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The History of Java, v. 1-2

Chapter 22: FOOTNOTES:
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About This Book

An extensive study of Java combining political history, natural history, and cultural description, it surveys the island's physical geography, climate, resources, and indigenous institutions while documenting languages, religious practices, arts, and everyday customs. The author examines colonial administration and its effects, offers critical observations on governance, and reports on economic activities and social organization. Sections discuss antiquities, local laws and ceremonies, and summaries of flora and fauna based on contemporary inquiry, aiming to present both empirical observations and broader reflections on society and colonial interaction.

In the wáyang purwa, or wáyang of the most ancient times, the subject is taken from the earliest periods of fabulous history, down to the reign of Parikésit inclusive. This is the age of interesting story and marvellous fiction, the reign of the gods, demigods, and heroes of the Hindu and Javan mythology, who in these representations are exhibited with the attributes, and in the situations with which their names are connected in the most popular poems and romances. The fables thus turned to account, are generally taken from the poem of Ráma, the poem of Mintarága containing the penance of Arjúna on the mountain Indra, and the celebrated epic of the Bráta Yúdha, or the war of the Pandáwa. These poems are all written in what are termed the high measures, and are accompanied in their recital by the gámelan saléndro. In the performance of this wáyang, the Dálang first recites a few verses in the Káwi language, chaunting afterwards an interpretation of the passage in Javan, for the use of the unlearned. As the several characters are brought forward, he himself supplies the minor dialogue between the dramatis personæ, keeping in general close to the original story, when there is any person present who could detect his deviations: if he is performing before the ignorant, however, he frequently digresses from the main story, in any way which he thinks may most readily amuse his audience; and on this account, the practice of rendering the Káwi into Javan, which furnishes an opportunity for such deviations, is termed charángan, literally a branch from a tree. In the course of the entertainment, all the varieties of ancient weapons named in these poems are represented behind the transparent curtain. The interest excited by such spectacles, connected with national recollections, is almost inconceivable. The eager multitude will sit listening with rapturous delight and profound attention for whole nights to these rude dramas. By means of them, the lower class have an opportunity of picking up a few Káwi terms, and of becoming acquainted with the ancient legends of the country.

The subject of the wáyang gédog is taken from the period of history subsequent to Parikésit, commencing with the reign of Gandra-yána and including the adventures and reign of the celebrated Pánji, and that of his successor Laléan, until he established himself at Pajajáran. These poems being composed in a different measure, the gámelan pélog is employed as the accompaniment; and although the history of the early part of this period is written in the Káwi, the Dálang always employs the Javan translation. The adventures of Pánji compose the most popular portion of it. The characters are numerous, and the figures in general more highly coloured and better finished than those of the wáyang púrwa. In bringing any hero on the stage, the Dálang recites those verses of the history which relate to him, and introduces such dialogue as may give a dramatic effect to the exhibition, together with such explanations as may make it intelligible to common capacities.

In the wáyang klítik the figures exhibited are more properly puppets than shadows: they are of wood, about ten inches high, and made to perform their parts without the intervention of a curtain. In these are represented that portion of the history commencing with the establishment of the western empire of Pajajáran and ending with the destruction of the eastern empire of Majapáhit. Of this, by far the most favourite scenes are found in the popular story of the adventures between the Ménak Jíng'ga, a chief of Balambáng'an, and Dámar Wúlan (the light of the moon), on account of the Princess of Majapáhit.

The compositions which thus serve as the basis of these popular and interesting entertainments, comprise the legends from which the account of the earlier periods of Javan story, detailed in another part of this work, is principally derived. The most popular and interesting events and adventures are preserved and related in various compositions, whilst more recent actions and events, which possessed less interest, have fallen into oblivion. The constant exhibition of these plays in every part of the country, but more particularly in the eastern districts, has served to keep alive the recollections of "days long since gone by," and to disseminate a general knowledge of native legendary history among many, with whom, from the ignorance of letters, the stories might otherwise have been irretrievably lost or more grossly distorted.

The Dálangs, who manage and conduct these amusements, are treated with considerable respect. In many points, their office strongly resembles that of the ancient bards. The ceremony of giving his blessing to the first born infant, in the repetition of some particular passages of the ancient legends, gives this part of his office a very peculiar interest. The usual payment to the Dálang who owns a set of wáyangs, and brings his own gámelan players, is from two to three dollars for the night; but the nobles and chiefs generally have several sets of wáyangs of their own, and keep a Dálang in their service.

Another representation of this nature is that of the adventures of Ménak Jing'ga and Dámar Wúlan, which are exhibited, but not very commonly, by means of drawings on folded leaves of strong paper, while the Dálang repeats the story and furnishes dialogue to the characters. This is termed wáyang béber. An entertainment of a similar description, though not accompanied by the exhibition of figures, is termed trébang: it was invented in the time of the kingdom of Démak. The story is taken from the Arabic account of Begínda Ambia, which being rendered into Javan, is repeated by the Dálang, who with a small drum before him, and accompanied by the music of the gámelun, gives spirit to the different parts, by beating time with his hand, and varying the strength of the sound or quickness of time according to the subject. These two latter are of comparatively modern invention, and not much esteemed.

The dance with the Javans, as with Asiatics in general, consists in graceful attitudes of the body, and in the slow movement of the arms and legs, particularly of the former, even to the distinct motion of the hand and fingers.

Of the dancing girls who exhibit at public entertainments, the first in rank and the most skilful in their profession are the concubines of the sovereign and of the hereditary prince. They alone are allowed to perform the s'rímpi, a figure dance by four persons, distinguished by an unusual degree of grace and decorum.

The dancers are decorated according to the ancient costume of the country, and nearly in the same manner as a modern bride. The tápih, or petticoat, is of silk of different colours, often green stamped with golden flowers, and hanging in the most graceful manner, a part of it falling between the feet and serving as a short train, which in the course of the dance is frequently thrown aside by a quicker motion of the foot than ordinary. The údat, or waistband, is of the chíndi pattern; and on these occasions is worn the mer, or cestus, composed of plates of gold highly ornamented with diamonds at the clasp in front. The body is enclosed in a kind of corset (pemákak) passing above the bosom and under the arms, and confining the waist in the narrowest possible limits. The ends of the sémbong, or sash, fall gracefully on each side on the back of the hip and reach the ground. Sometimes, indeed, this graceful appendage to the dress is brought from the back to a point between the breasts, whence being fastened in a rosette, the ends flow towards the ground in front of the person, the usual bending attitude during the dance causing them to hang distinct from the rest of the apparel. The triple necklace, richly chased armlets, bracelets, and tiara, are of gold, studded with precious stones; and the hair is gracefully ornamented with buds of white and sweet-scented flowers. On their fingers they generally display brilliant rings, and the face, neck, shoulders, and arms, which remain uncovered, are tinged by a delicate shade of yellow powder. The music is slow and solemn, and the performance is on the gámelan saléndro; verses from the romances of Pánji, descriptive of the attire and beauty of the wives and concubines of that hero, being chaunted as a prelude to the entertainment and during its continuance. On occasions when the s'rímpi are exhibited before Europeans at the Residency house, they are brought with great care, and under a guard, from the kráton, in a large enclosed palanquin, or rather box, borne on men's shoulders. When they reach the door of the residency, they glide behind the prince into the chamber appropriated for his accommodation, and when they come forth for the dance, seat themselves on the ground in front of him. On his intimating that they should commence, they slowly, and to the sound of music, close their hands, and raising them to the forehead, bend in reverential awe, and gradually extending their arms and swaying in unison with each other from side to side, assume an erect posture. The dancers seldom exceed the age of fourteen or fifteen. The birth of a child generally puts an end to their performances, and removes them from the profession. They are the choicest beauties of the country, selected for the royal bed. Throughout the whole performance their eyes are directed modestly to the ground, and their body and limbs are by slow movements thrown into every graceful attitude that the most flexible form is capable of exhibiting. In the figure of the dance they occasionally approach and recede from each other, and sometimes cross to the opposite side. It frequently happens, that the delicate corset by falling too low, exposes more of the body than is considered correct. On such occasions, one of the trusty matrons always in attendance raises it again, without interrupting the dance or embarrassing the movements of the dancer. At the conclusion of the dance they gradually place themselves on the ground, in the same manner as before its commencement, and after closing their hands, and raising them to the forehead in token of respect, remain seated with a downcast look and captivating modesty, until the signal is given to the matrons to relieve them by others, when they again glide into the same apartment.

The bedáya, who perform a figure dance of eight persons, are in some respect to the nobles what the s'rímpi are to the sovereign: but, at present, few of the nobles can afford to maintain a sufficient number of youthful concubines to compose this dance; it is frequently therefore performed by boys trained for the purpose. They are dressed nearly in the same manner as the s'rímpi, though not so expensively. The action moves to the same music and song.

But the common dancing girls of the country, who appear to approach more nearly to the usual dancing girls of Western India, are called róng'geng, and are generally of easy virtue. They make a profession of their art, and hire themselves to perform on particular occasions, for the amusement of the chiefs and of the public. Though to be found in every principal town, their performance is most highly esteemed in the western, and particularly among the rude mountaineers of the Súnda districts, where the superior graces of the bedáya are unknown. Here they are constantly engaged on every occasion of festivity, and the regents frequently keep the most accomplished in their service for years. Their conduct is generally so incorrect, as to render the title of róng'geng and prostitute synonymous; but it not unfrequently happens, that after amassing considerable wealth in the profession, they obtain, on account of their fortune, the hand of some petty chief. In this case, they generally, after a few years retirement and domestic quiet, avail themselves of the facility of a divorce, and repudiating their husbands, return to their former habits. The róng'gengs accompany the dance with singing, the words being generally extempore to the music of the gámelan saléndro and pélog. Their dress is coarse, but in other respects resembles that of the more select dancers. They do not, however, wear any tiara on the head, nor armlets; bracelets are only worn occasionally. Their hair is dressed after a peculiar fashion, abundantly oiled, and ornamented with flowers of various kinds. They sometimes exhibit singly and sometimes in groups, following and approaching each other, or receding at pleasure. They perform at any time of the day, but chiefly in the evening, and endeavour to exhibit their best attitudes round a lamp which hangs suspended. Generally speaking, both their action and their song are rude and awkward, and on that account often disgusting to Europeans, although there are some among them whose performance does not deserve to be so considered. Their action is usually distorted, their greatest excellence seeming to consist in bending the arms and hands back in an unnatural manner, and giving one or two of the fingers a tremulous motion. The voice, though sometimes harmonious, is often loud, dissonant, and harsh to an European ear. They generally have a handkerchief thrown over the shoulder, and usually a fan in their hand, which occasionally serves to conceal one half of the face, not so much out of any affectation of bashfulness, as, in the manner of a huntsman, to assist the louder tones of the voice. At other times it is employed to strike against the back of the arm, so as to give a greater effect to different parts of the action and music. Generally speaking, the róng'gengs do not descend to the performance of those disgusting and disgraceful postures and motions, which are stated to be so frequent on the continent of India, but they are not free from the charge of impropriety in this respect. Their song, though little esteemed and less understood by Europeans, sometimes possesses much humour and drollery; and in adapting their motions to the language, they frequently excite loud bursts of laughter, and obtain great applause from the native audience.

The nobles of the highest rank are accustomed, on particular occasions of festivity, to join in the dance with a róng'geng. To dance gracefully, is an accomplishment expected in every Javan of rank; and in the western districts, particularly, all the chiefs are, on days of festivity, accustomed to join in the exercise, one after the other, commencing with the youngest. On these occasions, the nobles of the highest class vie with each other in pointing the toe with grace, in exhibiting elegance of movement, in displaying adroitness by intricate evolutions, or beauty of person by an ingenious management of attitude. So devoted are they to this exercise, that although their wives and daughters never dance, the happiness of a festive occasion is considered incomplete, where an opportunity is not afforded to the chiefs themselves of introducing their favourite amusement. In the Súnda districts, there are some individuals distinguished as regular posture or dancing-masters.

It is not unusual for the performances of the róng'gengs to be varied by the action of a fool or buffoon. Mimicry is a favourite amusement, and beside imitating, in a ludicrous manner, the actions of the róng'gengs, there are not wanting performers of this description, who occasionally direct their wit against all classes of society, and evince a considerable degree of low humour.

These are the only public exhibitions of the female sex; but the posture dances by the men are numerous, and contribute to the state of the sovereigns and chiefs. Among these, the Gámbuh, with a shield on one arm, gracefully raises the dódot (or petticoat) with the other hand; the Niutra, having a bow and arrow in the hand, goes through the motion of its exercise, stringing and unstringing it to the sound of the gámelan. Both throw their limbs and body into the most graceful postures, as they slowly move in procession before the chiefs, or are arranged on the side of the passage through which he is to pass. Both the Gámbuh and Niutra are naked from the waist upwards, while the dódot hangs to the ground on one side in the manner of full dress, shewing the knee on the other. Their bodies are generally covered with yellow powder, and from round their ears hang suspended in front, strings of the young meláti flowers.

The Gámbuh are occasionally employed to exhibit before the prince, when with a krís in their right hand and a shield on their left arm, they go through all their evolutions to the sound of music.

But the chief description of male performers are the Béksa kémbang or Béksa rong'geng, who have flowers, shields, or serpents in their hands, and in dancing seem to resemble the South Sea Islanders, though more elegant in their attire, and perhaps more graceful in their motions. Neither have any covering above the waist; but the yellow, and sometimes green powder which is upon the body, gives it an appearance very like dress. The term Béksa láwung is applied to the petty chiefs, who on public days dismount from their horses, and go through the exercise of the spear for the amusement of the prince. Another description of performers are termed Unchelang; their art consists in throwing the spear into the air, and catching it again as it falls with great dexterity. Similar exhibitions of these persons combating with sticks, called újung, were formerly common.

In the domestic circle, the women and elderly people are partial to a peculiar amusement termed sintren, which paints very forcibly the notions they possess of the power of music. A boy or girl, properly attired and skilled in the dance, is placed under a reversed basket which is carefully covered with cloth. Round it music and song are struck up by all present; those who do not play on any instrument, or who do not sing, joining in beating time by clapping their hands. When the excitement has continued sufficiently long to be supposed to have effected the charm, the basket is seen to move, and the boy or girl rising from under it, apparently unconscious of what is doing, moves and dances gracefully but wildly, in unison with the music. At length tired out, the dancer falls and seems to sink into sleep, and when awakened pretends not to recollect any thing that has passed. The perfection of this amusement consists in the performer's giving himself up so completely to the power of music as to be charmed by it, and perfectly unconscious of every other sense.

For the amusement, principally however of children, a cocoa-nut shell is carved with the features of a man, and affixed to the top of a reversed basket, covered with cloth. This basket, after being for some time exposed by the side of a river, or under a large tree, in order, as is supposed, that some supernatural spirit may enter into it, is brought again into the house, and rocked according to the swaying motion of the Javan dance by two children, to the music of the gámelan. An amusement of this kind is termed bríndung.

Tilts and tournaments (wátang) form a favourite and constant diversion with the Javans: they are exhibited principally in the álun álun, or great square in front of the kráton, or palace, and compose an essential part of the ceremony of the pásar senén, or the day in which the sovereign and regents appear in public. This, with the sovereign, is Saturday; with the chiefs, Monday. On the afternoon of this day, all the princes, nobles, and public officers assemble, and arranging themselves in the places assigned to their respective ranks, await the coming out of the sovereign, who, as soon as he descends from the setíngel, mounts a horse richly caparisoned, and rides round the waríngen trees, the several chiefs joining in his suite as he passes the circle. Several of the chiefs, and particularly their sons and youthful relations, then join in pairs, tilting and striking their long and blunted spears as they pass the sovereign. The same thing is observed on the afternoon of every Monday, at the capitals of the different provinces throughout the island, where the native government and institutions are at all preserved. The assemblage of people on these occasions is frequently very great. The trappings and housings of the horses are extremely rich, and the riders perform their feats with some dexterity, being seldom unhorsed[116]. At the conclusion of the exhibition on horseback, it is not unusual for the youths and petty chiefs who have contended in the saddle to dismount and practice the attack and defence of the spear on foot: they are then termed Béksa láwung. Tilts are likewise exhibited in the álun álun on the days of public festival, when the chiefs appear.

The Javans have long advanced beyond that state in which the chace was considered as connected with their subsistence.

The stag is hunted chiefly in the eastern and western extremities of the island, by the descendants of the Báli and Súnda races: the Javans inhabiting the central districts are not practised in the diversion, nor much acquainted with it. They uniformly pursue the animal on horseback. In the eastern districts he is killed with a spear: in the western he is cut down with a kléwang or cutlass; here the chace is conducted with more regularity and method, and many of the inhabitants, particularly the chiefs, are passionately addicted to it, employing the best and swiftest horses and dogs they can procure for the purpose.

A favourite and national spectacle is the combat between the buffalo and the tiger. A large cage of bámbu or wood is erected, the ends of which are fixed into the ground, in which the buffalo is first and the tiger afterwards admitted, through openings reserved for the purpose. It seldom fails that the buffalo is triumphant, and one buffalo has been known to destroy several full grown tigers in succession. In these combats the buffalo is stimulated by the constant application of boiling water, which is poured over him from the upper part of the cage, and of nettles, which are fastened to the end of a stick, and applied by persons seated in the same quarter. The tiger sometimes springs upon the buffalo at once; he very generally, however, avoids the combat, until goaded by sticks and roused by the application of burning straw, when he moves round the cage, and being gored by the buffalo, seizes him by the neck, head, or leg. The buffalo is often dreadfully torn, and seldom survives the combat many days. In these entertainments the Javans are accustomed to compare the buffalo to the Javan and the tiger to the European, and it may be readily imagined with what eagerness they look to the success of the former. The combat generally lasts from twenty minutes to half an hour, when, if neither of them is destroyed, the animals are changed, and the tiger, if he survives, is removed to be destroyed in the manner called rámpog, which is as follows.

On receiving information of the retreat of a tiger the male inhabitants are sometimes called out in a body, by the order of a chief, each man being obliged to be provided with a spear, the common weapon of the country. The place where the animal is concealed is surrounded: a double or triple range being formed, according to the number of hunters, and he is roused by shouts, by the beating of gongs, or by fire. The place where he is expected to attempt his escape is carefully guarded, and he is generally speared on the spot.

In many districts, where the population is not deficient, the appearance of a single tiger rouses the neighbourhood, and he is infallibly destroyed by the method described[117].

When the rámpog is resorted to by way of amusement at the capital of the sovereign, a hollow square of spearmen, four deep, is formed on the álun álun, in the centre of which are placed the tigers in small separate cages, or rather traps, with a sliding door, in the manner of a rat-trap. Two or three men, accustomed to the practice, at the command of the sovereign, proceed into the centre of the square, and placing plaited leaves in front of the cage, to supply the place of the wooden door, set it on fire, and drawing the wooden door up, throwing it on one side, themselves retreating from the spot at a slow pace, to the sound of music. As soon as the tiger feels the fire he starts, and in endeavouring to make his way through the spearmen is generally received upon their weapons. Instances, however, have occurred, in which the animal has made good his retreat, but he was soon afterwards killed; sometimes the tiger, particularly if he has been opposed to the buffalo, will not move from the centre of the square; in which case the sovereign generally directs six or eight of his choice men (gándek) to advance towards him with spears. This they do with surprizing coolness and intrepidity, never failing to pierce the animal, by fixing their spears into him at once. The smaller species of the tiger is generally selected for this amusement.

The exposure of criminals in combat with tigers was formerly practised, and it is said to have been common on the first establishment of the Matárem empire; but of late years, such a method of deriving amusement from the infliction of judicial punishment had almost become obsolete, and is now, as well as mutilation and torture, altogether abolished by treaty. Several instances are said to have occurred during the reign of the sultan of Yúgya-kérta who was deposed by the British Government in 1812. In an exhibition of this kind, which took place about ten years ago, two criminals were exposed for having set fire to a dwelling. They were provided each with a krís, which was long, but broken off or blunted at the point, and the tiger was let in upon them separately in a large cage constructed for the purpose. The first was soon destroyed, but the second, after a combat of nearly two hours, succeeded in killing the tiger, by repeated cuts about the head and under the ears and eyes. On this a smaller tiger, or rather leopard, was let in upon him, and the criminal being equally successful in this combat was released. His success, as in the judicial ordeals of the dark ages, was taken for a manifestation by heaven of his innocence, and not only secured his pardon, but procured for him the rank of a Mántri, as a recompense for the danger to which he was exposed in its vindication. Although this barbarous practice appears so recently to have been resorted to, it is not to be inferred that, as a spectacle, it is held in any estimation by the Javans in general. It seems to have been of comparatively late introduction, and adopted only in the policy of a known and avowed tyrant. The concourse of spectators to witness the combat can no more stamp the general character of the people with barbarity, than the crowds which are always present at public executions in Europe. The bare relation of the fact excites feelings of horror in the mind of the ordinary chief.

Bull-fighting is common on Madúra and in the eastern parts of the island; but it is perfectly different from any species of sport derived from the courage or ferocity of that animal in Europe. Here, neither dogs are employed as in England, nor men and horses as in Spain, but the bulls themselves are directed against each other. The population form an extensive ring round the álun álun, within which the animals are first led up to a cow, until they are sufficiently excited, when the cow being withdrawn they are set at liberty and contend with each other, until one of them gives way, and is driven from within the ring by the victor. The small well formed bulls of Súmenáp afford considerable amusement in this way, while considerable bets are laid on the result of the combat.

The combat between the ram and wild hog, which generally terminates by several dogs being let in to complete the destruction of the latter, is an exhibition which furnishes frequent amusement; a small stand is raised for the ram, to which he can retreat when in danger, and from whence he can take advantage of a favourable moment of attack upon his antagonist.

Quail-fighting (áduh gemár) and cock-fighting (áduh jágu) were formerly very prevalent, the latter particularly, among the common people, but by no means to the same extent as practised in the other islands of the Archipelago, in many parts of which, particularly among the Maláyus, it forms almost the whole source of diversion and interest. On the establishment of the British power, cock-fighting and gaming, which had formerly proved a productive source of revenue to the European government, were prohibited, and are now in consequence rarely resorted to. The Javans were not in the habit of fixing spurs to their cocks: this practice, they say, belongs to the Maláyus[118]. The common people still amuse themselves with betting upon the issue of a fight between two crickets (ádhu jangkrik), which are daily exposed in the markets for that purpose. The little animals being confined in small bámbus partially opened, are said to afford an amusement of considerable interest.

Among the games of skill may be reckoned those of chess, drafts, and several minor games played with pieces or balls, on boards of a somewhat similar construction.

In chess (chátur) the pieces are named, the rátu, or king; the pateh, or minister, corresponding with the queen; two práhu, or vessels, corresponding with castles; two mántri, corresponding with bishops; two járan, or horses, corresponding with knights; the bídak, or pawns; and are arranged as in the English game, except that the kings are placed on the left hand of the queens, and opposite to the adversary's queen. The moves are also the same; except that the king, if he has not been checked, may move two squares the first time, either as a knight or otherwise; and that the pawn may move two squares the first move, even though it should pass the check of an adversary's pawn. When a pawn reach the adversary's first line, it must retrograde three moves diagonally before it can become a queen, except it has reached the castle's square, in which case it is a queen at once. There maybe any number of queens on the board at once.

The king cannot castle after having been checked. Castling is performed by two moves; the castle must first be brought up to the king, after which the king may pass over the castle at any future move, provided he shall not have been checked, or that no piece has occupied the square he would move into. A piece or pawn must remain on the board till the last; if the king is left alone it is considered as stale mate, and he wins.

This game was formerly more general than at present.

Besides chess, there are a variety of games played upon checkers; and next to it in estimation may be considered the games of chúki and dákon. In chúki, the board has one hundred and twenty angular points, formed by cross lines on a checkered board, and the same is played with sixty white and sixty black pieces. The object here is to clear the board of the adversary's pieces, and the victor is he who does so first. The parties toss up who shall take off the first piece or break the board. The moves are in all directions, and the person who commences goes on as long as he can take one, three, or five of his adversary's pieces. When he cannot do either, he stops, and the other goes on in the same way. Dákon is played with fourteen or eighteen balls on an oblong board with holes, and is much practised by women.

Dandáman, or drafts, is not very unlike the Indian game, but has more pieces.

Machánan, is a game in which two chief pieces represent tigers, one conducted by each party, and twenty-three pieces representing cows: the tiger who destroys the most wins the game. Máling'an is played on squares with eighteen pieces, and the object is to surround your adversary's pieces.

Of games of chance there are many. That denominated telága tári is accounted the most ancient: it consists in guessing the number of beans enclosed within the hand. Three or four people commonly join in it. One of the party having dried beans in his lap, take a certain number in his hand, requiring each of the others to fix by guess upon a number; if there are three persons, upon a number from one to four, and the two numbers left fall to the share of the person who holds the beans. If the number in his hand exceeds four, every four beans are thrown aside, and the residue, until they are reduced to that number or below it, only counted.

Dadu, or dice, as well as cards, are borrowed from the Chinese, and not included among the national games. The most common species of gaming, and that which is practised by the numerous and dissolute class of báturs, or porters, in the central districts, is a kind of pitch and toss, denominated képlek. Four farthings, whitened or marked on one side, are tossed into the air; if the whole or three of them fall on the side that is marked, or on the reverse, the party who tossed them wins; if only two he loses the stake.

Bets are frequently laid on the hardness or otherwise of a particular nut, known among the Maláyus by the term búa kras and called áduh gemíri. Bets also frequently depend on the flying of kites (layáng'an).

I shall conclude this chapter by referring to some peculiarities, which, although partially explained elsewhere, and falling perhaps more correctly under other heads, may not be improperly noticed in an account of the national usages and customs.

The practice of filing and dying the teeth black, and that of lengthening the lobe of the ear to an enormous size, both of which have been already noticed, appear to have extended over the whole of the eastern peninsula of India, as far as China, and throughout the islands of the Archipelago, as far at least as Papua or New Guinea.

The practice of covering the face, body, and limbs with yellow powder on state occasions, and the use of yellow silk or satin for the envelope of letters between princes, evinces the same esteem for this colour which prevails in the other islands, as well as in Ava, Siam, and China.

The kríses worn by the Javans are only varieties of that which is found in the islands, and on what is termed the Malayan peninsula. The Javans have a tradition that it was first introduced by one of their early Hindu sovereigns, Sakú-tram (others call him Sa Pútram), who is said to have come into the world with the krís by his side. This krís is supposed to have been of the kind called pasopáti, which is consequently considered as the most honourable at the present day. In the chapter on History will be found an account of the krís deposited in the tomb of the Susúnan Gíri, and of the virtues attributed to it by the superstitions of the country. There is a tradition, that the inhabitants of all those countries in which the krís is now worn, once acknowledged the authority of the Javans, and derived that custom from them. Another tradition attributes the introduction of this weapon among the islanders to the celebrated Pánji. The practice of poisoning the blade of the krís seems to have been attributed to the Javans and their neighbours without any foundation. In order to bring out the damasking, it is usual to immerse the blade in lime juice and a solution of arsenic, which, by eating away and corroding the iron, may probably render the wound more angry and inflamed, and consequently more difficult to cure, but it has never been considered that death is the consequence. After this application of the acid and arsenic, the blade is carefully smeared with some fragrant oil, to prevent it from rusting, and this is all that is ever done to it.

It has been usual to condemn these people as blood-thirsty, prone to immediate revenge, because they invariably use the deadly krís; but however frequent the appeals to this weapon may be in some of the more wild and uncivilized of the Malayan states, experience has proved to us, that on Java it may be universally worn without danger. I have elsewhere remarked, that the custom of wearing the krís among these islanders has, in its effects upon the manners of the people, proved in many respects an effectual substitute for duelling among Europeans. In these countries, where there is very little justice to be obtained from regularly established courts, and where an individual considers himself justified in taking the law into his own hands accordingly, the Maláyu is always prepared to avenge with his krís the slightest insult on the spot; but the knowledge that such an immediate appeal is always at hand, prevents the necessity of its often being resorted to, an habitual politeness ensues, and it has often been said, that if the Maláyus are savages, they are by far the most polite savages that we know of. If this effect is produced on the wilder and less civilized Maláyu, and has equal force with the more adventurous and warm-hearted Búgis, it may be easily conceived the Javans have not escaped it. The krís, among them, has for a long period been more exclusively a personal ornament, than a rapier was in Europe fifty years ago, being among the higher classes even seldomer resorted to, as a weapon of defence or offence, than the latter.

The condition of absolute slavery, as understood by Europeans, seems to have been unknown to the ancient constitution of society in these islands, and throughout all the fragments of their history, of their laws, usages, and customs, no trace is to be found of its ever having existed among the Javans[119].

Throughout the more ancient laws and institutions of the country, a property of the subject in the land is clearly recognized, and it is probable that it continued to subsist till the subversion of the Hindu government. From various definitions and enactments respecting property, some of which may be seen in the Súria Alem[120], it is obvious, that money transactions took place formerly, to a greater extent than they do at present. The change is probably attributable to the European policy of the last two centuries. Four per cent. per month when a valuable pledge is deposited, and double that amount otherwise, is the common rate of interest in small transactions between the natives and Chinese of the present day.

In the transaction of money concerns, the women are universally considered superior to the men, and from the common labourer to the chief of a province, it is usual for the husband to entrust his pecuniary affairs entirely to his wife. The women alone attend the markets, and conduct all the business of buying and selling. It is proverbial to say the Javan men are fools in money concerns.

When speaking of their fondness for show and state, I noticed that the Javans were at the same time distinguished by neatness and cleanliness, qualities not often combined with the former. That they are in most respects remarkable for their neatness cannot be denied: to their personal cleanliness there are exceptions. This is however chiefly true of the higher classes, and especially those who mix with Europeans; but the common Javan, though more cleanly than the Chinese and even the European, would suffer by a comparison in that particular with the natives of Western India.

The common people generally bathe once a day, others once only in two or three days. None of any rank anoint the body with grease, as is the case with the natives of Western India; but they abundantly oil their hair, which among the common people, on account of its length, is too often filthy in the extreme. They are accustomed to arrange the hair with a coarse comb, but the use of the small-toothed comb is unknown, its office being invariably performed by the hands of women. Near Batavia, and some of the low capitals on the coast, it is not unusual to see on the road side women thus employed for the benefit of passengers, at a certain rate per head, who submit to it as naturally as an English labourer goes into a barber's shop to be shaved for a penny. The Maláyus accuse the Javans of eating what they find on these occasions: "ítu órang Jáwa," say they, "mákan kútut." This, however, appears to be a calumny: the Javans confess to biting, but deny the swallowing. The practice of the women cleaning the men's hair is referred to by the Javans as of very ancient date. It was from this practice that the mother of Wátu Gúnung, in the very earliest period of Javan traditionary story, discovered her lost son[121].

Passing from this disgusting particular, and referring the reader to the details of the native history for the leading features of the political character of the Javan, and to the other divisions of this work, which may afford him information how to estimate their former and present state of civilization, I cannot but regret, that I am compelled to reserve, until a future occasion, a more detailed account of the constitution, usages, and customs of the village societies. It is by these that the private virtues and vices of the people are perhaps best illustrated, and an account of the municipal regulations by which the little property and happiness of each individual is protected, of the internal precautions of police, and of the mode of adjusting disputes, could not fail to be interesting, on account of their simplicity, their equity, and efficacy. Independently of the degree of rational independence and importance which the existence of these societies insures to the common people, and of the protection which, under all circumstances of greater political revolutions, they have afforded to them, it is hoped that their influence in maintaining the police and tranquillity of the country, will ever prevent the European authority from interfering in their constitution or internal arrangements.

It has long been the opinion of the Dutch authorities, that a system of European police, and the employment of European officers of police are necessary; but under the British government the contrary has been satisfactorily proved. Let the higher departments of justice be scrupulously superintended and watched by Europeans of character; let the administration of justice be pure, prompt, and steady; let what is bad in the native practice of police be gradually removed, but let the system, in its application to the common people, be supported. It is one which has grown with them, one which they are accustomed to and understand. Under the native system, the rice block of the village is used as the alarm; and according to the manner in which it is beaten, the inhabitants know whether it is to announce a single thief or a banditti, a tiger or a fire, and arm themselves suitably. As it is usual for a thief to have but little covering on his body, and to oil himself all over, that he may slip from the hands of any one who may seize him, the Javans make use of a long wooden pole, with branches of brambles inverted within a fork at the end, and by means of this simple contrivance they avoid the risk of being wounded, and effectually secure the offender, who cannot escape without tearing his skin. These, and other simple expedients, adopted from immemorial custom and according to the circumstances of the country, are certainly preferable to the watchmen's rattles and constables' staves which Europeans would wish to introduce.

FOOTNOTES:

[97] The same is assumed by the European Governor, or his representative.

[98] The titles at present assumed by the Susúnan are Susuhúnan Páku Buána Sena-páti heng Alága Abdul Ráhmen Sáyedin Pánatagáma.

[99] Form of a Piágam, or Patent of Javan Nobility.

Let it be observed, this is the writing of me, the Sultan, &c. &c. &c.

Be it known to the Nayáka (high officers of the palace), Bopátis (the class of Tumung'gungs or Regents), and Mantris (the petty noblesse) of Yúgya-kérta and Mánchanagára, that I have invested ... with this letter, to raise him from the earth, and permit him to bear the title of ..., and wear the dress appointed for the ..., bestowing upon him for his subsistence lands to the amount of eleven hundred cháchas, the labour of eleven hundred men (families).

These are the names of the land bestowed. * * *

Translation of a Nawála for the Mánchanagára, or distant Districts.

Let all persons observe this, the royal letter of us, the exalted Sultan, &c., which we give in charge to....

Be it known to you, our servants, chiefs of Yúgya-kerta Adiníngrat, whether Bopátis or Mántris, and to you our Bopátis and Mántris, chiefs of Mánchanagára, that our royal letter is given in charge to ..., in order to exalt him. Moreover we prefer our servant to the rank of a Bopáti, to be chief of the Bopátis of Mánchanagára, bearing as heretofore the name of ... We also entitle him to wear such dress as is appointed for the Widána of Mánchanagára, and we give for his estate (seat), our own royal lands ..., amounting to two thousand chachas: ... thousand productive (living), of which last ... thousand are assigned for a maintenance and ... thousand are charged with rents, to the amount of ... dollars annually, payable twice a year, viz. at the festival Mulud ... and at the festival of Puasa ..., each dollar to consist of thirty wangs, and the whole to be subject to an office fee of one wang in each dollar. Moreover we direct, that each year an account be rendered to us of the increase or decrease of the sáwah (rice lands). The date of giving the royal order is the....

[100] "Thereupon Klána Jáyang Sári (another name for Pánji Kérta Páti), called his sister, and the Princesses of Báli and Balem-báng'an, and directed them to proceed to the Prince of Dahá, and to present to him a handsome present, composed of the most beautiful and rich ornaments and articles of dress for adorning a princess, placing the same in a kendága (or box), in order that if the prince was pleased to allow it to be delivered to his daughter Déwi Chándra Kirána, it might be a proof that he confirmed the contract with Klána Jáyang Sári, and that his daughter, Déwi Chándra Kirána, would be accepted by Klána Jáyang Sári, in which case he was ready to attack the enemies of the prince."​—See the Adventures of the celebrated Pánji.

[101] Fortune was so much considered in the making of these matches among the Romans, that the augurs were always called along with the witnesses to a marriage contract, to pronounce upon the happy results of the settlement which the latter attested:

"Veniet cum signatoribus Auspex."​—Juvenal.

[102] The Jews marry in nearly the same way, the husband delivering a sum of money as a pledge. The Greeks were in the habit of presenting gifts on similar occasions.

[103] A description of this instrument, on account of the importance attached to it among the Javans, the constancy with which it is worn, and the care with which it is preserved through different generations, will be found in another place.

[104] "Non consulum sed maritorum numero annos suos computant." Seneca, de Benef.​—But this is short of Juvenal's account: "Fiunt octo mariti, quinque per autumnos."

[105] The Romans likewise were in the habit of washing the dead body several times before interment with water, which in their case was warm.

"Pars calidos latices et ahena undantia flammis
Expediunt: corpusque lavant frigentis et ungunt."

Virgil: Æneidos, lib. vi. lin. 218.

By referring to the Old and New Testament, the same practice will be found to have prevailed among the Jews: indeed, it seems to have been very general.

[106] During the two latter quarters of the moon she is considered as appearing in the form of a Rasáksa, and is then more properly called Dúrga.

[107] A custom somewhat similar to this is said to be practiced in South America.

"They lighted a great number of torches, and the midwife taking up the child carried it through the yard of the house, and placed it upon a heap of leaves of sword-grass, close by a basin of water, which was prepared in the middle of the yard, and then undressing it said, 'my child! the gods Ometeuctti and Omicihautl, Lords of Heaven, have sent thee to this dismal and calamitous world: receive this water, which is to give thee life:' and after wetting its mouth, head, and breast, with forms similar to the first bathing, she bathed its whole body, and rubbing every one of its limbs said, 'where art thou, ill fortune? in what limb art thou hid? go far from this child!'"​—History of Mexico by Clavigero, translated by Cullen, vol. i.

[108] It is curious to observe how exactly this corresponds with the patriarchal history of Scripture, and the early accounts of the manners of ancient nations. The daughter was always considered the property of the parent, the wife as the purchase of the husband, and the marriage contract as the deed of transfer.

[109] One of the names of Pángi.

[110] The prevalence of this practice must strike every one.

[111] See Astronomy

[112] See Historical Chapters.

[113] These prayers will be found at length in the Transactions of the Batavian Society, vol. ix. The word hong! used by the Javans at the commencement of their invocations to the deity, is doubtless the mystical om! of the Hindus.

[114] The following are the only traditions respecting these people which are current in the eastern provinces. "The people of the Teng'ger mountains say, that they received that name from a person from Matáram, of an inquisitive and travelling turn (wong malána), who having ascended the highest of them, and being struck with astonishment at the view of all around, gave them the above-mentioned name of Teng'ger, from the Javan word angeng'ger, which signifies wonder or astonishment.

"Before Gúnung Bràma had received that name, or had become a volcano, there lived a man called Kiai Géde Dádap Pútih, who had no children. He petitioned of his deity to grant that he might have children, to the number of twenty-five, promising, in that event, that he would cast away one of them into the sea. In the course of a short time children began to be born unto him. As soon as he had the number he had prayed for, the people of Teng'ger were inflicted with a pestilence, so dreadful in its effects, that those who were attacked by it in the morning never failed to die before the evening. Dádap Pùtih was so distressed and afflicted at the lamentable situation of the Teng'ger people, that he loathed his food and neglected his rest, till it was communicated to him in a vision, that the pestilence had been sent in consequence of his having omitted to perform his vow, of casting into the sea one of the twenty-five children whom the deity had granted him. Dádap Pútih then assembled all his children, and inquired which of them was willing to be sacrificed, in order to appease the angry deity. All of them signified their unwillingness to become the victim except the youngest child, who voluntarily came forward and agreed to suffer, in which ever way its father thought proper. Dádap Pútih, however, reflecting that the sea was at a very great distance, carried this child only to that extensive sand plain at the foot of Gúnung Bráma, which bears the name of Sagára wédi or Lout Pásir, and there abandoned it. No sooner had he done so, than Gúnung Bráma began to send forth hollow sounds, and immediately burst forth into a volcano. Sagára wédi is so called from the resemblance of its sandy surface, to a sea when surveyed from Bráma's heights: its original name is Dassar.

"Bima being asked by Kresna if he was able, in the course of one night, to make an inland sea below the Teng'ger mountains, and having answered in the affirmative, Kresna challenged him to do it, telling him at the same time, that it must be done before the cocks were heard to crow, or the people of the villages began to weave or beat out rice. By three o'clock in the morning his work was so far advanced, as to convince Kresna that it would be completed in the prescribed time. To prevent this, therefore, Kresna immediately went, and rousing all the cocks and people of the villages, caused the former to crow and the latter to begin to weave and beat out rice. By this manœuvre, Bima was obliged to leave off the work, which otherwise would have been completed within the fixed time; and so incensed was he against the people, who had so untimely began to weave and beat our their rice (whereby he failed to perform the task which was given to him to prove his power) that he cursed them, and swore that they should never again perform either the one act or the other, and to this day the Teng'ger people neither weave cotton nor beat out rice."

[115] See History.

[116] It has already been noticed that the island is plentifully supplied with a fine breed of small horses. Almost every petty chief and public officer is mounted, and those who possess the means pride themselves upon a respectable establishment. They have an aversion to some colours, and there are particular marks, the possession of which renders a horse valuable to the natives; if a few hairs on the neck curl, or have the appearance of a star, the horse is highly prized. Previously to the cession of Kedú to the European government in 1812, the native princes maintained a very respectable stud in that province. Horses are never shod on Java, nor are they secured in the stable, as is usual in Europe and Western India. A separate enclosure is appropriated for each horse, within which the animal is allowed to move and turn at pleasure, being otherwise unconfined. These enclosures are erected at a short distance from each other, and with separate roofs. They are generally raised above the ground, and have a boarded floor.

The Javans use an extremely severe bit, and in consequence have the horse always under command. The saddle, bridle, &c. are extremely heavy, and disproportioned to the size of the animal.

[117] "The fruit of a species of contorta, called kálak kámbing, has a deadly effect on tigers. It is prepared by the admixture of other vegetables, and exposed on a piece of rag at the places frequented by them. In some districts their number has been sensibly diminished by this poison."​—Horsfield.

[118] The cocks reared for this purpose are of the large game breed. The cock which we improperly call the Bantam, is not found on Java, except as a curiosity: it comes from Japan.

[119] A peculiar feature in the state of society in the Eastern Islands is the law between debtor and creditor. Throughout the Archipelago, where the European government has not interfered, confinement for debt is unknown. The creditor universally has a right to the effects of the debtor, to the amount of the debt, on proving it before the proper authority, and if the effects are not sufficient to satisfy the demand, he has a right to the personal services of his debtor, and of his debtor's wife and children if necessary. Hence arises that extensive class of people commonly called slave debtors, or more correctly bondsmen. In Java they are termed bédol. In the provinces of Java subject to the European authority, this practice has for some time been checked; and during the administration of Marshal Daendels, in 1810, when it was usual for the common Javans to lend themselves in pawn for a certain sum of money, it was declared illegal. As an ancient institution of the country, it will perhaps be better explained hereafter, in detailing the existing practice on Báli, which may be considered to assimilate, in a great measure, with what the practice once was on Java.

[120] See Appendix D.

[121] See Javan History.