Apollodorus (Macrob. Sat. I. 17.) and Philochorus, according to whom there was a Helius-Apollo among the Tritopatores, ap. Strab. XIV. p. 655.

1214.

C. 24. It is only the following narration which is taken from the Bassarides of Æschylus; comp. Timotheus περὶ κοσμοπούας ap. Euseb. Scalig. p. 4.

1215.

This fact refers to the actual worship of the sun in Thrace, Sophocles in Tereo ap. Schol. Il. XV. 705.

1216.

The passages in which he is considered as the god of the sun, a fragment in J. Diaconus, and a hymn, are of the latest date. The Sibylline oracle in Zosimus II. 6. where Apollo is called Helius, is of the Alexandrine age; likewise the strange hymn in Brunck's Analecta, vol. II. p. 518. is of very late date. Moreover, the coins, in which Apollo is represented with rays round his head, are, as far as I can discover, all of the age of the emperors.

1217.

The Apollo γενέτωρ of Delos was probably so called with a fixed though obscure reference, like the Apollo πατρῷος, which the Orphic philosophers in Macrob. Sat. I. 17. also explained to be progenitor in general. See above, ch. 2. § 15.

1218.

Orchomenos, p. 383. compare Schwarz Miscell. Polit. hum. p. 89. Creuzer Symbolik, vol. III. p. 166.

1219.

Od. XV. 402. cf. III. 280. XI. 171. Il. XXIV. 759. Artemis kills women for him, as in Pindar Pyth. V. 10. On Artemis and Apollo, as gods of death, see Nast's Opusc. Lat. P. 11. n. 12. p. 293 sqq.

1220.

Ἕκατος, ἑκάεργος, ἑκηβόλος, ἑκατηβελέτης, ἀφήτωρ.

1221.

Il. IV. 508. VII. 21.

1222.

XV. 308. XVI. 703.

1223.

See Pind. Pyth. IV. 86.

1224.

Hom. Hymn. Apoll. Del. 13.

1225.

Homer represents Aphrodite as the protector of Æneas and antagonist of Diomed, and Ares in battle for the Trojans, in a disadvantageous light; and describes, with evident irony, the weakness of the goddess, and the brutal confidence of the god. In like manner, Diana and the river-god Scamander sometimes play a very undignified part. Apollo, alone, always maintains his dignity.

1226.

Il. XXI. 464. cf. XXIV. 40. ᾧ οὔτ᾽ ἂρ φρένες εἰσίν ἐναίσιμοι.

1227.

Il. XXIV. 606.

1228.

Od. XI. 517.

1229.

Il. VIII. 227. He overcomes Phorbas in a boxing-match, Eurytus in a contest of archery, to which the latter had challenged all the gods; hence he is in general supposed to preside over contests with the cæstus (Il. XXIII. 660. Plutarch. Quæst. Symp. VIII. 4); and amongst the Dorians, who loved the sports of the field, was particularly considered as a patron of archery and huntsmen. Il. XXIII. 872. Soph. Œd. C. 1091. Pollux V. 5. 39.

1230.

Ὦναξ Ἄπολλον, καὶ σὺ μὲν τοὺς αἰτίους Πήμαινε, καὶ σφᾶς ὄλλυ᾽ ὥσπερ ὀλλύεις. Fragm. 79. ed. Gaisfoid. Compare Blomfield ad Æsch. Agam. 66. Gloss.

1231.

Ἀπὸ σ᾽ ὀλέσειεν Ἄρτεμίς τε χὠπόλλων, Fragm. 16. ed. Welcker.

1232.

Æschyl. Agam. 1091. Plato Cratyl. p. 405. and Eurip. Phaeth. (above, p. 306. note m. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “wont to destroy them,” starting “Ὦναξ Ἄπολλον.”]) allude to the same derivation.

1233.

Hermann Ueber das Wesen der Mythologie, p. 107.

1234.

Pausan. I. 43. 7. Anthol. Palat. VII. 154. On a coin of Prusia Apollo is represented with a scourge in his hand, Mionnet Descript. tom. II. p. 482.

1235.

Herod. III. 52. Walpole's Travels, p. 541. In an Asiatic inscription of the cod. Sherard. these fines are called ἱεραὶ δραχμαί.

1236.

Agamem. 55.

1237.

Gellius N. A. V. 12.

1238.

Schol. Eurip. Phœn. 1446.

1239.

Plut. Quæst. Græc. 24.

1240.

Plut. de Ει 21. p. 246. de Defect, Orac. 7. p. 309. non posse suav. vivi sec. Epicur. 23. p. 124. Perhaps, likewise, the Apollo Philesius should be referred to this head.

1241.

Ἀκήσιος. Paus. VI. 24, 5. ἀκέστωρ, Eurip. Androm. 900.

1242.

Ἐπακούριος, Paus. VIII. 32-41. 5.

1243.

Ἀλεξίκακος, ibid. I. 3. 3. Aristoph. Pac. 420. Compare Visconti, Museo Pio-Clement. I. p. 27.

1244.

Ἀποτροπαῖος, Orac. ap. Demosth. in Mid. p. 331. 27. Inscript. in Walpole's Travels, p. 547. No. 38. Stuart's Antiquities of Athens, vol. I. p. 25. called προστάτης, in the colonies on the Pontus, above, ch. 2. § 6. comp. Soph. Trach. 208. with Hermann's note. He is invoked in his character of Προστατήριος to avert nightly terrors, in Soph. Elec. 638; in Aj. 187 he keeps off madness; in Eurip. Herc. Fur. 821, the fury. Πύθιοι καὶ σωτήριοι θέοι. Boeckh Corp. Inscript. No. 1693.

1245.

Pind. Pyth. v. 63. cf. IV. 270. Aristoph. Plut. 8. Soph. Œd. T. 149. Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 72. See, however, Il. XVI. 527. He was called Λοίμιος at Lindus, Macrob. Sat. I. 17. Medicus at Rome about 416 A.U.C. Ἰατρὸς, Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 1206.

1246.

Demosth. in Mid. ubi sup.

1247.

Il. v. 401, 899. with Schol. Venet. cf. Od. IV. 232. Aristarchus considered Apollo and Pæon in Homer as identical, yet Hesiod distinguishes them in the fragment in Eustath. ad Od. p. 1493. Schol. Min. ad 1. (cf. Hemsterhuis in Gaisford's Poetæ Min. p. 551), and perhaps also in Brunck's Analecta, vol. I. p. 67.

1248.

Hom. Hymn, ad Apoll. Pyth. Eurip. Ion 128, 140. Pindar's Pæan in the Fragments.

1249.

Proclus apud Phot. ἰδίως ἀπέκειτο τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι καὶ τῇ Ἀρτέμιδι.

1250.

Hom. Hymn. 272, 320.

1251.

Proclus ubi sup. Hesych. In Soph. Œd. T. 152. a song of a chorus resembling a pæan has these words; Φοῖβος—σωτήρ θ᾽ ἵκοιτο καὶ νόσου παυστήριος. cf. Schol. ad v. 114. et Suid. in ἰηίων.

1252.

Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 21. Næniæ and pæans opposed to one another. Eurip. Iph. T. 183. The god of death was honoured with no pæan. Æsch. Niob. Frag. 5. Pæans to Hades, the Furies, &c. are an oxymoron; see Monk ad Eurip. Alc. 431.

1253.

Comp. the pæans of the Spartans at the Gymnopædia for the battle of Thermopylæ. Etymolog. Mag. p. 243, 4. Apollo and Artemis, gods of victory, Soph. Trach. 207.

1254.

See Æschyl. Theb. 250. The ὀλυλυγμὸς (ululatus) which is here mentioned was in part the ἐλελεῦ, which according to Plutarch Thes. 22. occurred in singing the pæan and at the libation (in this passage σπένδοντες is evidently the right meaning). Hence Apollo is called ἐλελεὺς in Macrob. Sat. I. 17. From this also comes the ἐλελίζειν which Xenophon often mentions, but distinguishes it from the pæan, and represents it as performed to Enyalius or Ares, Anab. I. 8. 18. cf. V. 2. 14. Hell. II. 4, 17.

1255.

Callim. Apoll. 113. Apoll. Rhod. II. 710. cf. Athen. XV. p. 701 C. Duris ap. Etym. Mag. in ἰηίε.

1256.

Thuc. VII. 44. cf. IV. 43.

1257.

Æsch. Again. 99.

1258.

Eurip. Hippol. 1373. Æsch. ap. Stob. Serm. p. 121.

1259.

Æsch. Agam. 518.

1260.

Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 352.

1261.

Dieuchidas in Megaricis ap. Schol. Aristophan. Vesp. 870. Harpocrat. In Tegea (derived from Sparta) Paus. VIII. 53. I. 2.

1262.

Above, ch. 4. § 2.

1263.

Demosth. in Mid. p. 331. comp. Varro ap. Porphyr. ad Horat. Carm. IV. 6. 28. ex responso sui (Pythii) oraculi in viis publicis urbis suæ Athenienses statutis altaribus sacrificare Apollini instituerunt et Agyeum appellare. Also Eurip. Ion 186. to which Eustath. ad Il. p. 166. Rom. refers. Varro is probably followed by Euanthius De Tragœdia et Comœdia: Athenienses cum Apollini Nomio vel Ἀγυιαίῳ (as Osann. Auctar. Lex. p. 82. corrects), i.e. pastorum vicinorumque (read vicorumque) præsidi deo constructis aris festum carmen solenniter cantarent.

1264.

Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 870. Thesm. 496. Eq. 1317. Schol. Eurip. Phœn. 634. Harpocrat. Hesych. Helladius ap. Phot. cod. 279. p. 1596. Plautus Mercat. IV. 1. 9. Steph. Byz. in ἀγυιὰ, also Otto de Diis Vialibus, et Zoëga De Obeliscis p. 210. The Agyieus often occurs on coins, instead of other emblems of Apollo, where numismatic writers have not recognised the symbol. See the coins of Apollonia in Epirus, Aptera in Crete, Megara, Byzantium, Oricus, Ambracia, where the statue is surrounded with fillets.

1265.

Eurip. Ion. ubi sup.

1266.

κυισσᾶν ἀγυιὰς, Demosth. ubi sup. and Stephens's Thesaurus, ed. Lond. vol. I. p. 1048.

1267.

Ἀβέλιος, the Cretans and Pamphylians, Hesych. in v. Comp. Hemsterhuis ad Hesych. in θάβακον, Koen ad Greg. Corinth. p. 354. ed. Schæfer. βέλα ἥλιος καὶ αὐγὴ, a Laconism according to Hesychius.

1268.

The jocular etymology of Plato from πολεῖν, and the absurd one from ἀπολὺς, mentioned by Cicero de Nat. Deor. II. 27. Plutarch, de Ει 9. p. 228 (because Apollo was τὸ ἓν, De Iside 76. p. 207). cf. Macrob. Sat. I. 17. and others in the Etymol. M., I may be excused from examining.

1269.

Maittaire, p. 152, 264.

1270.

Festus in v. Comp. Schneider, Lat. Gram. vol. I. 1. p. 12.

1271.

There appear to be two radical forms, having nearly the same meaning, from which the word ΑΠΕΛΛΩΝ might be derived. First ϜΕΛ or ϜΕΛϜ, VOLVO, “to roll,” “to press together,” and ΕΛ, “to push, strike, drive,” &c. Ἐλάσαι, ἐλαύνειν, &c., are evidently derivatives of this ΕΛ; from which it is probable that ἀπέλλων or ἀπόλλων is derived, as Homer constantly uses ϝέλϝω, but ἐλάσαι, &c., as well as Ἀπόλλων, without the digamma.

1272.

See Apollon. Lex. Hom. p. 833. ed. Villoison. Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 301.

1273.

Aesch. Suppl. 222. Pindar Pyth. IX. 66. Plutarch, de Ει 20. p. 243. De Exilio 17. p. 386. Apollo sanctus, Cicero Tusc. Quaest. IV. 34. Montfaucon Inscript. vol. I. pl. 52. No. 10. The term φοιβονομεῖσθαι was used of the Thessalian diviners, when they lived apart on the ἀποφράδες ἡμέραι, Plutarch, de Ει.

1274.

Plutarch. de Def. Orac. 2.

1275.

Theophrast. de Lapid. 37.

1276.

Compare φοῖβον ὕδωρ Apollon. Lex. in v. Lycophr. v. 1009.

1277.

Sturz. de Lingua Macedonica.

1278.

Agamemn. 1084, 1088. cf. Eurip. Alcest. 22.

1279.

Aesch. Theb. 696, 865. Eurip. ap. Plutarch, de Ει 20. p. 246. λοιβαὶ νεκύων φθιμένων ἀοιδαὶ ἃς ὁ χρυσοκόμας Ἀπολλων οὐκ ἐνδέχεται, which Hermann has received in Eurip. Suppl. 999. Hesych. in ἀκερσεκόμης. Creuzer Meletem. vol. I. p. 31.

1280.

Paus. X. 14. 4. The names of the chief priestesses were here registered, Plutarch. Pericl. 21.

1281.

Plutarch. Pyrrh. 32. For Athens see above, p. 264. note c. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “festival of Boedromia,” starting “Callim. Hymn.”] On the sanctity of the wolf there, Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 124.

1282.

Elect. 6. cf. Schol. ad 1. et ad Æsch. Theb. 147. Plutarch. de Sol. Anim. 9. p. 155. Hesych. in λυκοκτόνος. Paus. II. 9. 7.

1283.

Il. XV. 239. cf. Antonin. Liber. c. 28. Ælian. H. A. X. 14. Aristoph. Av. 516. [The translators conceive that nothing more is meant in the passage of Homer than that Apollo flew swiftly as a hawk flies swiftly.]

1284.

Od. XV. 525. Apollo γυπαιεὺς, “the god of vultures,” was worshipped on the top of a hill near Ephesus, Conon, Narr. c. 35. There was also a kind of wolf called κίρκος, Oppian. Cyneg. III. 304.

1285.

Æsch. Theb. 147. καὶ σὺ, Λύκει᾽ ἄναξ, λύκειος γενοῦ στρατῷ δαΐῴ, where see Blomfield. Comp. Agam. 1266, and Soph. Œd. T. 203. Λύκει᾽ ἄναξ τὰ σὰ βέλεα. In a milder sense in Æsch. Suppl. 694. Soph. Œd. T. 920. Elect. 656. in which last tragedy Apollo throughout appears as armed with his highest and noblest attributes. See particularly v. 1379.

1286.

See Voss on Virgil's Georg. p. 408. Creuzer Comment. Herod. vol. I. p. 417.

1287.

Il. IV. 101, 119. cf. Heyne.

1288.

See Hom. Hymn. ad Apoll. Pyth. 266.

1289.

Schol. Soph. Elect. 6.

1290.

Perhaps the Apollo ἔναυρος in Hesych. in v. belongs to this class of attributes. Also there were temples of Apollo on the promontories of Leucæ, Leucatas.

1291.

Aristot. H. A. VI. 29 Otherwise Ælian. H. A. IV. 4. Apostol. XII. 18. comp. above, p. 287. note n. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “twelve days and nights,” starting “Aristot. Hist. An. VI. 35.”]

1292.

Apostol. XII. 21.

1293.

Among the moderns see Payne Knight, Symbol. Lang. § 124. Gail Philologue, tom. I. p. 300, (comp. Boissonade in Millin's Magasin Encyclopédique, tom. 118. p. 346.) where Λοξίας is brought into connexion with Λυκεῖος. It seems to me probable that the word Λοξίας first expressed the oblique position of the archer, who always has ὄμματα λοξά.

1294.

Comp. Paus. VI. 8. 2.

1295.

Theopompus apud Polyb. XVI. 12. 7. Plutarch. Quæst. Gr. 39. p. 398. Paus. VIII. 38. 5. On the ἄβατον see Amphis ap. Hygin. Poet. Astron. II. 1 p. 35. cf. IV. p. 362. ed. Muncker.

1296.

Pausan. X. 24. 4. Comp. Pindar Pyth. IV. 4. Ζεὺς βασιλεὺς was worshipped at Delphi, Xenoph. Anab. V. 9. 22. and also Ζεὺς εὔυπνος, Hesych. in v. Perhaps, too, the god Ἐλωὸς, whom Hesychius (in v.) calls the Doric Hephæstus, may be the real Zeus; a conjecture which is confirmed by the circumstance that the temples of Zeus at Dodona and in Laconia were called Ἑλλὰ, Hesych. in v. cf. in Ἔλα. That this Elous might have been originally derived from the El or Eloha of the people of Israel, I do not deny; but it is an etymology which leads to nothing but hopeless and uncertain conjecture.

1297.

Ἕκατος Διὸς υἱὸς, Aleman ap. Hephæst. p. 66. ed. Gaisf.

1298.

Æsch. Eumen. 19. 616. compare the ἱέρειαι in Macrobius Sat. V. 22. Schol. Soph. Œd. Col. 791. Soph. El. 660.

1299.

Concerning the exception of the Messenians see above, p. 151. note t, [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Terpander,” starting “I mention Eumelus.”] and for his birthplace at Tegyra above, ch. 2. § 11. Apollo was also said to have been born at Amphigenia in Triphylia, Steph. Byz. in v. and there was a temple of Latona, Strab. VIII. p. 349. Antimachus Fragm. 78. p. 111. ed. Schellenberg.

1300.

Ἐν χρόνῳ, i.e. “time was requisite for his birth;” “some time elapsed before Apollo could be born,” Pindar ap. Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 383. ed. Potter.

1301.

Homer, Hymn. Apoll. 305. comp. Hygin. Fab. 54.

1302.

Fragm. Prosod. I. p. 587. ed. Boeckh.

1303.

Pindar ibid.

1304.

Comp. Spanheim ad Callim. Hymn. Del. 36. 273.

1305.

Pindar Fragm. Prosod. 1. Boeckh. This ode must then have been written before the earthquake in Olymp. 72. 3. see Herod. VI. 98. which confirms the assertion of Dissen that Isthm. I. 4. is not alluded to, since this poem, as the same critic shows, was written after Olymp. 80. 3. Herodotus, again, had no knowledge of the earthquake which took place at the breaking out of the Peloponnesian war (Thucyd. II. 8.), and Thucydides had never heard of the other, which occurred before his time, nor read the statement of Herodotus. Comp. Mucian. apud Plin. H. N. IV. 12. Aristid. Orat. VI. p. 77. 78. Spanheim ad Callim. Del. 11. &c.

1306.

Above, ch. 2. § 13.

1307.

Pausan. I. 18. 5. VIII. 21. 2. IX. 27. 2. Comp. Herod. IV. 35. The confusion of Eileithyia and Fate, by Olen, is only a supposition of Pausanias.

1308.

Pausan. IX. 27. 2.

1309.

Spanheim ad Callim. Del. 308.

1310.

Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 16. 19. Callim. Del. 206. compare the map of the island in Choiseul Gouffier, Voyage Pittoresque, tom. I. pl. 31.

1311.

See Æschyl. Eumen. 9. Theognis v. 7. Herod. II. 170. Eurip. Ion 169. Iphigen. Taur. 1105. Call. Apoll. 59. Del. 261.

1312.

Pausan. VIII. 48. 2. conf. Hom. Odyss. VI. 167. Schol. ad Eurip. Ion. 932. Ælian. V. H. v. 4. Hygin. Fab. 53. 140. Catull. XXXIV. 8. For the palm as an emblem of Delos on Greek vases, see Tischbein I. 24. Il. 12.

1313.

Strabo X. p. 486, &c.

1314.

A fabulous reason is given by Callimachus, Fragm. 9. Hygin. fab. 247.

1315.

When four days old, according to Hygin. fab. 140. cf. Eurip. Iphig. Taur. 1252. Macrob. Sat. 1. 17.

1316.

Clearchus of Soli in Athen. XV. p. 701 C. Duris ap. Etymol. Mag. in Ἰήϊε, where for ἥλιον read Ἀπόλλωνα. comp. Bast ad Greg. Corinth, p. 834. This legend agrees with the compositions on the Greek vase in Tischbein III. 4. The plane-tree occurs also in Theophrast. Hist. Plant. IV. 13. Plin. H.N. XVI. 44. and in a bas-relief at the Villa Albani, Zoëga de Obeliscis, p. 212.

1317.

Apoll. Rh. II. 707. comp. Jamblich. Vit. Pythag. 10.

1318.

Schol. Æsch. Eumen. 2.

1319.

Comp. Hygin. fab. 140.

1320.

Plutarch de Pyth. Orac. 17. The fountain there spoken of, and not that of Castalia, is the one which the serpent was supposed to haunt. Comp. Hesych. in Τοξίου βοῦνος; a mound erected over the Python, in a ravine near Delphi, which is sometimes placed at Sicyon, Paus. II. 7. 7.

1321.

Apoll. Rhod. II. 706. Schol. (where also Δελφύνης is in the MS.) Dionys. Perieg. 441. Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 208. An ἡμίθηρ κόρη, according to later writers, in Apollod. I. 6. 3.

1322.

Lucian de Astrol. 23. The symbol of the goat is connected with the Python (since Αἴξ is called a child of the Python, Plutarch. Quæst. Græc. 12.), also a river Αἰγᾶς, and the πεδίον Αἰγαῖον at Delphi (Hesiod ap. Steph. Byz.), and the ὀμφαλὸς Αἰγαῖος, Hesych. in v. cf. Pausan. X. 11. 4. and Diod. XV. 26. The same animal was likewise sacred to Apollo at Elyrus in Crete (above, ch. 1. § 5.) and Tylissus; in the coins of which town Apollo is represented with a goat's head in his hand. At Delos the altar Κερατὼν, or Κεράτινος, was made of goat's horns by Apollo while a boy, Plutarch. Thes. 21. de Solert. Animal. 35. p. 201. Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 51. The same story was told of the Κεραιστὴς τόπος at Miletus (Callim. ap. Etym. Mag. 584. 10.), where there was a strange story of a he-goat which gave milk. It cannot be doubted that the goat was originally one of the unclean animals of the worship of Apollo.

1323.

Apollo, according to Simonides (ap. Eustath. ad Il. p. 52. 39.), slew the monster with an hundred arrows (as an explanation of ἑκατηβελέτης). The battle is represented on the coins of Croton; see Eckhel Num. Anecdot. plate I. No. 13.

1324.

Callim. ap. Tertull. de Cor. 7.

1325.

See in particular Boeckh de Metr. Pind. III. 4. p. 182. Pollux IV. 10. 81. calls the performance ἄχορον αὔλημα Πύθιον.

1326.

Plutarch. Quæst. Gr. 12. p. 383. de Def. Or. 14. 21. Ephorus ap. Strab. IX. p. 422. also alludes to the burning of the καλιὰς, which he calls σκηνή.

1327.

Orchomenos, p. 220.

1328.

In Plutarch de Def. Orat. 14. read ἔφοδος ᾗ αἱ Ὀλεῖαι (also in Hesych. in αἰόδα) τὸν ἀμφιθαλῆ κόρον ἡμμέναις δᾳσὶν ἄγουσιν for ἔφοδος μὴ αἰόλα δὲ τὸν, the women having the same name as those of Orchomenus, Plutarch. Quæst. Græc. 38. Compare Orchomenos, p. 166.

1329.

Above, ch. 1. § 2; and on the different tradition of Tarrha, ib. § 5.

1330.

In a verse of Sophocles, cited by Plutarch de Def. Orac. 14. Alcestis said of Apollo, οὑμος δ᾽ ἀλέκτωρ αὐτὸν ἦγε πρὸς μύλην, “My husband led him to the mill.” The name of the tragedy seems to have been Ἄδμητος; see the words of Plutarch ubi sup. A tragedy, I say; for, although Hermann (Præf. ad Eurip. Alcest. p. xv.) thinks that the line is from a satiric drama, the verses quoted in Schol. Pind. Pyth. IV. 221. which appear to be from the same play, are evidently of a tragic complexion. On the imitation of the servitude of Apollo, see also the words of Plutarch ib. 15. αἵ τε πλάναι καὶ ἡ λατρεία τοῦ παιδὸς οἵ τε γιγνόμενοι περὶ τὰ Τέμπη καθαρμοί.

1331.

Hesych. in Ἀδμήτου κόρη.

1332.

See particularly Æschyl. Eumen. 726. Eurip. Alcest. 10. Apollod. I. 9.

1333.

See Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 1231. (but the Scholion Ἀδμήτου λόγον, &c. has nothing to do with this point), and Zenob. Prov. Ἀδμήτου μέλος.

1334.

Eubemerus ap. Minut. Felic. c. 21. 2. Fulgent. Expos. Germ. Ant. p. 168. Porphyr. Vit. Pyth. 16.

1335.

Several coins appear to represent this lustration; e.g., one of Chalcedon, in Mionnet, No. 88; one of Perinthus, ibid. No. 329; see also those of Alexandria Troas in Mionnet, Nos. 109, 115, 116.

1336.

Thus Pherecydes ap. Schol. Eur. Alcest. 2. (cf. ap. Schol. Pind. Pyth. III. 96.) who drew his information from Hesiod. Hesiod related this tradition in the part of the Ἠοῖαι or catalogue which treated of the daughters of Leucippus, one of whom is said to have been the mother of Æsculapius. Tzetzes ad Hes. Theogon. 142. Compare Athenagoras Legat. p. 134. and Schol. Eurip. ubi sup. Apollod. III. 10. 4. I. 9. 15. Diod. IV. 71. Excerpt. p. 546. ed. Wesseling. Orph. Argon. 176, also Eurip. Alcestis, and Asclepiades in the Scholia. The religious tradition is given by Anaxandridas the Delphian in Schol. Eurip. Alcest. 2. (περὶ τῶν συληθέντων ἐν Δελφοῖς ἀναθημάτων, Vatic. Prov. I. 5.) and Plutarch, perhaps from the same authority. Those who in Iliad I. 399. wrote καὶ Φοῖβος Ἀπόλλων, attributed his banishment to a rebellion against Zeus. See also Æschylus ap. Plutarch de Exilio 17.

1337.

Il. XXI. 443. θητεύσαμεν εἰς ἐνιαυτόν. Thus also Pherecydes and the others. Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 323. μέγαν εἰς ἐνιαυτὸν, from an epic poet. Plutarch. Amator. 17. gives the whole verse; Ἀδμὴτῳ πάρα θητεῦσαι μέγαν εἰς ἐνιαυτόν.

1338.

Schol. Apoll. Rhod. IV. 611; see the very confused account in Eratosth. Catast. 29. with Schaubach's note. p. 110.

1339.

Odyss. XI. 580 Pausan. III. 18. 7. (on the Amyclæan throne) X. 11. 1. Pind. Pyth. IV. 90.

1340.

Διὸς νημερτέα βουλὴν, Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 132. comp. Hymn. Merc. 471, 533.

1341.

Ælian. V. H. XI. 5. Also sacrifices of cakes at Athens, Harpocration and Hesychius in ἔνθρυπτα, Suidas in ἔνθρυπτος Ἀπόλλων. comp. Hemsterhuis ad Lucian. vol. II. p. 411. ed. Bipont.

1342.

See above, ch. 2. § 2.

1343.

Aristot. in Δηλίων πολίτεια ap. Diog. Laert. VIII. 13. Timæus ap. Censorin. de die nat. 2. (Tim. fragm. 62. ed. Goeller). Compare Macrobius Sat. III. 6. Clem. Alex. Strom. VII. p. 717. Porphyr. de Abstinent. II. 28. (see Rhoerp. 153.) Jamblichus Vit. Pythagor. 5. 7. Cyrillus in Julian. IX. p. 307 B. Concerning the horn altar, see above, p. 325, note d. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “inner sanctuary,” starting “Lucian de Astrol. 23.”]

1344.

Plutarch. Sept. Sapient. 14. The first-fruits of the year were also carried round at the Attic Thargelia, Hesychius in Θαργήλια.

1345.

Schol. Pindar. Argum. p. 298. ed. Boeckh.

1346.

See particularly Crates ap. Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 725. Suidas in εἰρεσιώνη. Menecles ap. Suid. in διακόνιον. cf. in προηποσία. Thes. 22. Apostal. Prov. XXI. 24.

1347.

Also the χύτρα ἀθάρησ καὶ ἔτνους, which was used at this festival, referred more to the gods of husbandry.

1348.

The ancient Greeks considered the winter as the season when the gods of the infernal regions were predominant, and a state of impurity existed; while they looked on spring and summer as a pure and sacred season.

1349.

Meursii Græcia Feriata in Θαργήλια. Compare Orchomenos, p. 106. An historical tradition respecting the first φαρμακὸς, from a work of Istrus περὶ τῶν Ἀπόλλωνος ἐπιφανειῶν, is preserved in Harpocration and Etymol. Magn. in v.

1350.

Parthen. Erot. 9. Hesychius in Θαργήλια ad fin. where the correction of Hemsterhuis is disapproved by Welcker on Schwenck's Mythologische Andeutungen, p. 341.

1351.

Archilochus fragm. 46. ed. Gaisford.

1352.

Servius ad Æn. III. 57. from Petronius. Apollo Delphinius was worshipped there, Strabo IV. p. 179 B.

1353.

See the verses of Hipponax in Tzetzes Chil. V. 743. also in Athen. IX. p. 370 A. and his testimony in Plutarch de Musica 8. comp. Hesychius in κραδίης.

1354.

Above, ch. 2. § 10.

1355.

Pausan. II. 7. 7. Perhaps there was a local tradition that the Python was killed in Sicyon; see above, p. 324, note b. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “supplied from the Styx,” starting “Plutarch de Pyth. Orac. 17.”]

1356.

Plutarch. Thes. 18. The number is evident from the context.

1357.

In order to show the correspondence between the sacred seasons at Athens and Delphi, it should be remarked that at the latter place the nine months of spring, summer, and autumn were sacred to Apollo, and during them the sacrifice was accompanied by the pæan; while the three winter months were sacred to Bacchus, and hence in them the dithyramb was played at the sacrifices (Plutarch. de Ei 9. p. 229.); and that in Athens also the festivals of Bacchus were celebrated between Poseideon and Elaphebolion, and those of Apollo during the other months.

1358.

See Æginetica, page 152. That the testamentum Epictetæ belongs to Thera, is proved by Boeckh Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 2448.

1359.

Schol. Pind. Pyth. Argument.

1360.

See particularly Callisthenes and Anaxandridas (the same person who is mentioned above) in Plutarch. Quæst. Græc. 9. Thucydides V. 1. cf. 18. 24. also places the Pythian festival at the end of Elaphebolion. The first passage has been often misunderstood (e.g. by Manso, Sparta, vol. III. part II. p. 193.): its meaning is, “The annual armistice remained suspended; there was again war, until the Pythian games.” Without going further into the complicated inquiry concerning the time of the Pythia, and without denying that in later ages the festival was transferred to autumn, I think that the arguments in the text fully justify me in assuming that the celebration of the victory over the Python (which celebration was the chief subject of the Pythia) took place in spring.

1361.

This is plain from the fable of Theseus, above, ch. 3. § 14. [Transcriber's Note: There is no such section in that chapter.]

1362.

Plutarch. Sympos. VIII. 1. 2. p. 342. de Ei 17. p. 238. Proclus ad Hesiod. Op. 767. Dionys. Hal. de Art. Rhet. 3. p. 243. ed. Reisk. comp. Valckenaer de Aristobulo Judæo § 37. p. 13.

1363.

Diog. Laert. III. 2. II. 24. Apollod. fragm. p. 413. 415. ed. Heyn. It is probably a fiction that Socrates was born on the former, Plato on the latter day.

1364.

The κωπὼ of the Daphnephoria (Proclus ap. Phot. p. 987.) has some resemblance to the εἰρεσιώνη, or olive-branch, which was also carried round at the Thargelia (Suidas in v.), and is also called a ἱκετηρία, Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 725.

1365.

The Athenians, according to Proclus as above, honoured the seventh day as Ἀπολλωνιακὴ, δαφνηφοροῦντες καὶ τὸ κανοῦν ἀποστρέφοντες (ἐπιστέφοντες Scalig.) καὶ ὑμνοῦντες τὸν θεόν.

1366.

Pontedera Antiq. p. 208. According to Scaliger Emend. Temp. vol. I. p. 54, this was anciently the beginning of the year; which is denied by Petavius Doctrin. Temp. I. 34. p. 42. compare Dodwell de Cyclis V. 12. p. 256.

1367.

Above, ch. 4. § 2. It was then probably that the festival of the Theophania was celebrated, Herod. I. 51.

1368.

Concerning which see above, ch. 1. § 2. ch. 2. § 12. 14. ch. 3. § 1. And for the ancient octennial Pythian games see Demetrius of Phalerum in Eustathius ad Od. γ'. p. 1466. ed. Rom. Schol. Med. ad Od. γ'. p. 267.

1369.

This too, as well as the olive-branch, was always borne by a παῖς ἀμφιθαλὴς, a boy who had both parents alive.

1370.

See a verse from an epic poet quoted by Plutarch, Præc. Reip. ger. 19. p. 178. Ἥκομεν οἱ κτείναντες, ἀπότρεπε λοιγὸν, Ἄπολλον.

1371.

Æsch. Choeph. 1035. Eumen. 43. στέμματα Δελφικά. Suidas in Ἐμπεδοκλῆς.

1372.

Eumen. 326.

1373.

Ibid. 238, 280, 446, 581. This expiation is also represented on several vases; see Tischbein II. 16. and more completely in Millin Vases II. 68. Monumens inédits I. 29. where see the accurate explanation. Orestes sits, half kneeling, on the ὄμφαλος, covered with a net, exactly as Æschylus describes it: by his side are Athene and the Furies; next the tripod is the sacred laurel, with fillets, and votive tablets; and by it is Apollo, standing, with a laurel chaplet, and his mantle thrown back; the spirit of Clytæmnestra and Pylades in the background. On a vase in the British Museum (No. 102), Orestes is represented as kneeling, with a sword in his hand, and a travelling cap thrown from his head, before an altar; woollen fillets, in the form of a chain, fall from one arm; Apollo, with a branch of laurel and a patera in one hand, stands by him; and in the other, as it appears, a pair of shears, with which he is going to cut off a lock of his hair. See also Museo Pio Clementino, V. pi. 22.

1374.

Ap. Schol. Eurip. Orest. 268. The purification of Orestes was likewise referred to the very ancient temple of Apollo at Trœzen; in front of which there was a building called the tent of Orestes (σκηνὴ Ὀρέστου); where he lived secluded from the world, until he was purified, And from the materials used in the purification (what Homer calls λύματα), which were buried close by, a laurel was said to have sprung, Pausan. II. 31. 11. comp. I. 22. 2. and above, ch. 2. § 8. It was also supposed to have been performed at Rhegium; see the passages quoted above, p. 278, note o. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “rites and festivals,” starting “Respecting the ablutions.”] The ἐνιαυτισμὸς, or seclusion of Orestes, took place in Parrhasia, according to Schol. Eurip. Orest. 1678.

1375.

Hellanic. fragm. 98. ed. Sturz.

1376.

In later times the ephetæ decided cases of unpremeditated and justifiable homicide in the Palladium, Delphinium, Prytaneum, and Phreattys: while the Areopagus, the court for murder, was separate: but in early times these aristocratic judges appear to have sat in all the five courts, each armed with full jurisdiction. Demosth. in Macart. p. 1069. 7. They were ἀριστίνδην αἱρεθέντες, according to Pollux VIII. 125. Philochorus (ap. Maxim. Proœm. ad S. Dionys. Areop. p. 19. fragm. ed. Siebel.) gives the same number for the Areopagites, i.e., as they were before the time of Solon.

1377.

Pollux ubi sup. This explains how the Areopagus might be of great antiquity (Aristot. Polit. II. 8. 2. &c), and yet never have been mentioned by Draco, who only spoke of the ephetæ, Plutarch, Solon. 29.

1378.

Suidas in ἀπενιαυτίσαι. Hesychius in ἀπενιαυτισμὸς. Schol. Eurip. Hippol. 35. and see Barnes's note. The term of banishment was always called ἐνιαυτὸς (Apollod. II. 8. 3. cf. III. 4. 2.), and was generally eight years (an ἐνναετηρὶς) in ancient times (see below, ch. 11. § 9.); but at Athens it was probably undetermined.

1379.

Ἐὰν θέλωσι Demosth. ubi sup.

1380.

Ἐὰν γνῶσιν οἱ πεντήκοντα καὶ εἷς ἄκοντα κτεῖναι ibid. cf. Pantænet. p. 983. 15. in Nausimach. p. 991. 3. where Reiske's alteration is wrong. See also particularly the θεσμοί in the speech of Demosthenes against Aristocrates. Plato, too, would have expiation and purification only in the case of involuntary homicide, de Leg. IX. p. 869. It was against every principle of law for the relations to compound for a wilful murder (see Pseudo-Demosth. in Theocrin. p. 1330. extr.); and thus, too, the case in Il. VI. 632. is mentioned as an exception. See, however, Apollod. II. 7. 6.

1381.

On this point more will be found below, in ch. 11. § 9. In this place I only observe, with reference to the assertion of Lobeck (de Præc. Myst. II. p. 6.), “that all expiations in the heroic mythology were invented by the historians,” that, according to Arctinus (Æthiopis ap. Prod. Chrestom. comp. Tychsen de Quinto Smyrnæo p. 61.), Achilles, after the murder of Thersites, fled to Lesbos, to be there expiated by Ulysses, after sacrifices to Apollo and Diana. It may indeed be shown from the Scholia to Il. XXIV. 484. that the original reading in this passage was not ἀνδρὸς ἐν ἀφνειοῦ, but ἀνδρὸς ἐν ἁγνίτεω, “in the house of the expiator, or purifier.” See Lobeck's Aglaophamus, vol. I. p. 300. vol. II. p. 1351.

1382.

Above, p. 264. note c. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “festival of Boedromia,” starting “Callim. Hymn.”]

1383.

Below, § 17.

1384.

See Book III. ch. 11. § 4.

1385.

Æschyl. Eum. 62.

1386.

Theocrit. Id. XXIV.

1387.

Plutarch. Conviv. Sept. Sapient. 14.

1388.

Boeckh's Economy of Athens, vol. II. p. 150. Compare also the fact mentioned in the first spurious Epistle of Æschines, p. 658. ed. Reisk.

1389.

Hesych. in v.

1390.

See Casaubon ad Theophrast. Char. 16.

1391.

Hence Manto is also called Daphne; and one of the sons of Priam, a prophet, was named αἴσακος, i.e. a laurel-bough, Apollod. III. 12. 5. cf. Hesych. in v.

1392.

Tischbein I. 33. Millin. Vases, tom. I. pl. 6.

1393.

Plutarch, Sympos. III. 9. 2. p. 148. ed. Hutten. Schol. Od. XIX. 86. διὰ τὸ κουροτρόφον τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος. Compare Eustathius p. 683. 40. ed. Bas. Hesych. in κορυθαλία, where the olive-branch is so called. See also Creuzer's Symbolik, vol. II. p. 161.

1394.

Ἀλήθεια is often used in oracles to signify the confirmation by events of the prediction; thus Antiphon wrote a treatise περὶ τῆς ἀληθείας, i.e. on the fulfilment of oracles. Apollo is called ἀληθὴς by Tryphiodorus v. 641. where see Wernicke's note. Diviners were called by the Spartans καταλαθισταὶ, Hemsterhuis ad Tim. p. 113.

1395.

See particularly Plin. jun. Epist. V. 6.

1396.

Above, ch. 1. § 2.

1397.

Ovid's Metamorphoses and Hyginus fab. 203. where see Muncker's note. It is also related to have taken place at Amyclæ, at Claros, and also on the banks of the Ladon; the latter on account of Apollo Oncæus. In several coins of Metapontum, e.g., on two in the Paris cabinet, Apollo is represented as placing or planting a laurel on a low altar; and he is frequently drawn with a laurel in his hand, sometimes bound with woollen fillets.

1398.

See Od. IX. 200. XX. 278. Pausan. I. 21. 9.

1399.

See particularly Od. XVI. 403. and Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 394. compare Ælian V. H. III. 43, 44. Diod. V. 67. Harpocration in θεμιστεύειν, &c. Themis was worshipped, together with Apollo, at Delphi (which also seems to be stated in the corrupt gloss of Hesychius in θέμις), and in the Didymæum, Chishull Ant. Asiat. p. 67.

1400.

Ap. Plutarch, de Pyth. Orac. 21. p. 282. (p. 333. ed. Schleiermacher.) Herod. VII. 111. also appears to a certain degree to praise the simplicity of the Delphic oracles, as also Philostratus Vit. Apollon. VI. 11.

1401.

Hom. Hymn. 24. Æsch. Choëph. 1037. Eurip. Ion 474. Plutarch. Num. 9.

1402.

See Plato de Rep. IV. p. 179. 7. Leg. VI. p. 428. 12. ed. Bekker.

1403.

The divination from dreams is also opposed by Euripides (Iphig. Taur. 1264) to the prophecies of Apollo; and he also refers to it the combat between the goddess Γαῖα and Phœbus.

1404.

All regular divination was of an early date, according to Pausan. I. 43. 3.

1405.

Above, ch. 2. § 14.

1406.

Hymn. Hom. III. 213, 544. Sophocl. Ed. T. 965. Alexander's Δελφικὰ. ap. Steph. Byz. in Πάρνασσος, Paus. X. 6. 1. comp. Plin. H. N. VII. 57.

1407.

Μάντεις Πυθικοὶ at the sacrifice, Eurip. Androm. 1107, 1116. see above, ch. 2. § 12. ch. 3. § 2.

1408.

Hom. Hymn. III. 552. Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 45, and Schol. Etym. Magn. p. 455. 51. Anecd. Bekk. p. 265. Zenobius V. 75. Steph. Byz. in Θρία. compare Hesychius in the obscure gloss Θριὼ, and the vase in Millingen's Diverses Peintures 29. Κλῆροι at Delphi are also mentioned by Plutarch de Ει 16.

1409.

Il. I. 602. Hesiod. Scut. 200; and see Heinrich's note. So also on the chest of Cypselus, with the verses in Paus. V. 18. 1, and Pindar Nem. V. 24.

1410.

Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 200. Pindar Fragm. 115. ed. Boeckh. Apollo himself, as a boy, is represented dancing on a tripod in a coin of Cos (Mionnet tom. III. p. 401).

1411.

Orchomenos, p. 381.

1412.

See, e.g. Athen. XIV. p. 636 E. Hence the κίθαρος was a fish sacred to Apollo, Apollod. Fragm. p. 395. ed. Heyn.

1413.

See the Homeric Hymn to Hermes. But even there the lyre is frequently confounded with the cithara (the seven-stringed in v. 51, which proves that this hymn is later than the time of Terpander). Comp. Apollod. III. 10. 2, where Apollod. is said to receive the pipe (σύριγξ) also from Mercury, and Eratosth. Catast. 24. The Æolian lyric poets made frequent mention of this fable, and hence it frequently occurs in Horace.

1414.

Pyth. V. 63.

1415.

Fragm. Pæan. 2. ed. Boeckh.

1416.

The frequent use of music in medicine in the most ancient times is certainly not a fiction; thus Apollo, when a player on the cithara and an ἰατρόμαντις, has offices nearly allied to one another, Æsch. Suppl. 261. Eumen. 62.

1417.

Paus. X. 7. 2. According to Schol. Pind. Pyth. Argum. 3. he was himself the καθαρτής.

1418.

Plutarch de Music. 42.

1419.

Diog. Laert. VIII. 24. Jamblichus Vit. Pythag. 26, &c.

1420.

Hence no flute-player was allowed to enter the temple of Tennes the son of Apollo, Diod. V. 83.

1421.

This fable, and the various representations of it in ancient art, are well known. See Bœttiger in Wieland's Attisches Museum, vol. I. p. 285. Visconti Museo Pio-Clementino V. 4. Millin. Vases vol. I. pl. 6. The accompaniments in the plate given by Tischbein IV. 6. show that Phrygia, those in I. 33. and Millingen pl. 6. that Delphi is meant.

1422.

Il. X. 13. The passage XVIII. 495. cannot be considered as equally ancient, see Eustathius and the Venetian Scholiast.

1423.

Hesiod. Scut. 281.

1424.

Athen. XIV. p. 624 B. Welcker ad Alcman. p. 6. Fragm. 86.

1425.

See Marm. Par. Ep. 10. and the commentators.

1426.

Boeckh ad Pindar. Fragm. p. 292.

1427.

Alcman. Fragm. 38. ed. Welcker. Plutarch de Mus. 14.

1428.

Aristoxenus ap. Plutarch. de Mus. 15. The same musician also composed the νόμος Πολυκέφαλος in honour of Apollo, Plut. ib. 7. Boeckh ad Pind. Pyth. XII. p. 345.

1429.

See the author's History of Greek Literature, ch. 12. § 6.

1430.

Plutarch de Mus. 14. Paus. V. 7. 4. V. 14. 4. τὸ Πύθιον, Athen. XII. p. 538 F.

1431.

Or perfect (τέλειοι αὐλοὶ), Aristides de Music. 2. p. 101. ed. Meibom.

1432.

Paus. II. 22. 9. X. 9. 3.

1433.

Paus. IX. 29. 3. Philochorus ap. Eustath. ad Il. p. 1163. 57. ed. Rom.

1434.

Conon Narr. c. 19. Paus. II. 19, 1 (his tomb was in the temple of Apollo). comp. Propertius II. 10. 8. A θρῆνος Ἀργεῖος is mentioned by Aristides Eleus. p. 259. Apollo is only his poetical father (Apollod. I. 3. 2. Theocritus, Eustathius); but his mother Psamathe and his brother Psamathus must have some meaning. With the ceremony mentioned in the text was connected a festival called Arnis or Cynophontis, at which a number of dogs were publicly slaughtered. Ælian. N. A. XII. 34. Statius Theb. VI. 65. Conon ubi sup. Athen. III. p. 99 F. The dog, as was frequently the case in ancient mythology, evidently represents Sirius, and generally the scorching heat of summer, so fatal to all vegetation. It appears, therefore, that they destroyed the emblem of that power by which the death of Narcissus was occasioned.

1435.

Hesiod ap. Eustath. ubi sup.

1436.

Hom. Il. XVIII. 569. Hesiod ubi sup. Euripides ap. Athen. XIV. p. 619 C.

1437.

See Stanley ad Æsch. Agam. 123. The proper name was perhaps οἶτος Λίνου, and the first words αἶ Λίνε.

1438.

Pollux I. 1. 38. cf. Il. ubi sup.

1439.

Barbarian Αἴλινοι in Eurip. Orest. 1402.

1440.

Schol. Apoll. I. 1135.

1441.

Orchomenos, p. 293.

1442.

Æsch. Pers. 1059 (where it is a melancholy tune to the lamentations of the chorus) and Schol. Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 791.

1443.

Æsch. Pers. 941. and Schol. Eustath. ubi sup. Pollux IV. 7. 54.

1444.

Schol. Theocrit. X. 41. Apostol. XII. 7. Hesychius in Μαριανδυνῶν θρῆνος.

1445.

Pollux IV. 10. 76.

1446.

II. 79. comp. Clearchus ap. Hesych. Pollux ubi sup.

1447.

Eustath. ad Il. A. 20. The name Cinyras was changed so as to resemble Κινυρός. The love which Apollo bore him (Pind. Pyth. II. 16. cf. Schol. Theocrit. I. 109) merely signifies that he was fond of music.

1448.

Paus. X. 7. 2. Concerning the antiquity of the musical contests at Delphi see Plutarch Sympos. II. 4. 1. p. 83. Demetrius Phalereus quoted above, p. 338, note e. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote on page 337 to “earliest times arranged,” starting “Concerning which see above.”] Philostrat. Vit. Apollon. Tyan. VI. 10.

1449.

Proclus ap. Phot. Χρυσόθεμις ὁ Κρὴς πρῶτος στολῇ χρησάμενος ἐκπρεπεῖ, καὶ κιθάραν ἀναλαβὼν εἰς μίμησιν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος μόνος ᾖσε νόμον.

1450.

Suidas in νόμος κιθαρῳδός.

1451.

Callim. Hymn. Del. 304. comp. Apoll. Rhod. I. 537.

1452.

Proclus ubi sup.

1453.

Plutarch de Music. 4. from Timotheus.

1454.

See the passages quoted by Fabricius vol. I. p. 207. 210. ed. Harl. It was also called versus Deliacus, if the reading in Atilius Fortunatus, p. 2690. ed. Putsch. is correct. At Miletus also there were ancient hexameter hymns to Apollo and Zeus, which were attributed to Branchus, Terent. de Metris 5, 165. comp. Clem. Alex. Strom. p. 647.

1455.

Heraclid. Pont. ap. Plutarch de Music. 3. comp. Schol. Od. XVI. 432. Syncellus Chronogr. p. 162. Fabricius vol. I. p. 214. ed. Harles.

1456.

Plutarch de Music. 5.

1457.

The hymns of Terpander were, like the most ancient songs, partly in hexameter metre, ἔπη (Plutarch Symp. III. 4. Proclus ubi sup.): yet Terpander was the first to introduce a great variety of metre.

1458.

The reason of Thamyris the Thracian being called the son of Philammon (Paus. IV. 33), is probably the near neighbourhood of the Delphians and Thracians of Parnassus.

1459.

Il. I. 473. cf. XXII. 391.

1460.

Plat. Symp. 4. Philochorus ap. Athen. XIV. p. 630 sq. cf. IV. p. 179. XI. p. 503 E. from Antiphanes, Xenoph. Symp. 2. 1. Hence τελεσίερος, Hesych. in v.

1461.

Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 514 sqq. In Delos also pæans were sung round the altars, Eurip. Herc. Fur. 690.

1462.

Xenoph. Ages. 2. 17. The passage of Athenæus XIV. p. 631 C. if properly written, does not refer to that point. There was always a person named ἐξάρχων who accompanied the song on an instrument. Thus Archilochus Fragm. 50. ed. Gaisford. αὐτὸς ἐξάρχων πρὸς αὐλόν Λέσβιον παιήονα (after the time of Terpander), Vit. Sophocl. μετὰ λύρας τοῖς παιανίζουσιν ἐξῆρχε. Compare the verses on the chest of Cypselus quoted above, p. 349. note 2.

1463.

Plutarch de Ει 16.

1464.

Jamblich. Vit. Pythag. 25.

1465.

See Menander de Encom. p. 27. ed. Heeren.

1466.

Il. XVIII. 590. cf. Od. IV. 18.

1467.

Sosibius ap. Schol. Pind. Pyth. II. 127. and Simonides ap. Athen. V. p. 181 B. Plutarch Sympos. IX. 15. explained by Boeckh ad Pind. Fragm. p. 597.

1468.

Lucian. de Saltat. 16.

1469.

Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 162. πάντων δ᾽ ἀνθρώπων φωνὰς καὶ κρεμβαλιαστὺν Μιμεῖσθαι ἴσασιν. Κρεμβαλιαστὺς means extravagant gestures, such as clapping of hands, striking of castanets, &c.

1470.

See Plut. Thes. 21. Callim. Hymn. Del. 317. with Spanheim's note. The leader of the dance was called γερανουλκὸς (Hesych. in v.) Blows also were given, and hence the expression Δήλου κακὸς βωμὸς (Hesych. in v.); and there were also various turnings and windings, παραλλάξεις and ἀνελίξεις (Dicæarchus apud Plut. ubi sup.): when at rest, the chorus stood in a semicircle, with leaders at the two wings, Pollux IV. 4. 101.

1471.

Athen. XIV. p. 630. Compare the extant fragments of the pæans of Pindar.

1472.

Plutarch de Music. 9, 10. Schol. Pind. Pyth. II. 127. That the hyporcheme was native in Sparta may be seen from Pindar Fragm. 8. p. 603. ed. Boeckh.

1473.

Plutarch de Music. 10. where for ΜΑΡΩΝΑ καὶ Κρητικὸν ῥυθμὸν should probably be written ΠΑΙΩΝΑ. A fragment of a pæan in pæons in Aristot. Rh. III. 7. 6.

1474.

It is called ἁβρόν τι μέλος by Bacchylides.

1475.

Pind. Olymp. XIV. 12. and the Schol.

1476.

There was at Delos an ancient statue, according to Plutarch de Music. 14. which Tectæus and Angelion appear to have imitated (Pausan. IX. 35. I.); whose work is perhaps copied in the Gem in Millin's Galerie Mythologique, p. 33. No. 474. Comp. Macrob. Sat. I. 17. The Graces had a flute, a lyre, and a pipe in their hands. There was another ancient statue (ξόανον) at Delos, which was referred to Erysichthon, Plutarch, Fragm. 10. p. 291. ed. Hutten.

1477.

Orchomenos, p. 182. and see Panyasis Fragm. I. 14. 18. ed. Brunck.

1478.

Also the Hyacinthia in the Amyclæum, Strab. VI. p. 278. Hyacinthus was the son of Amyclas and of Diomede the daughter of Lapithas (so named from the Lapithæum in the neighbourhood), according to Apollod. III. 10. 2. Amyclas is mentioned, instead of Hyacinthus, by Simmias περὶ μηνῶν, ap. Steph. Byz. in Ἀμύκλα.

1479.

Orchomenos, p. 327. The month Hyacinthus was also introduced into Sicily by the Ægidæ, Castelli Prol. XII. p. 74.

1480.

Hyacinthus is himself called Καρνεῖος in Coluthus Rapt. Hel. 237.

1481.

Paus. II. 35. 4.

1482.

Paus. III. 19. cf. IV. 33. 5.

1483.

Hesychius in Πολύβοια; and see below, ch. 10. § 3.

1484.

A worship of the dead was also offered to the πάρθενοι Ὕακινθίδες of Athea.

1485.

Eurip. Hel. 1490.

1486.

Crowns of ivy were given at the Hyacinthia, according to Aristot. ap. Macrob. Sat. I. 18. Hence perhaps the Κισσεὺς Ἀπόλλων of Æschylus ap. Macrob. ibid. with Lobeck's correction ad Soph. Aj. 814. See Classical Journal XIX. p. 111.

1487.

Manso, Sparta, vol. III. part II. p. 201. has properly followed Dodwell on this point, whose arguments also convince me.

1488.

Hesych. Σταφυλοδρόμοι τινὲς τῶν Καρνεατῶν παρορμῶντες τοὺς ἐπὶ τρύγῃ. A different account is given in Bekker's Anecd. p. 305.

1489.

Clemens of Alexand. (Str. I. p. 349.) infers from two verses of the ancient poem Europia that Apollo was also represented at Delphi as a κίων ὑψηλός; but they prove nothing; for the high column, on which arms and trophies were hung, was certainly not the god himself.

1490.

Called Κουρίδιος, Hesych. in v. Sosibius ap. Zenob. Prov. I. 54. Apostol. II. 54.

1491.

Paus. III. 11. Perhaps this was the regular form of the Carnean Apollo, Paus. III. 26. 5.

1492.

Above, p. 195. note k. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “before conquered,” starting “Plutarch. Solon. 10. 12.”]

1493.

Aristides ap. Steph. Byz. comp. Plutarch Pyth. Orac. 12. p. 266. Apostol. XVIII. 28. and the coins of Tenedos (Mionnet tom. II. p. 671.); those of Pitana (tom. II. p. 627. No. 722.) of Iasos (tom. III. p. 352.), and particularly those of Thyateira (Buonarotti Medaglie Antiche IX. 9.), in which the symbol of the axe is variously combined with Apollo.

1494.

The latter god was called by the title of Χρυσαορεὺς (Strab. XIV. p. 660.); and consequently the epithet χρυσάωρ, as applied to Apollo, originally (e.g. in Il. V. 509. see Heyne's note, and ad Apollod. p. 274.) signified his golden armour, although Pindar (Pyth. V. 104.) uses it for the golden ornaments of his cithara; but in an oracle of Bacis it is again applied to Artemis, i.e. to the armed goddess (Herod. VIII. 77. compare Mitscherlisch and Ilgen ad Hom. Hymn. Cer. 4. Boeckh Explic. Pind. p. 293.)

1495.

Travels in Greece, vol. II. p. 200. pi. 7. Alcuni bassi-relievi della Grecia, Roma 1812. The Apollo upon the Capitoline Puteal appears to be a copy, but a far more modern copy, of the same original. The same shape of Apollo may be also observed in the reliefs with the carrying off of the tripod.

1496.

Pind. Pyth. V. 42. There was also shown at Tegea a gilt Apollo by Cheirisophus a Cretan, see Thiersch, Ueber die Kunstepochen, vol. II. p. 25.

1497.

Tryphiodor. 643. and see book IV. ch. 1. § 3. Concerning the Δελφικὴ μάχαιρα see Aristotle Polit. I. 1. 5. and Hesychius in v. Compare Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 535. At Tarsos also they used a sacred μάχαιρα, tempered in the water of Cydnus, Plutarch de Defect. Orac. 41. p. 368.

1498.

In this temple also there was a wooden statue of Apollo, θύϊος (probably θύϊνος) Ἀπόλλων, Hesychius.

1499.

For this account see a paper Ueber den Apollon des Kanachos, in the Kunstblatt for 1821, No. 16. This also serves to confirm the conjecture of Visconti that the bas-relief of the Museo Pio-Clementino V. 23. represents Menelaus dedicating the arms of Euphorbus to the Didymæan Apollo; for the god upon the pillar has nearly the form in question. To the copies of this Apollo many might now be added.

1500.

Strab. VII. p. 319 B. comp. Pliny N. H. IV. 27. XXXIV. 18.

1501.

Pausan. I. 4. 3. The reader should guard against supposing with Visconti (Museo Pio-Clementino tav. I. p. 26. tav. 7. p. 93.) that these statues of Apollo in temples had the elegant proportions and light character of the later works of art.

1502.

Æginetica, p. 106. Concerning the ancient statues of Apollo see also Winckelmann's Kunstgeschichte vol. I. p. 191. note. vol. III. p. 548.

1503.

This important statement is given in Aristides Fragm. ap. Mai. Vet. Script. Nov. Syll. I. 3. p. 41. It has first explained fully the epigram of Antipater to the Apollo of Onatas, Brunck Analect. vol. II. p. 14. No. 30.

1504.

A statue of Apollo by Myron is mentioned by Cicero in Verr. II. 4. 43.

1505.

E.g. those of Mytilene, Croton, and also those of Philip the First.

1506.

E.g. the head in the Louvre, No. 133. Catalogue de Clarac.

1507.

A bronze found at Argos, of the same character, is mentioned by Pouqueville, Voyage en Grèce, tom. IV. p. 161. Heads having a great resemblance to the Belvedere Apollo occur in many collections, some of which have even more heroic forms.

1508.

Lucian. Anachars. c. 7. In a coin of Thessalonica the Pythian Apollo is represented in this position, with the laurel in his right hand, the cithara beside him, and the bow at his feet (Mionnet No. 396.); similar to those of Germe, Apollonia in Mysia, Chalcedon, and Cos.

1509.

The statue of this class in the Museo Pio-Clementino I. tav. 13. is, according to Vis conti's conjecture, a copy of the Palatine Apollo of Scopas, Plin. N. H. XXXVI. 4. 7. This form of the Apollo Musagetes was most in vogue in the time of Nero. There is a remarkable statue of this god described and figured by Raffei in his Ricerche sopra un Apolline delta villa Albani. He is represented as sitting, half-clothed, on a tripod covered with a skin, with his right hand on his knees (to be kissed, as was the custom in temples); in his left hand is a serpent; and his feet rest upon a cortina, also covered with a skin: by the side of this is a lion's skin; the hair is interwoven with laurel leaves, and falls in a broad cluster over the back. The style is neither very ancient nor good, but the symbols and position are singular in many respects.

1510.

See Ephorus ap. Strab. IX. p. 423. and Julian (ap. Cyrill. p. 153.) on this subject.

1511.

Above, ch. 3. § 7. and book III. ch. 9. § 16.

1512.

Porph. Vit. Pythag. 41. According to Aristoxenus apud Diog. Laert. VIII. 21. he received the fundamental doctrines of his philosophy from Themistocleia, a Pythian priestess. See Fabric. Bibl. Græc. vol. I. p. 881. ed. Harles. and Apostol. Prov. XVII. 86.

1513.

One of the important parts of the Pythagorean worship was the pæan, which was sung to the lyre, in spring-time, by a person sitting in the midst of a circle of listeners: this was called the κάθαρσις, or purification. See Schol. Ven. Il. XXII. 391. Jamblich. Vit. Pythag. 25. Porphyr. Vit. Pythag. 32. This is evidently an application of ancient rites of the worship of Apollo. The Pythian oracle likewise commanded the Greeks of Lower Italy to sing pæans in the spring as a means of atonement. Aristoxenus p. 93. ed. Mahn. apud Apollon. Hist. Mir. 40.

1514.

See Creuzer's Symbolik.

1515.

Pindar. Nem. VI. 42. IX. 4. Compare Hymn. Homer. XXVII. 14. and the ἀρὰ Ἀμφικτυόνην in Æschin. Ctesiph. p. 70. 36. Ἀπόλλωνος τοῦ Πυθίου καὶ τᾶς Λατὸς καὶ τᾶς Ἀρτάμι[τος] in the great Delphian inscription in Boeckh No. 1688. The whole family was also in the temple at Cirrha, Pausan. X. 36. 7.

1516.

See above, ch. 7. § 6.

1517.

Pindar. Nem. IX. 4. At Sparta also Apollo Pythaëus was joined with Latona and Artemis, Pausan. III. 11.

1518.

Chishull's Antiq. Asiat. p. 133. The Artemis Cnagia at Sparta came from Crete, according to Pausan. III. 18. 3. Amnisian nymphs of Artemis, Callim. Hymn. Dian. 15. See above, ch. 1. § 5.

1519.

Above, p. 342, note s. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “thirst for revenge,” starting “On this point.”]

1520.

Antonin. Liberal. c. 1.

1521.

Inscription in Walpole's Travels, p. 578. ὑδροφόρος Ἀρτέμιδος Πυθίης.

1522.

Above, ch. 2. § 3.

1523.

Σαρπηδονία in Cilicia, Strab. XIV. p. 676.

1524.

Hyginus fab. 186. Whether the Artemis of Rhegium (Thuc. VI. 44.) came from Delphi (above, ch. 3. § 5.) or from Eubœa (where she was worshipped under the name of Προσηώα at Artemisium, of Amarynthia, near Eretria, on mount Cotylæum, and all along the Euripus, Callim. Hymn. Dian. 188.) is uncertain.

1525.

Herod. IV. 33. where the worship of the Hyperborean Artemis is also ascribed to the Thracian and Pæonian women. Compare Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 936. The Hymn of Olen, Pausan. V. 1.4. represented Demeter Ἀχαιία as coming from the land of the Hyperboreans to Delos; but the Achæan Demeter cannot be meant; and therefore I would write ΑΦΑΙΑ, as Artemis was called in Ægina. The ἀποδημίαι of Artemis in the Argive legend (Menander de Encom. 4. p. 38. ed. Heeren) perhaps referred to this.

1526.

See Callim. Hymn. Del. 292. Melanopus of Cume ap. Pausan. ubi sup. cf. I. 43. 4. Etymol. Mag. p. 641. 56. Concerning Οὖπις, see the English edition of Stephens' Thesaurus, vol. I. part 4. p. 551.

1527.

Thus Apollo was called Ἐπόψιος, Hesychius.

1528.

Thus Nemesis was also called Οὖπις, as in the inscription of Herodes Atticus.

1529.

Palæphat. 52. Apostolius VI. 44.

1530.

Sung among the Trœzenians, by whom Lyceia was worshipped, Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 972.

1531.

Od. XI. 171. Compare Il. VI. 428. Od. XX. 60. The reason why she kills Ariadne (Od. XI. 324.) is explained by Pherecydes in the Scholia. Λέων γυναιξὶ (Il. XXI. 483.) probably only as a goddess of death, and not as Pausanias IV. 30. 3. and Eustathius explain it. Ἃ γυναικῶν μέγ᾽ ἔχει κράτος in the Attic Scolion is ambiguous.

1532.

Artemis in Homer is, in the first place, the complete image of her brother, as armed with a bow (ἰοχέαιρα, χρυσηλάκατος, τοξοφόρος Il. XX. 39, 71. XXI. 483. Od. IV. 122. VI. 102, &c.); as a beautiful and strong maiden (Od. IV. 122. VI. 151. XVII. 37. XIX. 54.); as killing women suddenly and without sickness (Il. VI. 428. XIX. 59. Od. XI. 171, 323. XV. 476. XX. 61, 80.), sometimes mildly (Od. XV. 409. XVIII. 201.), at another time in anger (Il. VI. 205.); as punishing with death the children of Niobe (Il. XXIV. 606.) and Orion (Od. V. 123.); as κουροτρόφος, and therefore giving height to virgins (Od. XX. 71. cf. VI. 107.); as occasionally healing (Il. V. 447.); as honoured by choruses of singers, and herself leading the chorus (Il. XVI. 183. cf. Hymn. XXVII. 18.). Now, besides this, there is also the Arcadian notion of Artemis, the wood-nymph;, her chorus plays in the woods (Od. VI. 106.); she rejoices in wild boars and stags (VI. 104.); and thus, being armed with a bow, becomes a huntress (Il. V. 51. XXI. 485.). The Ætolian Artemis, who requires θαλύσια (Il. IX. 533.), is again of a different kind.

1533.

Pausan. IV. 13. 1.

1534.

Callim. Hymn. Dian. 124.

1535.

Apollod. I. 7. 4.

1536.

Pausan. I. 4. 5. Euphorion ap. Schol. Od. V. 120. Fragm. 108. ed. Meineke, &c.

1537.

Etym. Mag. p. 443. 20. At Melite in Phthia Artemis was, in some particular worship, called Ἄσπαλις, Ἀμειλήτη, Ἑκαέργη, Antonin. Liberal. 13.

1538.

She was worshipped under the title of Δαφναία at Las, Pausan. III. 24. 6. and of Δαφνία at Olympia, Strab. VIII. p. 343.

1539.

Etymol. M. p. 657. 6. Sophocl. Trach. 210. according to Seidler's punctuation; above, p. 309, note h. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “in honour of Apollo,” starting “Proclus apud Phot.”]

1540.

At Trœzen, Pausan. II. 31. 6.

1541.

Above, ch. 6. § 3. Also προθυραία and προπυλαία, Spanheim ad Callim. Dian. 38.

1542.

Etym. Mag. p. 356. 10. Gudian. p. 17. 23. Compare above, p. 312, note b. [Transcriber's Note: This is no such footnote number on that page.] Alcman used the form Ἀρτέμιτος, Eustath. p. 1618. 29. A month Ἀρταμίτιος in Crete, Chishull's Antiq. Asiat. p. 126; and in Sicily, see Castelli Proleg. ad Inscript. Sic. p. 69. Ἀρταμίτιος in Corcyra, according to inscriptions; Ἀρτεμιτία in Cyrene, Thrige Hist. Cyren. p. 218. Ἀρταμιτι in a Corcyræan inscription, Mustoxidi, Illustrazioni Corciresi, vol. II. p. 88. comp. Chandler. Inscript. p. 82. No. 145. Koen. ad Greg. p. 305. Steph. Byz. in Ἀρτεμίσιον.

1543.

See Plato de Rep. p. 406. Strab. XIV. p. 635.

1544.

Hesychius in Καλαοίδια.

1545.

II. XVI. 183.

1546.

Welcker ap. Dissen. Explic. Pind. p. 453.

1547.

See the verses in Clem. Alexand. Strom. I. p. 523. cf. Pausan. X. 12. 1.

1548.

Pausan. VIII. 5. 8. cf. 13. 1, 4. The temple was on the confines of Mantinca and Orchomenos 12. 3. It may be also seen from Polyæn. VIII. 34. that the Tegeates sent sacred processions to Artemis of Pheneus.

1549.

Eumelus ap. Apollod. III. 8. 2. Asius and Pherecydes give a different account.

1550.

Pausan. VIII. 35. 7. Compare Sappho in Pausan. I. 29. 2. Æginetica, p. 31. Artemis was called, κατ᾽ ἐξοχὴν, the beautiful, ἁ καλὰ, Feder ad Æsch. Agam. p. 9.

1551.

Callisto was called even by Hesiod the constellation of the Bear, Hygin. Poët. Astron. I. p. 356. Lactant. 6.

1552.

It is easy to conceive that, as Apollo Lyceus was at Delphi represented in the form of a wolf, so likewise the bear was made the symbol of Artemis by the Arcadians.

1553.

The exceptions are few; for instance, perhaps, Apollo Cereatas in Æpytis, Pausan. VIII. 34. 3.

1554.

Ap. Menand. de Encom. 3. p. 33. frag. 33. ed. Welcker. She was called Λυκοᾶτις on mount Mænalum, Paus. VIII. 36. 5. Κνακεᾶτις near Tegea, ib. 53, 5; Κεδρεᾶτις at Orchomenos, ib. 13. 2. (so named from a cedar on which the statue stood); Στυμφαλία at Stymphalus, ib. 22. 5. comp. Eustath. ad Il. II. p. 228. ed. Basil; Σκιαδῖτις at Scia, near Megalopolis, Paus. VIII. 35. 5; Κνακαλησία and Κονδυλεᾶτις at Caphyæ, ib. 23. 3; Νεμιδία at Teuthea, Strabo VIII. p. 342; in Laconia Δερρεᾶτις, Paus. III. 20. 7. Steph. Byz. in Δέρρα. The hymn to Artemis Derrhiatis, or Δερεᾶτις, was called Κάλαβις; there was also an indecent dance, Eupolis, ap. Athen. XIV. p. 619. Hesychius. Καρυᾶτις at Caryæ, Paus. III. 10. 8. Hesychius in Καρύαι. Ἰσσωρία near Pitana, Paus. III. 14. 2. Polyæn. II. 1. 14. Callim. Hymn. Dian. 172. Plutarch Ages. 32. and Hesychius (according to Pausanias the Artemis Issoria or Limnæa was not properly an Artemis, but Britomartis); Οἰνωᾶτις near Argos, Steph. Byz. in Οἴνη, Hesychius in Οἰνωᾶτις. Σαρωνὶς near Trœzen, Paus. II. 30. 7. Achæus tragicus ap. Hesych. in Σαρωνίς; Κορυφαία at Epidaurus, Paus. II. 28. 2. Steph. Byz. in Κορυφαῖον (Clarke, Travels, vol. II. part II. p. 603. found, by means of an inscription, what are probably the ruins of the temple upon mount Coryphæum);—Ἀλφειαία at Letrini, Paus. VII. 22. 5; Κοκκόκα at Olympia, ib. V. 15. 4; Τρικλαρία at Patræ, ib. VII. 19. 1. (an united temple of three ancient κῶμαι); Ἀκταία at Pellene, Plutarch. Arat. 32.

1555.

As Λιμνᾶτις at Tegea, Paus. VIII. 53. 5; at Epidaurus Limera, ib. III. 23. 6.; at Pitana, near Sparta, ib. 14. 2; at Λιμναία at Corinth, ib. II. 7. 6; and particularly in the celebrated λιμναῖον, on the frontier of Laconia and Messenia, Paus. IV. 4. 31. Tacit. Ann. IV. 43. Hence, according to Strabo p. 362. the Limnæum in Laconia was derived. At Trœzen she was δέσποινα λίμνης and of the hippodrome, Eurip. Hippol. 230. As Ἑλεία in Messene, Hesych. in ἐλεία, probably ἑλεία; and at Alorium, on the borders of Arcadia, Strabo VIII. p. 350. where for Ἠλείας should probably be written Ἑλείας.

1556.

Paus. II. 3. 5. III. 22. 6. IV. 35. 6.

1557.

Paus. III. 29. 7.

1558.

Under the title of ἡμερησία, Paus. VIII. 18. 8. Pherecydes p. 132. ed. Sturz. Callim. Hymn. Dian. 235. Polyæn. IX. 34. 6. Concerning this fountain, see Callim. fragm. 75. Aristot. Mir. Auscult. p. 1102 B.

1559.

Paus. V. 15. 4. At Byzantium also there was in piscina templum Dianæ Luciferæ et Veneris Placidæ, Dionys. de Thrac. Bosporo. In Samos also there was Artemis Χησιὰς and Ἰμβρασίη, Callim. Hymn. Dian. 228. Catullus calls her amnium domina, XXX. 12; Horace, lætam foliis et nemorum coma, Carm. I. 21. 5.—Apollonius Rhodius also calls her νηοσσόος, I. 569; Callimachus, λιμένεσσιν ἐπίσκοπος, Hymn. Dian. 39.

1560.

Strab. VIII. p. 343. Paus. VI. 22. 5. Herodotus ap. Schol. Pind. Olymp. V. 10. Dissen ad Nem. I. p. 350. Another temple of Artemis in this region is mentioned in Polybius IV. 73. 4.

1561.

As is shown by Strabo, ubi sup. Comp. Demetrius Scepsius ap. Athen. VIII. p. 376 B.

1562.

Paus. VIII. 41. 4.

1563.

Strab. VI. p. 270. Creuzer's Meletemata, vol. I. p. 78, &c.

1564.

Pind. Olymp. VI. 5. 6. See Boeckh Exp. Pind. p. 152. sq.

1565.

Paus. V. 14. 5. Schol. Pind. Nem. I. 3. Olymp. V. 10.

1566.

Paus. VI. 22. 5.

1567.

Pind. Pyth. II. 7. comp. Boeckh Exp. p. 244. Concerning the temple at Ortygia, see D'Orville's Siculis, p. 196. and Boeckh, ibid. p. 243. The beautiful female heads on the tetradrachms of Syracuse, with the hair entwined with reeds, surrounded by four fishes, probably represent the river Artemis.

1568.

Ibycus ap. Schol. Theocrit. I. 117.

1569.

Diod. V. 3. Schol. Pind. Nem. I. 2.

1570.

Ap. Hesych. p. 36. 18.

1571.

Pindar Nem. I. 1. calls Ortygia the resting-place of the Alpheus; and he too, perhaps, considers Artemis as the object of pursuit.

1572.

See the excellent note of Dissen ad Pind. Nem. I. p. 350.

1573.

Paus. VIII. 37. 2.

1574.

See Paus. VIII. 10. 4. Callim. Hym. Dian. 107. She had the name of Ἐλαφιαία in Elis, Paus. VI. 225. Hence the Ἐλαφηβόλία (Anecd. Bekk. p. 249.), a festival widely extended (e.g. Plutarch. Virt. Mul. p. 267.) The symbol of the deer, however, appears to have been common to all the different branches of the worship of Artemis; thus there is in Mr. Payne Knight's collection a coin in which she is represented bearing a stag's horns, which he ascribes to Delos.

1575.

Concerning human sacrifices to Artemis on the river Ameilichus, which were abolished by the worship of Dionysus Æsymnetes, at Patræ, see the description in Paus. V. 19. 1. Human sacrifices were also offered to the same goddess near Megalopolis, Tatian adv. Græcos I. p. 165 A. Compare Knight on the Symbolical Language of Mythology, § 143.

1576.

Λόμβαι. αἱ τῇ Ἀρτέμιδι θυσιῶν ἄρχουσαι ἀπὸ τῆς κατὰ τὴν παιδιὰν σκευῆς, οἱ γὰρ φάλητες οὕτω καλοῦνται. Hesychius.

1577.

Agam. 144.

1578.

Εὐρίππα at Pheneus, Paus. VIII. 14. 4. ἱπποσόα, Pind. Olymp. III. 27. comp. Boeckh Expl. Pyth. II. 8. p. 244. Hence Artemis (χρυσήνιος) is frequently represented on vases in a chariot with horses; in Callimach. Hymn. Dian. 110. and in the bas reliefs of Phigaleia, she is attended by goats.

1579.

Under the title of κορυθαλλία at the Tiassa, near Sparta, near the Cleta, Athen. IV. p. 139; also κουροτρόφος, φιλομείραξ, Diod. V. 73. (and see Wesseling's note.) Paus. IV. 34. Hymn. Orph. XXXVI. 8. comp, Spanheim ad Callim. Dian. 6. These names may, however, be referred to the worship of Apollo; above ch. 8. § 7. She was worshipped under the general epithet of σώτειρα at Pegæ (Paus. I. 44. 7.), Megara (I. 40. 2.), Bœæ (III. 22. 9.), Pellene (VII. 27. 1.), Phigaleia (VIII. 39. 3.), and at Syracuse, as we know from its coins. Comp. Dorville's Sicula, p. 327. sq.

1580.

Above, ch. 6. § 2, 3. ch. 9. § 2.

1581.

Eurip. Hypsipyl. and Aristoph. Lemn. ap. Harpocrat. in ἀρκτεῦσαι. See Orchomenos, p. 309.

1582.

Apostolius VIII. 19.

1583.

Boeckh not. Crit. ad Pind. Olymp. XIII. 109. There was also at Miletus a festival of Artemis called Νηληὶς, Plutarch Mul. Virt. p. 287. ed. Hutten. There was also a temple of Artemis at Pygela, near Ephesus, which was said to have been built by Agamemnon, Strab. XIV. p. 639. Also on coins of Miletus, Mionnet Description, &c. tom. III. p. 186.

1584.

Callim. Hymn. Dian. 225. Schol. ad Callim. Hymn. Jov. 77. Χιτώνη Ἄρτεμις, Steph. Byz. in v.; among the Ionians κιθωνέα (probably κιθωνέη) Ἄρτεμις Hesych. in v. Also Artemis Χιτώνεα at Syracuse, Athen. XIV. p. 629 E.

1585.

Paus. I. 23. 9. I. 33. 1. cf. III. 17. 6. Eurip. Troad. 1462. sqq. Callim. Hymn. Dian. 173. Euphorion also placed the sacrifice of Iphigenia at Brauron, fragm. 81. ed. Meineke.

1586.

The Argives, Stesichorus, and Euphorion, according to Paus. II. 22. 7. Antonin. Liber. 27. Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 183.

1587.

Paus. III. 16. 6. Hygin. fab. 261. Comp. Creuzer's Comment. Herod. p. 244. From this temple Helen was carried away, according to Plutarch Thes. 31. cf. Hygin. fab. 79; whose name reminds us of the Ἐλενηφοροῦντες of Artemis of Brauron.

1588.

The διαμαστίγωσις was preceded by the φούαξιρ, ἡ ἐπὶ τῆς χώρας σωμασκία τῶν μελλόντων μαστιγοῦσθαι, Hesychius. The word φούαξιρ appears to be derived from φούα, Laconian for φύα, and ἄξιρ or ἄξις contracted from ἄσκησις. See App. V. § 4. Comp. Hemsterhuis and Valcknaer ad Adoniaz. p. 277. There were also other games at this festival, Boeckh. Inscript. No. 1416. ἐπὶ Ἀλκίππου νικάσας τὸ παιδικὸν κέλητι Ἀρτέμιτι Ὀρθίᾳ.

1589.

Plutarch. Arist. 17.

1590.

Prod. Chrestomath. ap. Hephæst. Gaisford.

1591.

Ap. Etym. Mag. in Ταυρόπολον.

1592.

Paus. I. 43. 1.

1593.

Theognis Paræn. 11. Dicæarch. Anagr. 88. Plutarch. Ages. 6. Etymol. Magn. p. 747. Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 183. Siebelis ad Phanod. pp. 6. 9.

1594.

See the confused account in Plutarch. Mulier. Virt. 7. Quæst. Græc. 21. Polyæn. VII. 49.

1595.

Orchomenos, p. 311.

1596.

Etym. Magn. p. 815, sq.

1597.

Hygin. fab. 121. on the two Chryses.

1598.

Uhden, Berlin Transactions for 1815, p. 63. Millingen Diverses Peintures, planche 51. Welcker ap. Dissen. Expl. Pind. p. 512. Compare Buttmann ad Sophod. Philoct. ad Argum. Metr. p. 57.

1599.

The subject of a picture mentioned by Philostrat. Icon. 17. Dio Chrysost. Or. LIX. p. 577. 21.

1600.

Millingen ibid, planche 50.

1601.

Herod. IV. 87.

1602.

Etym. Magn. ubi sup. Dionysius de Bosporo Thracio p. 22. ed. Hudson. Hesychius Milesius de Constantinopoli.

1603.

Ammianus XXII. 8. Antonin. Liberal. 27. Perizonius ad Ælian. V. H. II. 25. Hemsterhuis ad Poll. IX. 12. p. 982.

1604.

Herod. IV. 103. Comp. Scymnus Chius v. 88. Strab. VII. p. 508. XII. p. 535. Mannert's Géographie, vol. IV. p. 279. (ed. 1820).

1605.

See Callim. (fr. 417.) and Eratosthenes ap. Steph. Byz. in Αἰθοπία, Hesychius in Αἰθιοπαῖδα.

1606.

A temple of Artemis Orthosia at Teuthrania on the Caicus, Plutarch, de Fluv.; of the Tauric Artemis at Tmolia on the Pactolus, ibid.; of Artemis Orthia in Cappadocia, Paus. III. 16. 6.; and of Iphigenia at Comana, Dion Cassius XXXV. 11. Comp. Steph. Byz. in Ἄμανον, Plutarch de Fluv.; and particularly Strab. XII. p. 537. concerning Artemis Perasia at Castabala.

1607.

Æschylus had divulged something relating to the mysteries in the Iphigenia, Eustratius ad Aristot Eth. Nic. III. 1. See above, § 4.

1608.

Herod. III. 48. Steph. Byz. in Ταυροπόλιον. She was also there called Καπροφάγος, Hesychius in v. Compare Panofka Res Samiorum, p. 63.

1609.

Strab. XIV. p. 639. Callim. Hymn. Dian. 187. The Tauropolium in the island of Icaria in the Persian bay (where Apollo Tauropolus was also worshipped) was probably not established till after the time of Alexander, Ælian. N. A. II. 9. Dionys. Perieg. 611.

1610.

Liv. XLIV. 44. and coins. Also in the neighbourhood of Magnesia on the Sipylus, Marm. Oxon. XXVI. 1. 60.

1611.

Sophod. Aj. 174.

1612.

See particularly Strab. V. p. 239. She is represented on coins sitting on an ox running, which Apollodorus explained of the periodic course of the goddess, with reference to the moon, p. 402. ed. Heyne. Comp. Etymol. M. in Ταυροπόλον. Apostolius XVIII. 23. See also Spanheim ad Callim. Hymn. Dian. 174, 187.

1613.

Concerning the situation of which see Locella ad Xenoph. Ephes. p. 87. Compare Caylus Mém. de l'Acad. tom. XX. pp. 428-441. Choiseul Gouffier Voyage pittoresque, tom. I. p. 191.

1614.

Herod. II. 10. Artemis visited the son of the Cayster according to Callimachus fragm. 102. ed. Bentl.

1615.

At Corinth, Paus. II. 2. 5. Alea, id. VIII. 23. 1. An Ephesium at Massilia, Strabo IV. pp. 179, 184. at the founding of which there was a priestess named Aristarche (compare the Ἀρισταρχεῖον of Artemis at Elis, Plutarch. Quæst. Græc. 47).

1616.

Of a peculiar character also were the sacrifices of parsley and salt at Dætis in Ephesus, Etym. Mag. in Δαιτίς.

1617.

The Megabyzi, so called as early as the time of Xenophon. Also Μύξος was a priest's name, Apostol. V. 44. The servants of the goddess were, according to their different grades, called μελλιερῆς, ἱερῆς, and παριερῆς, according to Plutarch An Seni sit ger. Resp. 24. p. 130. ed. Hutten.

1618.

πρωτοθρονίη , Paus. X. 38. 3.

1619.

Latona is said to have given birth to her at Corissus in the Ephesia, Steph. Byz. in Κόρισσος.

1620.

The union of Apollo of Colophon, of the Ephesian Diana, and of the Nemesis of Smyrna on coins of these cities in the time of the emperors is only a mutual compliment. In the speech of the Ephesians in Tacitus Annal. III. 61. there is evidently much inaccuracy. The Ἀπόλλων Ἀμαζόνιος in Paus. III. 25. 2. is a singular curiosity.

1621.

Ἀμμὰς, ἡ τρόφος Ἀρτέμιδος. καὶ ἡ μήτηρ καὶ ἡ Ῥέα καὶ ἡ Δημήτηρ, Hesychius.

1622.

Etymol. Mag. p. 511. 56. Gudian. p. 320. 26.

1623.

See Lobeck, Aglaophamus, vol. II. p. 1166.

1624.

Ap. Paus. VII. 2. 4. Fragm. Incert. 56. ed. Boeckh. See Callim. Hymn. Dian. 240. sqq. Paus. IV. 31. 6. Steph. Byz. in Ἔφεσος. cf. in Σίσυρβα, Κύννα. Etym. Mag. in Ἔφεσος. Plutarch Quæst. Græc. 56. p. 407. ed. Hutten. Hyginus fab. 223, 225. The contrary is stated in Eusebius Chron. n. 870. Ἀμαζόνες τὸ ἐν Ἐφέσῳ ἱερὸν ἐνέπρησαν.

1625.

Moses' Vases, plate 133.

1626.

Hecatæus ap. Steph. Byz. in Ἀμαζ. According to Heraclides Ponticus 33. their settlements reached from Mycale to Pitane, Diod. III. 55. from Dionysius of Samos, Ephorus ap. Strab. XII. p. 550. cf. XIII. p. 623, &c. See Steph. Byz. in Ἀναία of a place called Anæa opposite Samos, where an Amazon of that name was buried. The inhabitants were called Ἀναΐται. Perhaps an Artemis Anaitis was here worshipped.

1627.

Proposed by Tölken, Ueber das Bas-relief, &c. p. 210. and approved by Boeckh in Hirt Ueber die Hierodulen, p. 55.

1628.

Paus. VII. 2. 5.

1629.

Achill. Tat. Clitoph. VII. p. 431.

1630.

Il. III. 185.

1631.

Ap. Strab. XII. p. 819 C. fragm. incert. 57. p. 645. ed. Boeckh.

1632.

Æschyl. Prometh. 723. Pherecydes ap. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. II. 370. Herod. IV. 110. Arrian Peripl. p. 16. Scymnus Chius v. 229. Creuzer Vet. Histor. Græc. p. 80. According to Schol. Apoll. ubi sup. (cf. 990.) there were in the πεδίον Δοίαντος in Phrygia (in the neighbourhood of Thermodon) three cities of the Amazons; not far off was Alcmonia (Acmonia Steph. Byz), where Harmonia produced the Amazons to Mars.

1633.

Xenoph. Hell. III. 2. 19.

1634.

Marm. Oxon. XXVI. 1. 84. Paus. I. 26. 4. III. 18. 6.

1635.

Heyne Antiquarische Aufsätze, vol. I. p. 109. Compare Paciaudi Monum. Pelop. vol. II. p. 13.

1636.

See the coins in Mionnet tom. III. p. 137.

1637.

VI. 22. 1. The Sicilian Greeks also celebrated to Artemis the effeminate Ionian dance. Pollux IV. 14, 104.

1638.

Scylax, p. 39. Strab. XIV. p. 667. Callim. Hymn. Dian. 187. Cicero in Verr. I. 20. III. 21. Hesychius, Suidas, Photius, &c. in Περγαία θεός. Apostolius IX. 91. where for παναγαῖα read περγαία. At Perge also the Syrian Adonis was worshipped under the name of Aboba, Hesychius in Ἀβωβα.

1639.

Represented on coins as a signum informe.

1640.

For example, Artemis Κινδυὰς of Bargyliæ, Polyb. XVI. 12. 3; Artemis Ἑστιὰς; of Iasbus, ibid. ΑΣΤΙΑΣ Inscript. Chandler, p. 19. n. 57; the goddess of ἱερὰ κώμη; at Thyateira, called Ὀρεῖτις, Polyb. XXXII. 25. 11. Inscript. in Walpole's Travels, p. 575; the Mysian Artemis, Paus. III. 20. 8. cf. Callim. Hymn. Dian. 116; the Astyrene Artemis under mount Ida, Strab. XIII. p. 606, 613; the Boritine Artemis of Lydia, Eckhel Doct. Num. vol. III. p. 121; Artemis Adrasteia in Lesser Phrygia, Harpocration in Ἀδράστεια, &c.

1641.

Θυάδα, φοιβάδα, μαινάδα, λυσσάδα, Plut. de Superst. 9. p. 75.

1642.

Athen. XIV. p. 636 A.

1643.

From this temple was derived the Olympicum at Syracuse (see above, book I. ch. 6. § 7.), the priest of which, called Ἀμφίπολος, was the highest annual officer, Thucyd. VII. 65, 70. Diod. XVI. 70. Exc. Virt. et Vit. p. 558. Cic. Verr. II. 51.

1644.

Creuzer Symbolik, vol. II. p. 575. Ἥρας Προσυμναίας ἱερὸν, Pseudo-Plutarch de Fluv. Strab. p. 573, is probably not correct in distinguishing the temple of Here at Prosymna from the celebrated one. The names Prosymna and Prosymnus also occur at Lerna and at Gortyna in Arcadia. Inscription of Gortyna in Boeckh No. 1535, ἁ πατρα των προσυμναιων νικομαχην αριστοθεμιτος δᾳδουχησασαν.

1645.

Pausanias III. 13. Sturz Pherecydes, p. 79. See particularly Heyne ad Il. Δ. 52. Eurydice the daughter of Acrisius was said to have built the temple. To the statement of Pausanias III. 15. 7. μόνοις δὲ Ἑλλήνων Λακεδαιμονίοις καθέστηκεν Ἥραν ἐπονομάζειν αἰγοφάγον καὶ αἶγας τῇ θεῷ θύειν (compare Hesych. in Αἰγοφάγος Χήρα ἐν Σπάρτῃ with Welcker on Schwenck's Etymologische Andeutungen, p. 294.), it may be objected that the same custom prevailed in Corinth; see Photius Lex. in ἡ δὲ αἶξ τὴν μάχαιραν, p. 613. Zenob. Proverb. I. 27. Diogen. Prov. I. 52.

1646.

Thucyd. V. 75.

1647.

See Orchomenos, p. 267.

1648.

The chief temple at Corcyra was that of Here, Thucyd. I. 24. III. 75, 79. Also at Syracuse, Ælian. V.H. VI. 11, &c.

1649.

Orchomenos, p. 297. The divinity of Medea there asserted is completely proved by the testimony of Athenagoras Legat. p. 14. that Hesiod and Alcman called her goddess.

1650.

She was worshipped under the titles of Εἰλήθυια and Γαμηλὴ, Hesychius in Εἰλήθυια, Eustath. ad Hom. p. 1156.

1651.

Athen. XV. p. 672.

1652.

Hesychius in v. See also Creuzer's Symbolik, whose chapter upon Here contains much in the spirit of the ancient religion, and Welcker on Schwenck, p. 268.

1653.

At Sparta there was also the Arcadian worship of Athene Alea, Xenoph. Hell. VI. 5. 27.

1654.

Pausan. III. 18.1. Plutarch Lycurg. 11.

1655.

Pausan. II. 24.

1656.

Clem. Alexand. Protrept. p. 29. ed. Sylburg.

1657.

Ἀκρία Ἀθηνᾶ ἐν Ἄργει. Also Here, Artemis, and Aphrodite, see Hesych. in Ἀκρέα.

1658.

But with a particular reference to Bellerophon. From Pegasus was derived the goddess Hippia, Pind. Olymp. XIII. 97, whose altar was chiefly remarkable for the rite of incubation. Ἑλλωτία is, as we also learn from the Scholiast of Pindar, like Ἀλέα, the goddess of light. There was also the worship of Athene at Syracuse, Diod. de Virt. et Vit. p. 549. ed. Wesseling.

1659.

Boeckh Explic. ad Pind. Olymp. II. 1. p. 123. V. 9. p. 148, and particularly Polyb. IX. 27. 7. with Timæus in Steph. Byz. in Ἀτάβυρον. The Athene Polias of Trœzen was introduced by the Ionians, as the other worships of that city show.

1660.

She was always called “the Lindian” even in the city of Rhodes, Meurs. Rhod. I. 6. Compare Apostolius XVII. 17.

1661.

Strabo X. pag. 472. ὡς εἶεν Κορύβαντες δαίμονες τινες, Ἀθηνᾶς καὶ Ἡλίου παῖδες. This is the proper way of pointing these words.

1662.

II. 171.

1663.

The Messenians alone made Demeter of Andania the chief goddess of the state; see book I. ch. 5. § 16.

1664.

Boeckh Corp. Inscript. Nos. 1197, 1198, 1199. Comp. Paus. II. 35. 3. Perhaps the name of Hermione also refers to the worship of the χθόνιοι θεοί, see Hesych. in Ἑρμιόνη.

1665.

Athen. XIV. pag. 624 E. Compare the hymn of Philicus of Corcyra, Hephæst. p. 53. ed. Gaisford. and the verses of Aristocles ap. Ælian, de N. A. XI. 4.

1666.

Boeckh Inscript. No. 1193.

1667.

Pausan. II. 22. 2. Δήμητρός ἐστιν ἱερὸν ἐπίκλησιν Πελασγίδος ἀπὸ τοῦ ἱδρυσαμένου Πελασγοῦ τοῦ Τριόπα.

1668.

Hellanicus ap. Athen. X. p. 416 A. et Steph. Byz. in v. Τριόπιον. Callimachus Hymn. Cer. 24. Inscript. Herod. Attici; and compare the excellent explanation of Boeckh ad Schol. Pind. Pyth. II. 27. pag. 315.

1669.

See Orchomenos, p. 195.

1670.

Herod. VII. 153. Schol. Pind. ubi sup.

1671.

Orchomenos, p. 337.

1672.

Ibid. pag. 257. afterwards extended over the whole of Sicily. Boeckh Explic. Pind. Olymp. II. p. 123. Κόρης παρὰ Σικελιώταις Θεογάμια καὶ Ἀνθεσφόρια, Pollux I. 37. The Θεογάμια were probably connected with the festival ἀνακαλυπτήρια (Schol. rec. ad Olymp. VI. 160), and this festival was derived from Thebes. Cyzicus also, founded by Tyrrhenian Pelasgi (from Bœotia), was considered as an ἐμπροίκιον of Zeus for Proserpine, Appian. Bell. Mithridat. 75. comp. Steph. Byz. in v. Βέσβικος.

1673.

A festival Θεσμοφόρια at Syracuse (Athen. XIV. p. 647 A. Θεσμοφόρων τέμενος, Plutarch Dio 56. a month Thesmophorius, see Castelli), Κούρεια Plutarch ubi sup. comp. Diod. V. 4. sqq.

1674.

See book I. ch. 6. § 7. and above, § 1.

1675.

Plut. Timoleon 8. Diod. XVI. 66. Demeter ἐποικιδίη in Corinth according to Hesychius.

1676.

Pausan. The mystical worship of Damia and Auxesia at Epidaurus and Trœzen was also connected with that of Demeter, as the manuscript Scholiast ap. Mitscherlisch ad Hymn. in Cerer. 122. declares. But Δημήτηρ Ἀζησία (Sophocl. ap. Hesych. in v. comp. Valcken. Adoniaz. p. 292) and Δημήτηρ Ἀμαία (Suidas in v.) must not be confounded with those goddesses.

1677.

Pausan. III. 20. 5. 6. compare Hesychius, Ἐλευσίνια ἀγὼν θυμελικὸς ἀγόμενος Δήμητρι παρὰ Λάκωσι.

1678.

III. 14. 5. Compare Hesychius in Ἐπιπολλὰ and Ἐπικρῆναι.

1679.

The priests were probably called Ταιναρισταὶ, see Hesych. in v. Ταιναρίας.

1680.

Ἀμφιβαῖος, i.e. Ἀμφι—αῖος, Boeckh Explic. Pind. Pyth. IV. p. 268. also Πελλάνιος according to Hesychius.

1681.

Æginetica, p. 148. and see Plat. Sympos. IX. 6. p. 410.

1682.

Hence also the sacred month Geræstius at Trœzen (Athen. XIV. p. 639), which points to Eubœa.

1683.

See above, ch. 3. § 2. on the ancient difference between the Isthmian and Olympic games.

1684.

Ælian V. H. III. 42. Schol. Aristoph. Av. 963. Pac. 1071.

1685.

Pausan. III. 13. 4. Here, too, as well as at Athens, there was Διόνυσος ἐν Λίμναις, Strab. VIII. p. 363. See above, ch. 9. § 3. concerning the Dymænæ.

1686.

Pausan. II. 23, 24. 37. Compare Hesychius in Ὑαργίδες.

1687.

See above, book I. ch. 5. § 3. Phlius, on account of this worship, was the birthplace of the σατυρικοὶ ποιηταὶ Aristeas and Pratinas.

1688.

Pausan. II. 7. 6. Also Διόνυσος Χοιροψάλης in that town, Clem. Alex. Protrept. p. 25.

1689.

Concerning the crown ἰάκχα see Athen. XV. p. 678. Compare Hesychius in θιακχὰ and ἰάκχα.

1690.

The celebration of which appears to be referred to in the ancient epigram in Athen. XIV. p. 629 A.

1691.

Herod. V. 67. The word ἀπέδωκε proves that the tragic choruses were originally celebrated to Bacchus. Perhaps the Adrastea were engrafted upon the Dionysia.

1692.

Athen. XIV. p. 21, 622. It is to these that the Epigr. Onestæ 2. refers. Comp. Hermann ad Aristot. Poet. 3. p. 104.

1693.

Worshipped under the titles of Βακχεῖος and Λύσιος in that town, Pausan. II. 2. 5.

1694.

Olymp. XIII. 18. and see Boeckh's Explic.

1695.

πολύξενοι νεάνιδες, Pindar Schol. Fragm. 1.

1696.

σὺν δ᾽ ἀναγκᾳ πᾶν καλὸν, Pindar ibid. Concerning the ἱερόδουλοι see Hirt Ueber die Hierodulen and others. I only add that some of them were called κατάκλειστοι, i.e., shut up in single cells (Hesychius in v.); but the reason of this name is not evident.

1697.

Aphrodite Εὐδωσὼ (Hesych. in v.) and Aphrodite Βαιῶτις (ibid.) at Syracuse came from Corinth; see Clem. Alex. p. 25.

1698.

That is, on those which are falsely ascribed to the Siphnians and Seriphians (ΣΕ or ΣΙ), but are found in great numbers in the district of Sicyon.

1699.

Hesych. in Βάκχου Διώνης.

1700.

Zenob. Prov. IV. 21. Diogen. V. 21.

1701.

Pausan. III. 15. 8. III. 23. 1. Plutarch Instit. Lac. p. 253. Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 449. She was, however, also represented armed at Corinth, Pausan. II. 4. 7.

1702.

Hesychius in v. According to the great etymologist Κίρρις is merely Cyprian. Compare Meurs. Miscell. Lacon. I. 3.

1703.

Pausan. II. 32. 6. and concerning the Trœzenian worship of Aphrodite see Valckenaer ad Euripid. Hippolyt. 32. Concerning the sacrifices of a sow to Aphrodite in Argos at the ὑστήρια see Athen. III. p. 96 A. Callimach. Fragm. 102 ed. Bentl. Aphrodite was worshipped there with the title Περιβασίν, Clem. Alex. Protrept. p. 24. ed. Sylburg.

1704.

See Timæus apud Zenob. Prov. I. 31.

Thuc. VI. 20.

Orchomenos, p. 199.

Pausan. II. 10. 3.

Paus. II. 26. 7. Tacit. Annal. XIV. 18. comp. Callimach. Epigr. 58.

1710.

Compare the somewhat different opinion of Boeckh Expl. Pind. p. 288.

1711.

See Heyne ad Apollod. III. 15. 7.

1712.

Paus. III. 18. 4. ib. 9. 35.

1713.

Athen. XIII. p. 361.

1714.

In an inscription found at Sparta Eleutheria, Poseidæa, and Erotidæa occur as festivals, Corp. Inscript. 1430. and see Boeckh's note.

1715.

Plutarch de Amore Pat. I. p. 36. comp. Zoëga de Obeliscis, p. 225. above, p. 103. note a. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Castor and Pollux,” starting “Ἐν γυάλοις Θεράπνας.”] In Argos there were ancient figures of the Διοσκοῦροι by Dipœnus and Scyllis, Paus. Clem. Alex. Protrept. p. 31 A.

1716.

As ἐπίκλητοι in Herod. V. 35. so likewise the Lacedæmonians probably sent the statues of the Tyndaridæ (οἱ ἐπὶ Σάγρᾳ) to the assistance of the Dorians, as the Æginetans sent the Æacidæ to Salamis, Æginetica, p. 163. The Κάστωρ Μιξαρχαγέτας of the Argives (Plutarch Quæst. Gr. 23. p. 393.) is very obscure.

1717.

So among the Spartans Phormion, Paus. III. 16. 3. at the house of an Azanian of Pagupolis, Herod. VI. 127. Hence also the Θεοξένια of the Διοσκοῦροι at Agrigentum, Boeckh Expl. Pind. Olymp. III. p. 135.

1718.

Pseudo-Plat. Alcib. II. p. 148. Plutarch. Inst. Lac. p. 253.

1719.

Plat. ubi sup. cf. Plutarch, Lycurg. 19. Compare the corresponding expression of the Delphian oracle, Porphyr. de Abstin. II. 15.

1720.

The worship of Ammon makes an exception, which was brought into repute in Sparta by Lysander, Orchomenos, p. 359.

1721.

Hence the Thracian Cotytto, Eupolis ap. Hesych. Suid. in Θιασώτης, Κότυς.

1722.

Ἡρακλῆς γενάρχας in a Spartan inscription, Boeckh, No. 1446.

1723.

See Bentley Epistol. ad Mill. p. 503. Jacobs Animadv. ad Anthol. Gr. vol. I. 2. p. 286. Weichert Ueber Apollonios, p. 246. The poem is called a Ἡρακλεία in Paus. IV. 2. 2.

1724.

Od. VIII. 228. Theocrit. XXIV. 105. Apollod. II. 4. 9. cf. II. 4. 11.

1725.

The subject of the poem, the misfortunes of Iole, is given in general by Callimachus Epig. (Strab. XIV. p. 638). The detail is given by Apollodorus II. 6. 1. II. 7. 7, who agrees with Herodotus ap. Schol. Eurip. Hipp. 550. where likewise the Θηβαίων παράδοξα of Lysimachus are cited, Soph. Trach. 205. Schol. ad v. 358. which follow Pherecydes and Menecrates, Diod. IV. 31, 37. Schol. Il. V. 392. where for Βοιωτίας write Εὐβοίας. comp. Scythinus ap. Athen. XI. p. 461 F. Hyginus Fab. 29, 35. Plutarch de Def. Orac. 13. p. 322. The names of Iole's relations vary. See Hesiod ap. Schol. Trach. 266. as emended by Bentley, Creophylus cited by Bentley and Diod. ubi sup.

1726.

Soph. Trach. 354, 858. comp. Hermann ad v. 326.

1727.

Book I. ch. 1. § 4.

1728.

Hecatæus ap. Paus. IV. 2. 2. Strabo X. p. 448.

1729.

Hence Pherecydes ap. Schol. Soph. Trach. 354. places it in Arcadia, ἐν Θούλῃ Ἀρκαδίας, perhaps ἐν ΘΩΜΗΙ, i.e. Ἰθώμῃ. Demetrius of Scepsis in Strabo VIII. p. 339. identifies Œchalia and Andamia, cf. X. p. 448. Strabo in this passage also mentions an Œchalia in Trachinia, and another in Ætolia, comp. Eustath. ad Il. p. 298. ed. Rom.

1730.

II. 594.

1731.

XXI. 13.

1732.

Ubi sup. Pausanias likewise follows the local tradition, IV. 33. 5. cf. 27. 4.

1733.

Schol. Soph. ubi sup.

1734.

Book I. ch. 1. § 8.

1735.

Ubi sup. Also Scythinus, Sophocles and Apollodorus ubi sup. According to Schol. Apoll. Rh. I. 87. and Schol. Ven. ad Catal. 103. the νεώτεροι in general. Probably all these placed this exploit after the adventures in Trachinia, and immediately before his death, cf. Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 50.

1736.

Il. B. 730. comp. Steph. Byz. in Οἰχαλία. Eustath. ad Il. p. 330. ad Od. p. 1899. ed. Rom. and see the local tradition in Paus. IV. 2. 2.

1737.

Odyss. and Pherecyd. ubi sup. cf. Soph. Trach. 38. The Odyssey has, however, quite a different story; viz., that the death of Iphitus (which was, moreover, a peaceable death, ἐν δώμασιν, XXI. 33. but inflicted by Apollo VIII. 227.) preceded the slaughter of Iphitus.

1738.

Above, ch. 1. § 3.

1739.

Apollod. II. 7. 7. Diod. IV. 37.

1740.

Above, ch. 3. § 3.

1741.

Perhaps the Ἡρακλῆς Ἡπιάλητα πνίγων (the nightmare) of Sophron was a parody of this fable, Eustath. ad Il. p. 571. ed. Rom.

1742.

Æsch. Agam. 1038. καὶ παῖδα γάρ τοί φασιν Ἀλκμήνης ποτὲ Πραθέντα τλῆναι καὶ ζύγων θιγεῖν βίᾳ. Comp. below, § 8.

1743.

Schol. Od. XXI. 23. cf. Apollod. II. 6. 2.

1744.

Erineus was, according to a fable preserved in a strange and apocryphal inscription, the place of a combat between Hercules and Calchas Mopsus. Boeckh, No. 1759. Κάλχαντα Μόψον δικαίως Ἡρακλῆς χλεύμενος (i.e. χολούμενος) περὶ ἐρινεοῦ, πλήξας αὐτὸν τῷ κολάφῳ καὶ ἀποκτείνας τέθαφεν ἐν Ἐρινεῷ. The transcript has δικαιος and τεθαψεν; for which Hermann has emended as above. The inscription itself is a fabrication either of the latest period of antiquity, or of the middle ages. The same legend is told, with additional circumstances, and a different locality, by Tzetzes ad Lycoph. 980. According to Hesiod, the contest was between the two prophets, Calchas and Mopsus, fragm. 14. ed. Gaisford.

1745.

. I. ch. 2. § 4. B. II. ch. 3. § 3.

1746.

Schol. Soph. Trach. 40.

1747.

Steph. Byz. in Τραχίς. Marm. Farnes. 1. 66. emended by Heyne ad Apollod. p. 191.

Paus. II. 23. 5.

Apollod. Diod. &c. Sophocles, however, calls her a native of Pleuron, Trach. 7.

1751.

Described by Archilochus, according to Schol. Ven. ad Il. XXI. 237.

1752.

Archilochus ap. Schol. Apoll. Rh. I. 1213. This scene is very coarsely represented on an ancient vase (Hancarville IV. 31.), with the inscription ΔΑΙΑΝΕΙΡΑ ΝΕΣΣΟΣ, as should be read.

1753.

See the verse in Strabo VIII. p. 342. Steph. Byz. in Ὤλενος, which, however, probably belongs to the story in Apollod. I. 8. 4.

1754.

According to Hyginus Fab. 31, 33. Deianira is the daughter of Dexamenus. The Schol. Callim. Hymn. Del. 102. call Dexamenus himself a Centaur; and thus on a vase of the best age Hercules is represented as wrestling with him for Deianira, with the inscription ΟΙΝΕΥΣ ΔΕΞΑΜΕΝΟΣ ΔΕΙΑΝΕΙΡΑ from left to right, Millingen Diverses Peintures 33.

1755.

Bacchylides ap. Schol. Od. XXI. 295. with Buttmann's note.

1756.

Raoul-Rochette, Etabliss. des Col. Grecques, tom. I. p. 219.

1757.

Hughes' Travels, vol. II. p. 313. Pouqueville, vol. I. p. 471.

1758.

Heyne ad Il. II. 659. Strabo's opinion, that in Homer, and the fable of Hercules, Ephyra in Elis is meant (VII. p. 328. VIII. 338.), is refuted by the passages of Homer himself.

1759.

Some of these fables were mixed up with the war against Pylos, and some (e.g., the abduction of Cerberus) taken over to Tænarum and Heraclea Pontica; the latter probably first by Herodorus, who was a native of that Heraclea, see Heeren de fontibus Plutarchi, p. 17. Compare the coin of Heraclea in Mionnet, No. 160, in which Hercules is represented as bringing Cerberus to the statue of Demeter.

1760.

Iliad. II. 657.

1761.

Strabo IX. p. 443. Polyæn. Strateg. VII. 44. Veil. Paterc. I. 3. 2. Schol. Apoll. Rh. III. 1089. See Boeckh Expl. Pind. Pyth. X. p. 332. The kings of the Molossi likewise supposed themselves descended from a certain Lanassa, the daughter of Cleodæus, of the Hyllean tribe, Plutarch Pyrrh. 1. Justin. XVII. 3.

1762.

Iliad. II. 678. Compare b. I. ch. 6. § 3.

1763.

Apollod. II. 5. 10.

1764.

Ib. I. 6. 4. where it is incidentally mentioned from an earlier tradition.

1765.

Ap. Arrian. II. 16. frag. p. 50. ed. Creuzer.

1766.

P. 23. ed. Gronov. The mountain Abas and river Anthemoeis in Erythea, according to Apollodorus, should probably also be referred to this district. At least there were Abantes in the exact spot where Erythea is placed, on the Aous, near Oricum. According to Aristot. Mirab. § 145. Erythea was in the territory of the Ænianes. Hercules stole the oxen there from Cythera Persephassa. Compare Antonin. Liberal, c. 4. πολεμήσαντας γὰρ αὐτῷ Κελτοὺς καὶ Χάονας καὶ Θεσπρώτους καὶ σύμπαντας Ἠπειρώτας ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ κρατηθῆναι, ὅτι τὰς Γηρυόνου βοῦς συνελθόντες (ἤθελον) ἀφελέσθαι. The Celts are introduced from some Geryonis; see Diod. V. 24. Etymol. M. p. 502. 50. See also Appian, Bell. Civ. II. 29.

1767.

Herod. IX. 93. Conon, Narr. c. 30. Two legends connected with this fable are remarkable; first, the punishment of blindness for any one who had neglected the worship of the Sun; secondly, the tale that the Greek gods themselves had sent wolves against their herds. The cattle of the Sun in the Odyssey are only those of Tænarum and Epirus transferred to a greater distance: there was likewise a fabulous reason for the νηθάλιοι θυσίαι of the Sun, as they were performed in many cities of Greece, Od. XII. 363.

1768.

Paus. II. 1. 6, &c.

1769.

Proxenus ἐν Ἡπειρωτικοῖς ap. Suid. et Apostol. in λαρινοὶ βόες. Compare Lycus of Rhegion ibid. Ælian, N. H. XII., 11. III. 33.

1770.

Herod. VII. 216.

1771.

Peisander ap. Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 1047. τῷ δ᾽ ἐν Θερμοπύλῃσι θεὰ γλαυκῶπις Ἀθήνη Ποίει θερμὰ λοετρὰ παρὰ ῥηγμῖνι θαλάσσης, which verses are referred to by Zenobius Prov. VI. 49. Compare Ruhnken ap. Heyn. ad Æn. II. Exc. I. p. 287. Wesseling ad Diod. IV. 23. Herod. VII. 176. Phileas ap. Harpocrat. in Θερμοπύλαι. The fable was carried over to the hot spring near Himera in Sicily, Boeckh Explic. Pind. Olymp. XII. p. 210.

1772.

Callim. Hymn. Dian. 159. Schol. ad 1. Arrian ap. Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. p. 107. The Φρίκιον ὄρος should be distinguished from the place where Hercules slew a Centaur, Steph. Byz. in Φρίκιον.

1773.

Strabo IX. p. 428. The part of Œta, where the funeral pile is said to have stood, was called Pyra; Theophrast. Hist. Plant. IX. 10. Livy XXXVI. 30.

1774.

Steph. Byz. in Τύφρηστος. The ἀσέληνα ὄρη of Trachis were mentioned in the fourteenth book of the Heraclea of Rhianus, Etymol. M. in v. Suidas in Ῥίανος.

1775.

Strabo XIII. p. 613. Diod. XII. 59. the coins in Eckhel Num. Anecd. tab. 6. p. 89. Dodwell's Travels vol. I. p. 76. Clarke's Travels vol. IV. p. 197.

1776.

Scythinus and Polemon ap. Athen. XI. p. 461.

1777.

Heyne ad Apollod. II. 4. 6. remarks with judgment, “Herculis Thebani facta et fata ad Thebanas historias accommodare difficile est.”

1778.

Annual sacrifices were here offered to the eight children of Hercules. See Pausan. Pind. Isthm. III. 79. and Chrysippus in the Scholia. The graves of Amphitryon, Iolaus, and Alcmena, and the Gymnasium for the Iolaän or Heraclean games, were in front of the gate of Prœtidæ, Pind. Pyth. IX. 82. Nem. IV. 20. Schol. et Dissen. Explic. p. 382. where the subject is very clearly explained.

1779.

Ap. Antonin. Liberal. c. 33.

1780.

Marini Ville Alban. p. 150. Compare Bœttiger's Amalthea, vol. I. p. 130.

1781.

Other versions of this story may be seen in Cicero De Nat. D. III. 16. where see Creuzer's note, and in Paus. X. 13. 4. See also Visconti, Museo Pio-Clementino, II. 5. Zoëga, Bassirilievi, vol. II. p. 98.

1782.

The reconsecration on the foot of a candelabrum at Dresden. The atonement, on a Corinthian puteal, in the genuine archaic style, published by Dodwell in his Travels and his collection of Bas-reliefs, Rome, 1820. It afterwards came into the possession of the late lord Guilford. In this Apollo, Artemis, and Latona are met by Pallas, Hercules, and Alcmena, or some other woman: the Graces follow behind. Perhaps this is a copy of the Sicyonian group of Dipœnus and Scyllis (Plin. H. N. XXXVI. 4.) unless this also represented the contest, as the one in Paus. ubi sup. There is a similar composition on a vase in Millingen's Vases de Coghill, pl. 11. Apollo δαφνηφόρος, sitting by the tripod with Artemis and Latona, receives Hercules; a goddess with a sceptre (Vesta, according to Zoega), and Hermes, are standing by. Hercules is always drawn as a youth in this subject.

1783.

Hence also his labours were represented on the metopes of the Delphian temple, Eurip. Ion. 196, 239.

1784.

See the legend of Tripodiscus in Paus. I. 43. 7. comp. above, p. 14.

1785.

Plutarch de sera Num. Vind. 12. p. 245.

1786.

He erected three statues of Demonesian brass; above, p. 250. note l. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “sacred tithe,” starting “From Megara.”] Comp. Callim. fragm. 75. v. 5.

1787.

It can indeed be only collected from coins. See Visconti, Mus. Pio-Clement. tom. VII. 4. b. No. 11. Mionnet Descript. tom. II. p. 109. No. 94. and Planches LIII. 4. Pouqueville, Voyage, tom. IV. p. 208. I likewise saw a similar coin in lord Northwick's collection.

1788.

Above, ch. 2. § 11. Hence the scene of the Rhadamanthus of Euripides was laid in Bœotia, fragm. 1.

1789.

Plutarch, Lysand. 18. De Socrat. Genio 5. Tzetzes ad Lycoph. 50. Apollod. II. 4. 11. Pherecydes ap. Antonin. Liberal, c. 32. fragm. 50. ed. Sturz. comp. Visconti ad Herod. Att. Inscript. Triop. fin.

1790.

Pherecydes ubi sup. Paus. IX. 16. 4.

1791.

Orchomenos, pp. 84. 208. On Hercules Ἱπποδέτης see the story in Plutarch, Parallel, p. 416.

1792.

The passage most in point is in the Theocritean poem XXIV. 100. where, however, much Alexandrine fiction may be discerned.

1793.

See, among other writers, Alcidamas Rhetor adv. Palamed. § 25. ed. Bekker. where for Τέννος write Λίνος, with two manuscripts.

1794.

Below, ch. 12. § 1.

1795.

See Boeckh Explic. Pind. Olymp. III. 18. above, ch. 3. § 2. At Nemea honours were paid to the 360 supposed companions of Hercules, Ælian, V. H. IV. 5; evidently referring to the year of 360 days.

1796.

Heyne ad Apollod. Dissen. Expl. Pind. p. 509.

1797.

The madness of Hercules also occurred in the Κύπρια ἔπη, as appears from the extract of Proclus (at the end of Gaisford's Hephæstion); but in that poem it was, if I rightly apprehend the context, represented as caused by the love and seduction of Hercules.

1798.

Eurip. Herc. Fur. Paus. IX. 11. 1.

1799.

In this temple a λίθος σωφρονιστὴς, which had restored him to his senses, was shown under the altar, Paus. IX. 11. 5.

1800.

It is to this that the verses of Panyasis refer, in which Hercules is described as coming over Parnassus to Castalia (fragm. 7. ed. Gaisford).

1801.

Apollod. II. 5. 11. conf. Heyn. According to Herodorus apud Schol. Soph. Trach. 253. Hercules afterwards serves an ἐνιαυτὸς of three years; and so also Apollod. II. 6. 4. See above, ch. 11, § 2.

1802.

Above, ch. 7. § 9. ch. 8. § 4. The verses from the Heraclea of Panyasis, Fragm. 4. ed. Gaisford, appear to have been spoken by Hercules as a consolation for his slavery. Comp. Iliad XXI. 443. They seem to be incorrectly applied by Heyne ad Apollod. II. 7. 3. p. 188.

1803.

Herod. VI. 116. Paus. I. 15. 4. 32. 4. Harpocrat. in Ἡρακλῆς. Schol. Pind. OI. IX. 92. XIII. 184. cf. Boeckh Explic. p. 193. Elmsley ad Eurip. Heraclid. 32.

1804.

Aristoph. Ran. 504. Schol. ad 1. et ad 664. Schol. Apoll. Rh. I. 1209. Harpocrat. in Μελίτη, Hesych. in ἐκ Μελίτης, Μήλων et Διομεία, Suidas in Διομεία. Tzetzes Chil. VIII. 192. Comp. Corsini Fast. Att. II. p. 335. where, however, there are some inaccuracies.

1805.

Together with Hebe, Alcmene, and Iolaus, Paus. I. 19. 3. This temple is frequently mentioned.

1806.

Paus. I. 31.

1807.

Diog. Laert. III. 41.

1808.

Steph. Byz. in Ἐχελίδαι. Hence, according to some writers, a dance called τετράκωμος derived its name, Pollux IV. 14. 99. 105. Athen. XIV. p. 618. Hesych. in τετράκωμος. There was a temple of Hercules, not far off, on the road to Salamis, Plutarch Themist. 13.

1809.

Book I. ch. 3. § 5.

1810.

Diod. XII. 45. Schol. Soph. Œd. T. 701.

1811.

Plutarch, Thes. 35. Eurip. Herc. Fur. 1333.

1812.

See the Κυκλικοὶ in Schol. II. T. 242. Herod. IX. 73. Paus. I. 41. 4. III. 18. 3. Isocrat. Encom. Helen, p. 211 E. Plutarch, Thes. 32. Steph. Byz. and Harpocrat. in Τιτακίδαι. To this also the verse of Callimachus refers, Frag. 234. ἄνδρ᾽ ελαιοι (write Ἔλαον) Δεκελειόθεν αμπρεύοντες, “dragging Elatus from Decelea,” i.e., as a guide to Aphidna. According to Alcman (Fragm. 3. ed. Welcker) and the inscription on the chest of Cypselus (Paus. V. 19. 1.) they even conquered Athens. How this is connected with the gloss in Hesychius, Ἀσαναίων πόλιν τὰς Ἀφίδνας, which probably refers to Alcman, does not appear.

1813.

Above, ch. 10, § 8.

1814.

See book I. ch. 3. § 2.

1815.

The striking difference between the two has been remarked, amongst others, by Dio Chrysost. Orat. 47. p. 523. B.C. The Alexandrine fiction of the twelve labours is satisfactorily treated of by Zoega (Bassiril. II. p. 46.) and also by Ouwaroff, Examen critique de la Fable d'Hercule.

1816.

Schol. Pind. Nem. Arg. p. 425. ed. Boeckh. Argus was also fabled to have there pastured the sacred cows of Here.

1817.

Ap. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 498. comp. Orph. Fragm. 9. A fragment of Epimenides ap. Ælian. Nat. Anim. XII. 7. also mentions this fable, and Herodorus apud Tatian. I. p. 164. (ap. Justin. Martyr, ed. Col.), where for Ἡροδότου we should read Ἡροδώρου, and again by Euphorion Fragm. 47. p. 111. ed. Meineke. To the passages there collected add Hesiod. Theog. 331. Pindar Fragm. inc. 100. p. 660. ed. Boeckh. Callim. Fragm. 82. Plutarch de Facie in Orbe Lunæ 24. de Fluv. 18. 4. Steph. Byz. in Ἀπέσας. comp. Hygin. Fab. 30.

1818.

Compare the vase published by Millin. II. tab. 75. with the description of the metopes on the temple at Delphi in Eurip. Ion. 196. On the chest of Cypselus, however, he is represented as slaying them with arrows.

1819.

Heinrich Proleg. in Hesiod. Scut. pag. 69. Dissen. Explic. Pind. Isthm. V. p. 525. Buttmann ad Soph. Philoct. 726. On the chest of Cypselus Hercules was represented with arrows, and also with a sword: he is called αἰχμητὴς in Archilochus Frag. 60. ed. Gaisford.

1820.

Odyss. XI. 600. cf. VIII. 224. II. V. 393.

1821.

Athen. XII. p. 512 F. Strab. XV. p. 688. Eratosth. Cataster. 12. Suid. in Πείσανδρος comp. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. II. 1197. concerning the brazen club of Hercules mentioned by Peisander.

1822.

See above, b. I. ch. 3. § 5.

1823.

Comp. Isocr. Archid. p. 119 D. Marm. Farnes. p. 152. in Marini and others.

1824.

I understand ἐν Πύλῳ ἐν νεκύεσσι, Il. III. 395 in the same manner as Pausanias does VI. 25. 3. Apollod. II. 7. 3. The wounding of Hades was also mentioned by Panyasis, Arnob. adv. Gent. IV. 25. According to the same author (ap. Clem. Alex. Protr. p. 25. ed. Sylb.) Here was also wounded at Pylus. The passage in the Iliad V. 392. leaves this undecided. Comp. Schol. Venet. ad Il. XI. 689. Lycophr. 39. with the Commentary of Tzetzes. The wounding of Ares is connected with the above by Hesiod Scut. 368. the battle with Apollo and Poseidon by Pindar Olymp. IX. 33. Boeckh Expl. p. 189.

1825.

Nevertheless there was also near Pylos Triphyliacus a sanctuary of Hades on mount Minthe.

1826.

Schol. Il. V. 392. Venet. II. 336. from the Κατάλογοι of Hesiod. Diod. IV. 31.

1827.

Apollod. II. 6. 2. Schol. Venet. Il. II. 88. Marm. Farnes. p. 151.

1828.

Ch. 11. § 1.

1829.

Olymp. XI. 57. The names of the conquerors were perhaps taken from public registers, ἀναγραφαὶ, which usually went back to the mythical period, like those of the priestesses of Here at Argos (see book I. ch. 7. § 2). Comp. with ibid. v. 59. Etym. Mag. Δαιτήριον ἐν Ἰλιάδι, read ΗΛΕΙΑΙ; the spot where Hercules distributed the booty of the Elean war.

1830.

Provided that Doryclus is the Δορυκλὲυς mentioned in Apollod. III. 10. 5.

1831.

Polyb. XII. 26. 2 comp. above, ch. 3. § 2.

1832.

See Pind. Olymp. III. 14. where the connexion seems to be as follows: Hercules, while chasing the hind of Artemis, arrives at the country of the Hyperboreans, at the source of the Ister, and there sees the beautiful olive-trees. Afterwards, when about to found the Olympic games, he remembers these trees, and procures some young shoots to plant the bare and sunny plains of Elis. On the κότινος of Olympia see Schneider Index Theophrast. vol. V. p. 424.

1833.

Pausan. VIII. 25. 5. 15. 2. comp. above, p. 220, note b. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “some external influence,” starting “The temples are.”]

1834.

See the map of Peloponnesus.

1835.

Apollod. II. 6. 3.

1836.

See Heyne Excurs. 14. ad Æn. III. From hence the colony of Heraclea was sent.

1837.

ΟΙΚΙΜΤΑΜ on coins, i.e. οἰκιστής.

1838.

Jamblich. Vit. Pythag. 10.

1839.

Mus. Pembrock. P. II. tab. 16. Eckhel N. Anecd. tab. I. No. 13, from whose explanation mine differs in some respects.

1840.

Aristot. Mirab. Ausc. § 115.

1841.

Athen. X. p. 441 A. from the Ἰταλικὴ of Alcimus.

1842.

See book I. ch. 6. § 3.

1843.

Plutarch. Quæst. Græc. 58. p. 409. Nicomachus ap. Lyd. de Mensibus, p. 93.

1844.

Dissen. Expl. Pind. Isthm. V. p. 525. It may, perhaps, be collected from Ovid. Metam. VII. 369. that at this festival the women were disguised as cows. Perhaps the festival of Hercules was connected with that of Here, concerning which see Athen. VI. p. 262.

1845.

Laur. Lydus de Magistr. III. 64. p. 268. On the connexion between the Lydian worship of Sandon or Sandes and the Hellenic worship of Hercules see a paper by the author in the Rheinisches Museum, vol. III. p. 22-39.

1846.

Steph. Byz. in Ἀκέλη.

1847.

Berosus ap. Agath. Hist. Justin. II. p. 62. ed. Vulcan.

1848.

Strabo XII. p. 564 B. Solinus 42, &c. comp. Orchomenos, p. 293.

1849.

Κτιστὴς on the coins.

1850.

Ap. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 131. Hence this genealogy was afterwards transferred to Hylas. In the Spartan fable, Elacatus was represented as the παιδικὰ of Hercules (Sosibius ap. Hesych. in Ἠλακάτια).

1851.

See the fragments of the Lytierses of Sositheus, Hermann, Opuscula, vol. I. p. 54. and above, ch. 8. § 12.

1852.

Amongst the passages quoted in Creuzer's Symbolik, vol. I. p. 326. those of Pherecydes, Pindar, and Apollodorus should be particularly noticed.

1853.

Aristot. ap. Ælian Var. Hist. V. 3. comp. Schwarz de Columnis Herculis, Opuscula, vol. II. p. 205. Peringer de Templo Herculis Gaditani. Concerning Hercules-Briareus, see also Zenob. Prov. οὗτος ἄλλος Ἡρακλῆς.

1854.

The African Hercules Maceris, according to Pausan. X. 17. 2; the Phœnician Διωδᾶς, according to Euseb. Scal. p. 26. in the Greek text. Islands of Hercules near New Carthage in Spain, Athen. III. p. 121 A. We find also an Iolaus connected with the Carthaginian Hercules, Polyb. VII. 9. 2. Eudoxus ap. Athen. IX. p. 392 D.

1855.

Pausan. ubi sup.

1856.

Sallust. Bell. Jugurth. 21. which passage also mentions his death in Spain. Comp. Strabo XVII. p. 828.

1857.

Pollux I. 4. 45.

1858.

Eudoxus ubi sup. Eustath. ad Il. p. 1702. 50. Zenobius in ὄρτυξ ἔσωσεν. Compare with these passages the very ingenious explanation of this fable in Heeren's Ideen, vol. I. part 2. p. 129.

1859.

Herod. V. 43. Paus. III. 16. 4.

1860.

Hence also the legend that Hercules was subject to epilepsy.

1861.

Od. XI. 605.

1862.

This worship certainly originated at Delphi, since the Delphic oracle in Demosth. in. Mid. p. 531. 7. orders the Athenians to offer sacrifices περὶ ὑγιείας to the supreme Zeus, Hercules, and Apollo προστατήριος. Concerning Hercules ἀλεξίκακος see Libanius Ep. 12. Dio Chrysost. Orat. I. p. 17. Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 1375. and Schol. Apoll. Rh. I. 1218. comp. Marini Ville Alban. p. 141. No. 152. This character of the hero is generally alluded to in the exclamations Ἡράκλεις, Me Hercules; and as such, representations of sheep were offered to him (otherwise the usual sacrifices were swine); and he was called Μήλων at Thebes, Pollux I. 1. 27. 30. and at Melite in Attica.—See Apollod. ap. Zenob. V. 12. Hesych. in Μήλων. Schol. Aristoph. Pac. 42. cf. 740. Suidas in Μήλιος.

1863.

Strab. XIII. p. 613. This, however, was not the original Grecian Hercules; above, § 8. Hercules ἀπόμυιος (the averter of flies) was worshipped at Rome, according to Clemens Alexand. Protrept. I. p. 24. ed. Sylb. a title of Zeus at Olympia.

1864.

According to Pausanias, who also gives an account of several Dædalian wooden images of Hercules. The divine worship at Sicyon (Paus. II. 10. 1.) may, however, be referred to the Idæan Dactylus, since this town was anciently connected with Phæstus.

1865.

Pind. Nem. I. 67. (cf. VII. 90) represents Hercules as engaged in this contest with the gods, probably a short time before his deification. The first representations of Hercules the giant-destroyer occur on the throne of the Amyclæan Apollo. Pausan. III. 18. 7. and some very ancient vases.

1866.

In making libations to Hercules not a drop was left in the goblet, Athen. XII. p. 1512 F. Those who wished to make libations brought him a measure of wine, Hesych. in Οἰνιστήρια.

1867.

For instance, Epicharmus in the Busiris, and The Marriage of Hebe (frequently quoted in Athenæus), and Rhinthon in the Hercules. See Athen. XI. p. 500 F.

1868.

See e.g., Eubulus ap. Athen. XIII. p. 567.

1869.

On this poem see Fabric. Biblioth. Gr. vol. I. p. 378. ed. Harles. Thermopylæ appears to have been the earliest locality of this fable (Herod. VII. 216. above, ch. 11. § 5.), but in this poem the scene was perhaps laid in Œchalia in Eubœa; at least Tzetzes, enumerating the poems attributed to Homer, mentions the Κέρκωπες next to the Οἰχαλίας ἅλωσις (ap. Bentl. Epist. ad Mill. p. 505, ed. Lips.).—Hence Diotimus, in his poem on the labours of Hercules, called the Cercopes Œchalians, viz., in Eubœa, whence they ravaged the territory of Bœotia (Suidas in Εὐρύβατος. Apostol. IX. 33. Schol. Lucian. Alexand. 4. 71.): Æschrion of Sardis, in his Ephesis, was probably the first who transplanted them to Lydia (Lobeck de Cercopibus el Cobalis p. 7.), and Xenagoras to the Pithecusæ (apparently in his treatise περὶ Νήσων, ap. Harpocrat. in Κέρκωπες. Lactant. Fab. XIV. 3. Zenobius, Apostol. XI. 24.). Among the Athenian comic poets Hermippus and Plato treated this fable; but the composition in Hancarville III. 88. in which Hercules reaches two monkey-shaped Cercopes in nets or cages to Eurystheus sitting on a throne, seems to be a representation of an Italian farce.

1870.

Millingen Peintures Inédites pl. 35. Tischbein III. 37. See Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 691.

1871.

See Reinganum's Selinus, plate 3. (Leipsig. 1827).

1872.

Μή τευ μελαμπύγου τύχοις. See the Parœmiographers, Photius, Suidas, &c., in this expression, Diod. IV. 31. and others. The proverb occurred in Archilochus, fragm. 106. ed. Gaisford.

1873.

Athen. VI. p. 260. from Hegesander, ibid. XIV. p. 615 D. from Telephanes. Perhaps Hercules had παράσιτοι here as well as at Cynosarges and other demi. See Diodorus of Sinope in Athen. VI. p. 239 E.

1874.

Book IV. ch. 6. § 9. 10. ch. 7.

1875.

Our knowledge of Macedonia has been much increased by the Travels of F. C. H. L. Pouqueville from Janina to Greveno and Castoria, of H. Pouqueville from Guilan to Mezzovo, and Barbié du Bocage's (the younger) Examination of the Ruins of Pella; although in the Voyage dans la Grèce (tom. II.) of the first-named writer some singular notions, arising from an imperfect knowledge of ancient geography (e.g., of Haliacmonts), somewhat confuse the description. But the Carte de la Grèce Moderne, by J D. Barbié du Bocage, is a work of great accuracy, and it has been implicitly followed in the annexed Map.

1876.

Its rise in these mountains, and course through Pæonia (Liv. XXXIX. 53. Strabo VII. p. 327. cf. Exc. 9. p. 330. ed. Casaub. Ptolem. p. 82. ed. Montan.). prove that it is the modern Cara-Sou.

1877.

Strabo VII. 9. p. 330. states that the Ludias runs out of the lake on which Pella is situated; which is now the lake of Jenidge. (According to modern maps it is not true that the lake is formed by an ἀπόσπασμα of the Axius; but in ancient times also the marshes reached to the east of Pella, Liv. XLIV. 46.) Compare Strabo VII. 8. p. 330. It is evident from Herodotus VII. 127. that the Lydias was next to the Axius. Λοιδίας was the reading found by Harpocration in Æschines de Fals. Leg. p. 44.

1878.

Herod. VII. 127. Scylax agrees with Herodotus, p. 26. ed. Hudson, where the places come in the following order: “Pydna, Methone, the mouth of the Haliacmon, Alorus, the Lydias, then Pella, the Axius, the Echeidorus, and Therma.” On the other hand, Strabo, who represents the Haliacmon as falling into the sea near Dium (VII. 8. p. 330.), perhaps confounding it with the Helicon, (Pausan. IX. 30. 4.) is supported by Ptolemy, p. 82. “Thessalonice, the Echeidorus, the Axius, the Lydias, Pydna, the Haliacmon, Dion, Pharybas (read Baphyras), the Peneus.”

1879.

Plutarch de Exilio 10.

1880.

Or Lacmus, in which mountain the Aous and the Inachus, a branch of the Achelous, have their source, Hecatæus ap. Strab. VI. p. 271. VII. p. 316. Steph. Byz. in v. Λάκμων. Sophocles ap. Strab. VI. p. 271. Herod. IX. 93. The Lingus of Livy XXXII. 13. is nearly the same mountain.

1881.

Ptolemy. It seems plain that the Καναλόουια ὄρη of Ptolemy, in which the Haliacmon rises, and the Κανδαουία ὄρη before Lychnidus, in Strabo, Cæsar, Cicero, and the Tab. Peuting. are the same name, and that the passage of Ptolemy is corrupt. The ridge is, indeed, broken by the Genusus.

1882.

See next note.

1883.

Strabo VII. Exc. 11. p. 330. This Bermius is a continuation of mount Barnus, at the foot of which the Via Egnatia passes (Strab. VII. p. 323.), and the same as the Bernus of Diodorus, fragm. 27. p. 229. ed. Bipont, or the Bora of Livy XLV. 29. 30. where it must be distinguished between what properly belongs to a regio and what adjicitur. See below, p. 459, note n. [Transcriber's Note: There is no such footnote number on that page.]

1884.

Mannert's Geographie, VII. p. 516.

Below, § 17.

Below. § 11.

VII. 113.

Herodotus (ubi sup.) appears also to call the mountain between the Strymon and Angites, Pangæum.

1889.

Herod. VII. 123. cf. 127.

Herod. VII. 124.

Thuc. I. 58.

Il. 99.

Herod. VII. 115. Diodonis XXVII. p. 229. also places the Bisaltæ to the west of the Strymon; somewhat differently Liv. XLV. 29, 30. Compare Gatterer's excellent Dissertations de Herodoti et Thucydidis Thracia, and Commentat. Gotting. vol. 5. p. 33.

1894.

Herod. VII. 124. cf. 127. It is, however, singular that Xerxes should go from Acanthus to Therma in Mygdonia, beyond Pæonia (on the Axius?) and Crestonica. This Crestonica is probably quite different from the Crestonæi at the source of the Echeidorus, and is a district of Chalcidice. See the author's Etrusker, vol. I. p. 96. Ἐν τῇ Κρηστωνίᾳ παρὰ τὴν τῶν Βισαλτῶν χώραν, Pseud-Aristot. Mirab. Auscult. p. 710. ed. Casaubon.

1895.

Herod. VII. 127.

1896.

VII. 123. Βοττιαΐδα, τῆς ἔχουσι τὸ παρὰ θάλασσαν στεινὸν χωρίον πόλις Ἴχναι τε καὶ Πελλα. It does not follow that Pella was, in the opinion of Herodotus, a coast-town.

1897.

Of Apollo, according to Hesychius in Ἰχναίην. Macedonia had been called from it Ἰχναίη by some poet, Hesychius and Suidas in v. The city is mentioned by Eratosthenes ap. Steph. Byz. Plin. H. N. IV. 17. and Mela II. 3. Stephanus Byz. confounds with this town that in Thessaly. Themis was worshipped at Ichnæ, according to Strabo IX. p. 435.

1898.

Strab. VII. 8. p. 330. compare Scylax and Æschines above, in notes c and d.

1899.

Strab. VII. 9. p. 330.

1900.

In Polybius V. 97. 4. Bottia and Amphaxitis are also mentioned together.

1901.

Βοττία in II. 99. should probably be written Βοττιαία, as in II. 100. (or the reverse; see notes c and f in this page, and Etym. Mag. in v.) [Transcriber's Note: Note c begins “In Polybius V. 97. 4.” and note f begins “Thucyd. I. 65.”]

1902.

See below, p. 465, note k. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “according to Herodotus,” starting “VIII. 127.”]

1903.

Thucyd. I. 65, II. 79, 101. The passage of Theopompus ap. Steph. Byz. in v. Αἰόλιον should be thus written: πόλιν Αἰόλιον τῆς Βοττικῆς (vulg. Ἀττικῆς) μὲν οὖσαν, πολιτευομένην δὲ μετὰ τῶν Χαλκιδέων. The inhabitants, however, are always called Βοττιαῖοι in Thucydides. Βοττιαία for Βοττικὴ, Dionysius ad Amm. I. 9. The great etymologist in Βοττεία also notices the distinction between Βοττικὴ and Βοττιαία; where write Βοττικὴ ἡ Χαλκιδικὴ γῆ (ΧΑΛΚΙΔΙΚΗ for ΧΑΛΔΑΙΚΗ).

1904.

VII. 127. Compare the expression οἱ οὐρίζουσι γῆν Βοττιαΐδα τε καὶ Μακεδονίδα, with VII. 123. ὅς οὐριζει χώρην τὴν Μυγδονίην τε καὶ Βοττιαιΐδα.

1905.

Pausan. IX. 30. 3. χώραν τὴν ὑπὸ ὄρος, τὴν Πιερίαν. Livy XLIV. 43. calls the mountain-forest above Pydna Pieria sylva.

1906.

With Strabo VII. 8. p. 330. who makes Pæonia extend to the Axius (and so Ptolemy, p. 82.); though he afterwards places Alorus to the south of the Lydias, and yet in Bottiæa. There is, however, much confusion in this passage.

1907.

See below, § 17.

1908.

VIII. 8. p. 330.

1909.

Liv. XLIV. 9, 20. Hence also Pausanias (IX. 30. 3. X. 13. 3.) appears to distinguish Dium (τὸ ὑπὸ τῇ Πιερίᾳ), and Strabo (IX. p. 410. X. p. 471.) Leibethrum, from Pieria. On the other hand, Arrian. Anab. I. 11. places the ξόανον of Orpheus at Leibethra (Plutarch Alexand. 14.) in Pieria.

1910.

I have placed Dium at the ruines in B. du Bocage; Platamona is perhaps the ancient temple of Hercules.

1911.

VII. 8. p. 330. comp. Wesseling ad Anton. Itin. p. 328. and Drakenb. ad Liv. XLII. 51. The Citium of Livy must be sought for near Edessa.

XLII. 53.

Il. 99.

Liv. XLV. 30.

Liv. XLII. 53. Compare Plutarch. Æmil. 9. βιαζόμενον κατὰ τὰς Ἐλιμίας (the passes of Elimea?).

1916.

Liv. XLIII. 21. see above, § 2.

1917.

Steph. Byz. in Παραυαῖοι. According to Arrian I. 7. the ἄκρα Τυμφαίας and Παραυαίας, between Elimea and Thessaly. Plutarch Qu. Gr. 13. cf. 26. places Parauæa in Molossis, Stephanus in Thesprotis, as well as Tymphe. Comp. Thuc. II. 80. It is now called Zagori. See Geographische Ephemeriden, vol. XVII. p. 429.

1918.

Strab. VII. p. 325. cf. 326. The Paroræa in Pæonia, Liv. XLII. 51. Plin. IV. 17. should be distinguished from it.

1919.

Strab. VII. p. 327. cf. 326. Liv. XLV. 30. According to Marsyas in Steph. Byz. in v. Αἰθικία, Æthicia lay between Tymphæa and Athamania. In Liv. XXXII. 13. should probably be written, in Tymphæa terra Molottidis, where you would arrive by mounting the course of the Aous. Plutarch Pyrrh. 6. connects Stymphæa and Parauæa: τήν τε Στυμφαίαν καὶ τὴν Παραυαίαν τῆς Μακεδονίας. Comp. Niebuhr's Römische Geschichte, vol. III. p. 536.

1920.

See particularly Polyb. II. 5. Scylax, p. 10. Comp. Thucydides, Livy, and Strabo as above. In Proxenus ap. Steph. Byz. in v. Χαονία, for Ταραύλιοι, Ἀμύμονες read Παραυαῖοι, Ἀτίντανες. It is mentioned in Pseud-Aristot. Mirab. Auscult. p. 704. ed. Casaub. that Atintania borders on Apolloniatis; and hence in p. 710. for Ἀτλαντίνων read Ἀτιντάνων, or Ἀμαντίνων.

1921.

In Liv. XXXI. 40. Sulpicius goes from Elimea to Orestis, and from thence to Dassaretis (on the lake Lychnidus, XXVII. 32. near Lyncestis, XXXI. 33. XXXII. 9. cf. Polyb. V. 108. Ptolem. p. 83,), and conquers Pelion on the Erigon (see Arrian I. 5.).

1922.

Μακεδόνων οἱ Ὀρέσται, Polyb. XVIII. 30. Liv. XXXIII. 34. cf. XLII. 38.

1923.

Or Ὀρεστιὰς, Strab. VII. p. 326.

1924.

Liv. XXXI. 40.

1925.

Mannert denies this (VII. p. 519.); but without the authority of any good map. See Pouqueville tom. II. p. 322. Orestia was beyond Macedonia, according to Steph. Byz.

1926.

This is evident from the following passages, Plin. H. N. IV. 15. In Thessalia autem Orchomenos Minyeus ante dictus, et oppidum Almon ab aliis Salmon. Schol. Apollon. II. 1186. δύναται δὲ καὶ Ὀρχομενοῦ μνημονεύειν τοῦ μεθορίου Μακεδονίας καὶ Θεσσαλίας. Steph. Byz. Μινύα πόλις Θεσσαλίας ἡ πρότερον Ἁλμωνία; Diod. XX. 110. where Orchomenus and Dium are mentioned together as cities in existence in Olymp. 119. 3; Eustath. ad Il. IX. p. 661. 4. ed. Bas. (cf. II. p. 206. 22.) who states that the Thessalian or Macedonian Orchomenus was in his time called Charmenas. See Orchomenos, pp. 139, 249. where it is also shown that the Halmopians, or Salmonians, were an ancient tribe of the Minyæ.

1927.

Livy XLV. 30. says of Eordæa, Lyncestis, Pelagonia, Atintania, Tymphæa, and Elimiotis, frigida hæc omnis duraque cultu et aspera plaga est.

1928.

Among the Macedonian gentile-names, such as Lyncestæ, Orestæ, Diastæ (Steph. Byz. in Δῖον), may also be included the Cyrrhestæ (Plin. H. N. IV. 17.) of the region Cyrrhus (Thuc. II. 100. Diod. XVIII. 4. Steph. Byz. in Μανδαραί).

1929.

Thuc. IV. 83. 124, 129. Liv. XXVI. 25. XXXI. 33. see p. 459, note m, [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Edessa and Pella,” starting “Strab. VII. p. 323.”] p. 460, note x, [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Lyncestis,” starting “By the road.”] and § 27.

1930.

Thuc. IV. 124. τὰς τοῦ Ἀρριβαίου κώμας. Heraclea Lyncestis appears to have been a late settlement.

1931.

Thuc. IV. 127.

1932.

Strab. VII. p. 323. This road, which, according to the tab. Peutinger. and the Itin. Anton. p. 318, 329, passes through Lychnidus, Heraclea Lyncestis, Cellæ, Edessa, Pella, and Therma, evidently in the higher parts followed the direction of an ancient pass, the εὔπορος ὁδὸς διὰ τῆς Δασσαρήτιδος (see p. 458, note a [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Illyrian Dassaretians,” starting “In Liv. XXXI. 40.”]) κατὰ Λύγκον, Plut. Flamin. 4. and also Liv. XXXII. 9. where for Lychnidum read Lyncum.

1933.

This follows from Liv. XLV. 29. Quarta regio trans Boram montem (with respect to which the tertia regio was versus septentrionem, and therefore versus meridiem of this), and XLV. 30. Quartam regionem Eordæi et Lyncestæ et Pelagones incolunt.

1934.

For example, the way in Livy XXVI. 25. cf. XXXI. 33. where the river Bevus is also mentioned, probably one of the branches, which, according to Strabo VII. p. 327, fall into the Erigon ἐκ Λυγκηστῶν.

1935.

In Liv. XLII. 53. Perseus goes from Pella through Eordæa to Elimea. The lacus Begorrites appears to be the lake Citrini.

1936.

See above, note n. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “south of it,” starting “This follows from Liv.”]

1937.

Arrian I. 7. The river Eordaicus, ibid. I. 5, probably runs from Eordæa into the Erigon.

1938.

Liv. XXXIX. 53. Strab. VII. p. 327. Places, Bryanium, Alcomenæ, Stymbara (Stubera Livy, Στύβερρα Polybius). In Livy XXXI. 39, 40. Sulpicius follows a mountain-road from Stubera to Eordæa, and then to Elimea; compare Polyb. XVIII. 6. 3.

1939.

Liv. XXXIX. 53.

1940.

See above, p. 459, note s. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “along the Erigon,” starting “Liv. XXXIX. 53.”]

1941.

By the road per Pelagoniam et Lyncum et Bottiæam in Thessaliam, Liv. XXVI. 25. That it borders on Deuriopus is shown by Liv. XXXI. 39.

1942.

Liv. XXXI. 28, 33. comp. Gatterer Commentat. tom. VI. p. 67.

1943.

Thucyd. II. 99. τῆς Παιονίας παρὰ τὸν Ἀξιὸν ποταμὸν στενήν τινα καθήκουσαν ἄνωθεν μέχρι Πέλλης καὶ θαλάσσης. The same strip of land was included by Æmilius Paulus in his tertia regio, according to Livy XLV. 29. Adjecta huic parti regio Pæoniæ, qua ab occasu præter Axium amnem porrigitur.

1944.

See above, p. 454, note p. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “from Bottiaïs,” starting “Herod. VII. 123.”]

1945.

II. 99. where Sitalces is going to make a descent into Lower Macedonia, the country of Perdiccas, from Doberus κατὰ κορυφήν. He then invades (II. 100.) Eidomene, Gortynia, Atalante, and Europus (Europos ad Axium amnem, Plin. IV. 17.), probably places in Pæonia, but certainly not Bottiæa or Mygdonia.

1946.

II. 98. Παίονες Δόβηρες, Herod. VII. 113.

1947.

II. 98.

1948.

Herod. V. 15. Concerning the settlements of the Sintians, see Mannert. vol. VII. p. 502.

1949.

Doberus coincides with the modern Doiran. The Κερκινῖτις λίμνη, Arrian I. 11, is probably the lake near Doiran.

1950.

τῶν γὰρ Μακεδόνων εἰσί.

1951.

ὑπήκοα, as the Magnetes to the Thessalians.

1952.

Those of Perdiccas.

1953.

τὴν παρὰ (according to Bekker) θάλασσαν νῦν Μακεδονίαν.

1954.

The substance of the clauses omitted is given below.

1955.

VII. 128. cf. 131, 173.

1956.

See book I. ch. 1. § 3.

1957.

Above, p. 457, note s. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Cambunian mountains,” starting with “Liv. XLII. 53.”]

1958.

Thus Thuc. IV. 83. comp. Xenoph. Hell. V. 2. 38.

1959.

Above, p. 458, note b. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Orestian Macedonians,” starting “Μακεδόνων οἱ Ὀρέσται.”] Thucydides II. 80. distinguishes the Orestæ from the Macedonians, viz., from those of Perdiccas.

1960.

Thuc. II. 80. Perhaps from his name he was of the family of the Aleuadæ.

1961.

Thuc. IV. 79. 83.

1962.

Strab. VII. p. 326. Comp. book I. ch. 7. § 15.

1963.

Περδίκκας ἦγεν ὧν ἐκράτει Μακεδόνων τὴν δύναμιν against Arrhibæus, Thuc. IV. 124.

1964.

Herod. VIII. 137, 138.

1965.

II. 100. These were, according to Herodotus, Perdiccas, Argæus, Philip, Aeropus, Alcetas, Amyntas, Alexander, and Perdiccas.

1966.

Edessa on the Via Egnatia, 28. m. p. from Pella, 62-66. from Heraclea Lyncestis (Antonin. Itinerar. pp. 319, 330; the tab. Peuting. gives less accurately 45 and 77 m. p.) is probably the modern Vodina.

1967.

See Dexippus ap. Syncell. p. 262. Euseb. Scal. p. 47. cf. 37. Justin VII. 1. Solin. IX. 14. Dexippus quotes Theopompus for Caranus. Marsyas (perhaps the cotemporary of Alexander and Antigonus) related a fable concerning Cœnus, the successor of Caranus, Etym. Mag. p. 523. 40. Etym. Gud. p. 332. 41.

1968.

Diod. XIX. 52. XXII. p. 307. Bip. Plin. IV. 17. Solin. IX. 14. comp. Justin. VII. 2.

1969.

See below, § 17.

1970.

Herod. V. 21. VIII. 136. Justin VII. 3.

1971.

Consequently the story that Xerxes gave Alexander all the country between mounts Olympus and Hæmus (Justin VII. 4.) is not entirely fabulous.

1972.

Gatterer Commentat. vol. IV. p. 96. vol. VI. p. 15. is more accurate on this point than Poppo Thucyd. vol. II. p. 421.

1973.

Herod. VII. 112. Although Ἠιὼν ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης in Thuc. IV. 7. cannot be that on the Strymon, yet Eustathius ad Il. II. 566. p. 217. ed. Bas. is incorrect in distinguishing Ἠιὼν in Pieria from that on the Strymon (comp. Steph. Byz. in Ἠιὼν, Schol. Thuc. I. 98.); and Raoul-Rochette, Histoire des Colonies Grecques, tom. III. p. 207, should not have followed him, since Pieria, viz. New-Pieria, reaches in this point to the Strymon. But the Ἠιὼν of Thucydides is not in Pieria, but in Chalcidice.

1974.

Thuc. II. 99.

1975.

The expression of Thucydides, καὶ ἔτι καὶ νῦν Πιερικὸς κόλπος καλεῖται, proves that the circumstance had taken place long before. Hence arose the fabulous genealogies of Pierus and Emathius, the sons of Macednus, &c; Marsyas ap. Schol. Il. XIV. 226. comp. Pausan. IX. 29. 1.

1976.

VIII. 127. Thucydides also includes the Bottiæans, I. 57. (cf. IV. 57.) among those ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης. Βοττιαῖοι ἐν Θρᾴκῃ, Callimachus fragm. 75, 41.

1977.

Herod. V. 94. Concerning the position of Anthemus, see Plin. H.N. IV. 17. Hence the τάγμα Ἀνθεμουσία of the Macedonian army, Hesychius in v. Ἴλη ἑταίρων Ἀνθεμουσία, Arrian II. 9. [See Thirlwall's Hist. of Greece, vol. V. p. 194. note.]

1978.

An objection which might be derived from Thucyd. I. 58. where, according to the old reading, Mygdonia is distinguished from the kingdom of Perdiccas, is removed by omitting the τε after Μυγδονίας, which Bekker and Poppo have expunged, with good MSS.

1979.

The distinction taken by Tzetzes ad Lycoph. 419. between the Ἤδωνες and Ἠδωνοὶ, viz., that the former dwelt on the coast, the latter inland, cannot be supported. For instance, Thucyd. I. 100. calls those by Amphipolis Ἠδωνοί.

VII. 114.

Herod. V. 11, 24.

Thuc. IV. 107.

But τὰ ἐντὸς Μακεδόνουν ἔθνεα, Herod. VI. 44, are not the nations in Macedonia (Heyne Opuscul. Acad. IV. p. 164.), but those between Macedonia and Persia. See Boeckh's Economy of Athens, vol. II. p. 483. note.

1984.

Forty stadia beyond Pydna, Strabo.

1985.

Plutarch Qu. Gr. 11.

1986.

Aristot. ap. Strab. X. p. 447. Conon Narr. c. 20. Raoul-Rochette, Histoire des Colonies Grecques, tom. III. pp. 198 sqq.

1987.

Pydna, however, early belonged to the Macedonians, Thucyd. I. 137. Diod. XIII. 49. Scylax, p. 26. calls Pydna and Methone Greek cities; but that proves nothing for their independence.

1988.

Above, p. 455, note g. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “according to Herodotus,” starting “VII. 127.”] No one surely will distinguish between γῆ ἡ Μακεδονὶς and ἡ Μακεδονία.

1989.

Above, § 16. Herodotus also mentions together, among the allies of Xerxes, VII. 185, the Eordians (in Physca, see below, p. 468. note k [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Physca in Mygdonia,” starting “According to Ptolemy, p. 83.”]), the Bottiæans (near Olynthus), and the Chalcideans. Concerning the Brygians, see below, § 30.

1990.

Besides VII. 127. see also VII. 173. concerning the road from Lower Macedonia to Thessaly.

1991.

πρῶτοι (πρῶτον Bekker) ἐκτήσαντο.

1992.

Near the pass Volustana, Liv. XLIV. 2, which led to Elimea, p. 457, note s. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Cambunian mountains,” starting with “Liv. XLII. 53.”]

VII. 131.

V. 17.

Herod. V. 15, 16.

See Poppo Thucyd. vol. II. p. 434. Mannert, vol. VII. p. 495.

1997.

Herod. VIII. 116.

1998.

In Syncellus and Eusebius Scal. the reading is Dardanians for Eordians; the latter, which is evidently the correct reading, is preserved in the Armenian Eusebius, p. 168. ed. Mai. who follows Diodorus.

1999.

According to Ptolemy, p. 83. In Steph. Byz. it should probably be written, Ἐορδαῖαι, δύο χῶραι, Μακεδονίας καὶ Μυγδονίας.

2000.

Thuc. II. 100. cf. I. 57. VI. 7.

2001.

Thuc. I. 57.

2002.

I. 59.

2003.

According to Schol. Thuc. I. 57.

2004.

Hence perhaps we might separate ξύμμαχα καὶ ὑπήκοα in the beginning of the chapter, and refer the former rather to Lyncus, the latter to Elimea.

2005.

Aristot. Pol. V. 8.

2006.

Xen. Hell. V. 2. 38.

2007.

Athen. XIII. p. 557. C. cf. X. p. 436 C.

2008.

To be inferred from Lycophron. Cass. 802. with Tzetzes.

2009.

Diod. XVII. 7.

2010.

Arrian VI. 28.

2011.

Pliny H. N. IV. 17. mentions Almopians, together with Eordians, on the banks of the Axius; and in Ptolemy p. 83. Almopia is the country near Europus; it was to this place that the Almopians probably fled. This also explains the genealogical connexion with Pæon and Edonus. Orchamenos, p. 250, note 2.

2012.

Of ancient wars of the Macedonians, not mentioned by Thucydides, I may mention the fabulous battle between Caranus and Cisseus (Pausan. IX. 40. 4.), probably a king of Cissus, near Therma, which is the explanation given by Strabo VII. exc. 10. p. 330. of Cisseus the Thracian in Il. XI. 221. Euripides transferred this war, as well as the story of the goats, into his tragedy called Archelaus, perhaps only written from flattery, fragm. 33. ed. Musgr. Hyginus Fab. 219. See also Lycophr. 1237. Concerning the supposed war with the Phrygians, see below, § 30.

2013.

See Mannert, vol. VII. p. 281. In the catalogue of nations, however, in Appian Illyr. 2. Pæonian and Thracian (Mædi, Triballi) are mixed with Illyrian tribes.

2014.

Herod. IV. 93. V. 3. Menander ap. Strab. VII. p. 297. The language of the Getæ was Thracian, Strab. VII. p. 303.

2015.

Herod. VII. 75, &c.

2016.

According to Strabo VII. p. 305, 315. cf. VII. p. 323.

2017.

Strab. VII. p. 316. According to which passage they extended more to the north as far as the Illyrian Dardanians. The Thracians beyond Crestona, mentioned by Herodotus V. 3. are probably the same people.

2018.

Conon Narr. c. 20. calls the Bisaltæ Thracians (Ἄργιλος was also a Thracian name according to Heraclid. Pont. 41); and the Panæans, whom Thucydides II. 101. calls Thracians, were an Edonian nation according to Stephanus Byz.

2019.

Strabo X. p. 471. does not appear to make this supposition, but perhaps in VII. p. 321.

2020.

By Thucydides II. 29. and by earlier writers.

2021.

See above, p. 11.

2022.

Iliad XIV. 225. sqq.

2023.

Gatterer Commentat. VI. p. 37. Mannert, vol. VII. p. 487.

2024.

Solin. IX. 2, &c.

2025.

See particularly Appian Illyr. I. But as in later times Pæonians and Illyrians were confounded (Appian Illyr. 14.) the Paunonians also were called Illyrians.

2026.

Herod. V. 13. comp. VII. 20, 75, and see Prolegomena zur Mythologie, p. 351. The legend concerning the great expedition of the Teucrians is well given in Lycophron v. 1341.

2027.

Yet Strabo VII. p. 295. has the contrary tradition of the Mysians.

2028.

I. 196.

2029.

Gottleber ad Thucyd. I. 57.

2030.

Herod. V. 20.

2031.

Herodot. V. 22. and see Valckenaer's note. The Attic orators evidently exaggerate; there is, however, perhaps a slight hyperbole in what Weiske de Hyperbole, p. 19. says on the other side.

2032.

See Scylax, p. 12. and the metrical Dicæarchus, p. 3. Comp. Salmas. Exercit. Plin. p. 100 A.

2033.

The passage of Hesiod appears to be from the Ἠοῖαι (above p. 4. note n [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Hesiod and Hellanicus,” starting “Ap. Constant.”]), and these poems come down as late as the 40th Olympiad (Orchomenos, p. 358). After Hesiod Solinus IX. 13. calls Macedo Deucalionis maternus nepos. comp. Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 427.

2034.

The account of the Greeks living on the Pontus, according to Herod. IV. 8-10.

2035.

Although Mannert, vol. VII. p. 492. considers the Macedonians to be of Illyrian and Pæonian descent, Comp. p. 421.

2036.

See above, p. 460. note z. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “and the coast,” starting “Thucyd. II. 99.”] Pliny H. N. IV. 17. appears to say that the Eordi were Pæonians; and it is not improbable that this was the fact, though the passage of Pliny is corrupt. Herodotus VII. 185. mentions together Thracians, Pæonians, Eordians, Bottiæans, Chalcidians, Brygians, Pierians, Macedonians, and Perrhæbians.

2037.

E.g. Thuc. IV. 124.

2038.

E.g. Thucydides II. 96. mentions Thracians between mounts Hæmus and Rhodope, Getæ and mountain Thracians together, as if the Getæ were not Thracians. Instances of this use are very common; e.g. the common case of Ionians and Athenians.

2039.

Il. XIV. 226. And hence in the Hymn to the Pythian Apollo, v. 39. (according to Matthiä's and Ilgen's conjecture), although Emathia does not suit very well there, and the preceding word (neither Λεύκον nor Λίγκον is in its place) remains uncertain. The Roman poets, as is well known, use the name in a very wide sense, Heyne ad Virg. Georg. I. 492.

2040.

Plin. H. N. IV. 17. Justin. VII. 1. Gell. XIV. 6. 4. Solinus IX. 1. distinguishes between the Edonian, Mygdonian, Pierian, and Emathian territory, and IX. 12. derives the name of Emathia, as being that of the most ancient Macedonia, from an Autochthon Emathius. Tzetzes ad Hesiod. Op. I. Chiliad. VI. 90. states, from the Delphica of Melisseus, that Aëropus, the eldest son of Emathion, had reigned over Lyncus, which had previously been called Pieria,—a very confused account.

2041.

See Justin VII. 1.

2042.

Pag. 84.

2043.

In Ptolemy the word is Κύριος. See above, p. 458. note h. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Macedonian inflexion,” starting “Among the Macedonian.”]

2044.

II. 100. comp. Plin. H. N. IV. 17. The tabula Peuting. which places Idomenæ 53 m. p. from Therma, and 35 from Stoboi (Istip), agrees very well with Thucydides, Ptolemy, and Pliny.

2045.

Since he entirely separates Bottiæa from Pieria.

2046.

XXIV. 8. Liv. XV. 3. Justin VII. 1. says of Emathia, Populus Pelasgi, regio Bœotia dicebatur, where Bottiæa is a more probable correction than Pæonia, and is confirmed by the Vatican fragments of Diodorus, p. 4. Mai.

2047.

I. 56. cf. VIII. 43. and see book I. ch. 1. § 10.

2048.

I. 56. Δωρικὸν ἐκλήθη. And yet, according to Herodotus himself, they were governed by Dorus in Hestiæotis.

2049.

Constantin. Porphyrog. II. 2. λέγεται δὲ καὶ Μακεδονίας μοῖρα Μακέτα, ὡς Μαρσύας ἐν πρώτῳ Μακεδονιακῶν. καὶ τὴν Ὀρεστιάδα (vulg. Ἠρέστειαν δὲ) Μακέταν λέγουσιν. See above, p. 458. note c. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “valley of Orestis,” starting “Or Ὀρεστιὰς.”] Scymnus calls the Macedonians γηγενεῖς, and makes them come from Macessa and Emathia, v. 657.

2050.

Appian Syr. 63. Ἄργος ἐν Ὀρεστείᾳ (ὅθεν οἱ Ἀργέαδαι Μακεδόνες). Concerning the name of the Argeadæ see Pausan. VII. 8. 5. and the note of Siebelis. Perhaps the entire legend of the Argive origin of the Macedonian kings properly refers to this Argos Orestikon.

2051.

VII. p. 324. sqq.

2052.

Bulini, near the modern Valona, Mannert, vol. VII. p. 388.

2053.

Near Epidamnus, according to Thuc. I. 24. Appian. Bell. Civ. II. 39. and extending as far as the Dalmatians according to Appian Illyr. 24.

2054.

Also near Epidamnus according to Liv. XXIX. 12. XLIII. 21. to the south of the Taulantians according to Plin. H. N. III. 26. Mela. II. 3. The country of the Parthini was called ἡ Πάρθος, Polyb. XVIII. 30. 12. as ἡ Λύγκος (Thuc. IV. 83.) ἡ Δευρίοπος above, § 11. ἡ Κύρρος.

2055.

See below, p. 481, note k. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “with the Dassaretians,” starting “Scymnus Chius.”]

2056.

Read πλησέον δέ που κατὰ (vulg. καὶ) τὰ ἀργύρια.

2057.

Besides this passage Damastium is only known by its silver coins, Eckhel D. N. I. II. p. 164. Mionnet Descript. tom. II. p. 54.

2058.

Here those in the neighbourhood of Apollonia are meant, see below, p. 483, note a. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “strange deities,” starting “As the Encheleans.”]

2059.

Probably the Dassaretians (Sesarethians) near Lychnidus.

2060.

In Northern Sicily.

2061.

Not mentioned elsewhere.

2062.

See particularly Thuc. II. 80. Scymn. 444. Concerning their ἐκβάρβαρωσις see Plutarch Pyrrh. 1.

2063.

Scylax, p. 12. Dicæarchus, p. 3.

2064.

Pag. 10.

2065.

Illyr. 7.

2066.

See above, p. 458, note b. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Orestian Macedonians,” starting “Μακεδόνων οἱ Ὀρέσται.”]

2067.

Polyb. XVIII. 30. Liv. XXXIII. 34. Liberi Amantini et Orestæ, Plin. H. N. IV. 17. Hence Steph. Byz. makes Orestis reach to Molossia, in v. Ὀρέσται. These have been generally followed by modern geographers. Lyncus alone is mentioned by Steph. Byz. in v. πόλιν Ἠπείρου.

2068.

According to the probable supposition of Mannert, vol. VII. p. 390.

2069.

Strab. VII. See Exc. 3. p. 329.

2070.

This usage first occurs in Cæsar Bell. Civ. III. 34. although there it is not quite clear; on the other hand, Dio Cassius XLI. 49. distinctly says, ἐν τῇ γῇ τῇ πρότερον μὲν Ἰλλυριῶν τῶν Παρθινῶν, νῦν δὲ καὶ τότε γε ἤδη Μακεδονίᾳ νενομισμένῃ: the boundaries are given by Pliny N. H. III. 26. (from Lissus to Oricum) and Ptolemy.—Dexippus also, quoted by Constantinus Porphyr. de Them. II. 9. includes Epidamnus in Macedonia, and the tabula Peuting, has only Macedonia between Dalmatia and Epirus.

2071.

See e.g. Thuc. I. 24. Liv. XLV. 26.

2072.

It would lead me too far to treat here of the Thesean, Abantian, Laconian, and ancient Ionian κουρά.

2073.

Book IV. ch. 2. § 4. The proper Thessalian appellation was, according to the Great Etymologist, ἄλληξ, whence allicula.

2074.

See Etrusker, vol. I. p. 265.

2075.

Theophrast. Hist. Plant. III. 9.

2076.

Schneider's Lexicon in πέτασος.

2077.

Plutarch Amat. 16. Pyrrh. 11. Herodian. IV. 8. 5. Dio Chrysostom. Or. 72. p. 628. ed. Reisk. Pollux X. 162. Valer. Max. V. 1. ext. 4. Antipater Thessal. apud Brunck. n. 10. Suidas in Καυσίν. Compare Valcknaer ad Adoniaz. p. 345.

2078.

Polyb. IV. 4. 5.

2079.

Heracl. Pont. 17.

2080.

Eckhel Doct. Num. I. 2. pp. 83. 155. 158. A clear notion of the causia may be obtained from the representations of Macedonian coins in Pellerin Recueil de M. de Rois Pl. 1. n. 1. of Ætolian in Combe Numi Mus. Britann. Pl. 5. 24. 25. and of Illyrian in Eckhel Numi. Vet. Anecd. (1775.) Pl. I. tab. 6. 22. 23.

2081.

Philip, the son of Amyntas, first conquered the country as far as the lake Lychnitis, Diod. XVI. 8. The Taulantians in the time of Alexander had their own king, Arrian I. 5. The Illyrian king Argon ruled (about 240 B.C.) as far as Epirus, and the Atintanes were his subjects, Appian Illyr. 7. 8. When the Romans first went to Illyria they were joined by the Parthini and Atintanes, Polyb. II. 11. Atintania was first conquered by Philip the son of Demetrius, Schweighæuser ad Polyb. II. 5. p. 356. In the peace he only lost Lychnidus (with Dassaretis, Polyb. V. 108.) and Parthus (i.e. the Parthini), Polyb. XVIII. 30. 12. Liv. XXXIII. 34. The only countries which even Perseus possessed beyond the mountains were Atintania and Tymphæa, Liv. XLV. 30. See also Palmer Græc. Ant. I. 14. p. 78.

2082.

From ἄμαθος, sea-sand.

2083.

V. II. 1.

2084.

Suppl. 257.

2085.

Apollod. III. 8. 1. Ælian de Nat. An. X. 48. Steph. Byz. in Ὠρωπός.

2086.

σύνοικοι, Herod. VII. 73.

2087.

Herod. VIII. 138. Conon Narr. I. Concerning these roses see also Nicand. Fragm. 2. p. 278. ed. Schneider. Conon ibid. and Apollodorus ap. Strab. XIV. p. 680. also speak of ancient mines near mount Bermius.

2088.

It might be inferred from Thuc. I. 61. that Berœa had not even then become a Macedonian possession; but it seems that ἀπανίστανται merely signifies “they prepare to leave Macedonia.”

2089.

In Herod. VII. 73. Conon ubi sup. Xanthus placed it after, but probably soon after the Trojan war.

2090.

Justin VII. 1.

2091.

Scymnus Chius v. 433. Strab. pp. 326, 327. There were Βρίγες in Dyrrhachium, according to Appian B.C. II. 39. who states that they returned from Phrygia; comp. Steph. Byz. in Βρύξ. Herodotus indeed plainly distinguishes from the Βρίγεσφρύγες (VII. 73.) the Βρύγοι Θρήικες (VI. 45. VII. 185.) in Macedonia, who revolted to Mardonius and came with Xerxes; and Strabo also appears completely to separate the Βρύγοι as an Illyrian people (in p. 327. write Βρύγων) from the Thracian Βρίγες, who are said to have entirely left Europe (VII. p. 295): still their names and settlements seem to establish a national affinity.

2092.

Mygdon, a prince of the Phrygians, is mentioned in Iliad III. 186. Comp. Strabo VII. p. 295.

2093.

Aristotle ἐν τῇ Βοττιαίων πολιτείᾳ ap. Plutarch. Thes. 16. Qu. Gr. 35. A similar, though still stranger, legend concerning the Bottiæans may be seen in Strabo VI. pp. 279. 282. Compare Etymol. Magn. in Βόττεια. The Cretan traditions may perhaps have found a resting-place in the temple at Ichnæ.

2094.

Thuc. II. 100. Plin. H. N. IV. 17. The name Europus (Justin. VII. 1. speaks of an ancient king Europus in this country, and according to Steph. Byz. Εὐρωπὸς and Ὠρωπὸς were the sons of Macedon) reminds us of Demeter Europa, the Hermionean Europs, and the Cretan Europa. The Cretan Ἰδομενεὺς implies the existence of a place named Ἰδομένη.

2095.

I. 57. Compare Orchomenos, p. 444. note 1.

2096.

See above, p. 458, note f. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “far from Pieria,” starting “This is evident.”]

2097.

Πύδνα occurs again in the sacred Pytna of Crete. The poetical associations chiefly clung to the district above Dium, where Pimple and Leibethrum were situated.

2098.

See above, p. 472, note a. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “narrow strip of land,” starting “See above.”] Strabo, who calls the Eordi Illyrians (above, § 26.), yet speaks only of the Macedonian inhabitants of Eordia. Hesychius and Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 1342. call the Eordi Macedonians. Stephanus Byz. in Ἄμυρος has a confused passage on the Amyri, who, according to Suidas, were Eordi.

2099.

Liv. XLV. 30.

2100.

Compare now Heyne Opusc. Acad. IV. p. 165. Macedonas e multis barbarorum populis, Thracum inprimis et Pelasgorum, quibus Græcorum exigua pars accesserat, coaluisse. Schlözer Weltgeschichte, vol. I. pag. 290. The Macedonians, brothers of the Thracians, and entirely different from the Greeks, among whom they were long called barbarians, wandered about their mountainous country, divided into 150 hordes, when a Heraclide, &c.

Solinus, IX. 16.

Thuc. II. 100.

Solinus, IX. 17.

XLV. 30. ferociores eos et accolæ barbari faciunt, nunc bello exercentes, nunc in pace miscentes ritus suos. An intercourse in peace, among free and hardy nations, presupposes a certain degree of resemblance. At the present time the wild Orestæ are stated to be very different from the mild and social Zagoriots (Parauæans), Geographische Ephemeriden, vol. XVII. p. 430.

2105.

As the Encheleans appear to have carried from the Bœotian incursion (Orchomenos, p. 231.) the worship of Cadmus and Harmonia both to the region of Buthoë (Scylax, p. 9. Steph. Byz. in Βουθόη), and to the Ceraunian mountains (Dionys. Perieg. v. 391. Apoll. Rh. IV. 517. for there were Encheleans in both places). Compare Apollodorus III. 5. 4. Scymnus Chius v. 437. Eustathius ad Dionys. Perieg. v. 389. Interpret. Virg. Æn. I. 243. ed. Mai.

2106.

Amerias ap. Hesych. in v.

2107.

Hesychius in Δευάδαι.

2108.

Hesychius et Favorinus in v.

2109.

Hesychius in v.

2110.

Plutarch Alex. 2. Polyæn. Stratag. IV. 1. Compare Athenæus V. p. 198 E. Etym. Mag. et Suidas in Κλώδονες, Lycoph. v. 1237. Conon Narr. 45. Creuzer's Symbolik, vol. III. p. 194. sq.

2111.

Jovis templum, veterrimæ Macedonum religionis, Justin XXIV. 2. Archelaus established Olympic games (Arrian I. 11.), who had himself been a conqueror at the Olympic games at Elis, Solin. IX. 18. Perhaps also Musea in Macedonia, according to Arrian ubi sup.

2112.

Hesych. in Ἐδεσσαῖος.

2113.

Hesych. in Ἄρητος.

2114.

See above, p. 455, note z. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “an ancient temple,” starting “Of Apollo.”]

2115.

Book II. ch. 11. § 2.

2116.

Eckhel D. N. I. 2. p. 74. The Macedonian Venus, Zeirene (Hesyvch. in v.) was perhaps the Zerynthian. Mars, according to Hesychius, was in Macedonia called Thaumus or Thaulus.

2117.

Herod. V. 6. Strab. VII. p. 315. Comp. Salmas. Exerc. Plin. p. 169 A.

2118.

Polit. VII. 2. 6.

2119.

According to Hegesander ap. Athen. I. p. 18 A.

2120.

Herod. V. 4; according to Solinus X. 2. apud plurimos.

2121.

Herod. V. 5. comp. Solinus X. 3.

2122.

Solinus X. 1. concludes Thracibus barbaris inesse contemtum vitæ ex quadam naturalis sapientiæ disciplina.

2123.

See besides Herod. V. 5. Heraclid. Pont. Polit. 27. Strab. VII. p. 297. Salmas. Exerc. Plin. p. 112 A.

2124.

Herod. V. 6. Heraclid. ubi sup. Solin. X. 4.

2125.

Solin. X. 5.

2126.

Thuc. II. 100. The ἄνω ξύμμαχοι are the Lyncestæ, &c.

2127.

Xenoph. Hell. V. 2. 41. V. 3. 1. cf. Thuc. I. 61, 62.

2128.

Polyb. V. 27. 6. Curtius VI. 8. 25. (with Freinsheim's note) VI. 9. 34. Crophius Antiq. Maced. I. 6. II. 4.

2129.

Hence, for example, it cannot be inferred from the distinction between the Illyrian and Macedonian languages in Polyb. XXVIII. 8. 9. that the nations were originally of a different descent. Sturz De Dialecto Macedonica et Alexandrina has not sufficiently distinguished the third period from the two first.

2130.

For example, Steph. Byz. in v. Βορμίσκος—οὓς κύνας τῇ πατρῴᾳ φωνῇ ἐστερικὰς καλοῦσιν οἱ Μακεδόνες. The barbarous word σκοῖδος, signifying a kind of steward, which was used by Alexander in letters, and adopted by Menander (Photius, p. 523. 5.) can hardly be oriental. See also the collection of Sturz in the words ἄβαγνα, ἄδδαι, ἀδῆ, ἀκρέα, ἄξος, &c.

2131.

The Athamanes were Epirots according to Strabo, Illyrians according to Steph. Byz. in v. The words are not Grecian.

2132.

See above, Σανάδαι, and Athenæus III. p. 114 B. concerning the Macedonian and Athamanian word δράμις or δράμιξ.

2133.

This fact may be believed on the testimony of Curtius VI. 9. 35.

2134.

Apollonius de Construct. III. 7. calls it the Macedonian or Thessalian usage. Sturz, p. 28. 5. infers chiefly from this that the Macedonian language was originally nearly the same as the Dorian. The coins, I may remark incidentally, prove nothing, as they were struck for intercourse with the Greeks. Adelung, on the other hand, considers the Macedonians as Thracians (to which nation he also refers the Illyrians), with a tinge of Greek civilisation, Mithridat, vol. II. p. 359.

2135.

See above, p. 3. notes g and h. [Transcriber's Note: These are the footnotes to “native dialect,” starting “Compare, for example,” and to “Æolic,” starting “E.g. the nominatives.”]

2136.

Above, p. 467. note c. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “on Pieria,” starting “Near the pass Volustana.”] Hence the Cambunian mountains are now called Volutza.

2137.

Above, p. 453. note g. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Candavian chain,” starting “Ptolemy.”] The first syllable of this name appears to be the same as of Cambunii montes, in which the second part is probably the word βοῦνος, which in modern Greek still means “a hill.” In the names of Macedonian mountains, Barnus, Bermius, and Bertiscus (Ptolemy), there is probably the same root.

2138.

Pausan. X. 6. 5. οἱ μὲν δὴ γενεαλογεῖν τὰ πάντα ἐθέλοντες, &c.

2139.

Ἕλληνος δ᾽ ἐγένοντο θεμιστοπόλον Βασιλῆες Δῶρός τε Ξοῦθός τε καὶ Αἴολος ἱππιοχάρμης. Tzetzes ad Lycoph. 284. and Schol. Apoll. Rh. III. 1085. Other poems of Hesiod are made use of by Schol. Hom. Od. χ'. 2.

2140.

Apollodorus I. 7, 3. Pausan. V. 1, 2. &c. from the circumstance that Achæus and Ion are represented as the only sons of Xuthus, I have inferred above that the Ionians were probably of an Achæan race.

2141.

Schol. Hom. Od. κ. 2. οἱ δὲ λέγουσιν ὅτι Ἕλλην γόνῳ μὲν ἦν Διὸς, λόγῳ δὲ Δευκαλίωνος. Compare Pindar Pyth. IV. 167. who alludes to this fable, and Eurip Melan. IV. 2.

2142.

Il. II. 684. and compare IX. 395, 474. XVI. 595. The verse ἐγχείῃ δ᾽ ἐκέκαστο Πανέλληνας καὶ Ἀχαιοὺς, II. 530, has been properly condemned by the Alexandrine critics.

2143.

Or rather “near Phthia.” Homer distinguishes Hellas and Phthia (Il. IX. 395, 478, 479. Od. XI. 495.); the tetrarchy of Phthiotis in later times included both.

2144.

Æginetica, p. 155.

2145.

Hesiod. Op. et Di. 526. Βράδιον δὲ Πανελλήνεσσι φαείνει. Compare Strabo VIII. p. 370. It may be observed, that in the three most ancient passages in which the collective name of the Greeks occurs, viz., the verse in the Works and Days, the spurious line in the Iliad, and the passage in the Ἠοῖαι referred to by Strabo, they are called, not Ἕλληνες, but Πανέλληνες.

2146.

Apollodorus I. 7. 6.

2147.

Hes. Theog. 129. 371.

2148.

Ap. Plutarch. Lycurg. 6. according to a certain emendation. See book III. ch. 5. § 8.

2149.

Book III. ch. 12. § 5.

2150.

Book II. ch. 1. § 8.

2151.

See book I. ch. 1. § 9.

2152.

See particularly Plato de Leg. I. p. 636. VI. p. 752. Κνωσίους πρεσβεύειν τῶν πολλῶν πόλεων.

2153.

See Strabo X. p. 476. compare p. 481. after Ephorus.

2154.

Archilochus ap. Heraclid. Pont. πολιτ. Κρητῶν. fragm. 86. Gaisford.

2155.

Hom. Od. XIX. 175. sqq.

2156.

See book III. ch. 1. § 8.

2157.

The eclipse of the sun, however, mentioned by Herodotus, does not agree, and must be an error. VII. 37.

2158.

Συλλεγομένων ἐς τωύτὸ τῶν περι την Ἑλλαδα Ἑλληνων τῶν τὰ ἀμείνω φρονεόντων, καὶ διδόντων σφίσι λόγον καὶ πίστιν, Herod. VII. 145.

2159.

VII. 157. ἔπεμψαν ἡμέας Λακεδαιμόνιοί [τε καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι] καὶ οἱ τούτων σύμμαχοι. The words included in brackets are wanting in the family of the Passioneus and Florence MSS., and appear to be interpolated from c. 161.

2160.

Herod. VII. 176. where the words οἱ Ἕλληνες include both the troops and the congress.

2161.

The former in the first full-moon after the solstice, the latter about the second, Corsini Fast. Att. I. 2. p. 453.

2162.

Diodorus speaks of a decree of this nature, but the oath on the Isthmus is a rhetorical invention, XI. 29.

2163.

Pericl. 39. παρὰ τὰ κοινὰ δίκαια καὶ τοὺς γεγενημένους ὅρκους τοῖς Ἕλλησι.

2164.

Aristid. 21. γενομένης ἐκκλησίας κοινῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων, ἔγραψεν Ἀριστείδης ψήφισμα, συνιέναι μὲν εἰς Πλαταιὰς καθ᾽ ἔκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν τοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς Ἑλλάδος προβούλους καὶ θεωροὺς, ἄγεσθαι δὲ πενταετηρικὸν ἀγῶνα τῶν Ἐλευθερίων.

2165.

ἀναφορὰ εἰς τὸν πόλεμον, Plutarch. Aristid. 24.

The History and Antiquities of the Doric Race, Vol. 1 of 2

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