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The History of the Five Indian Nations of Canada / Which are dependent on the Province of New-York, and are a barrier between the English and the French in that part of the world cover

The History of the Five Indian Nations of Canada / Which are dependent on the Province of New-York, and are a barrier between the English and the French in that part of the world

Chapter 71: CHAP. I.
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About This Book

This work provides a detailed account of the Five Indian Nations of Canada, which are integral to the history and politics of the region between the English and French territories. It explores their social structures, customs, and governance, alongside their interactions with European powers, including treaties and conflicts. The text emphasizes the significance of these nations in trade and diplomacy, highlighting the threats posed by rival colonial interests. Additionally, it reflects on the moral implications of colonial relationships and the potential for mutual benefit through understanding and cooperation, aiming to present a comprehensive view of the Five Nations and their role in North American history.





THE

H I S T O R Y

OF THE

FIVE Indian NATIONS

DEPENDENT

On the Province of NEW-YORK.

PART II.





THE

P R E F A C E

To the Second Part.

The former Part of this History was written at New-York in the Year 1727, on Occasion of a Dispute which then happened, between the Government of New-York and some Merchants. The French of Canada had the whole Fur Trade with the Western Indians in their Hands, and were supplied with their woollen Goods from New-York. Mr. Burnet, who took more Pains to be informed of the Interest of the People he was set over, and of making them useful to their Mother Country, than Plantation Governors usually do, took the Trouble of perusing all the Registers of the Indian Affairs on this Occasion. He from thence conceived of what Consequence the Fur Trade with the Western Indians was of to Great-Britain; that as the English had the Fur Trade to Hudson's Bay given up to them, by the Treaty of Utrecht, so, by the Advantages which the Province of New-York has in its Situation, they might be able to draw the whole Fur Trade in the other Parts of America to themselves, and thereby the English engross that Trade, and the Manufactories depending on it.

For this Purpose he thought it necessary to put a Stop to the Trade between New-York and Canada, by which the French supplied themselves with the most valuable and necessary Commodities for the Indian Market, and to set the Inhabitants of this Province on trading directly with the Indians. Besides the Consideration of Profit and Gain, he considered what Influence this Trade had on the numerous Nations of Indians living on the vast Continent of North-America, and who surround the British Colonies; of what Advantage it might be of, if they were influenced by the English in Case of a War with France; and how prejudicial, on the other Hand, if they were directed by French Counsels.

The Legislature of New-York was soon convinced of the Justness of his Reasoning, and passed an Act, prohibiting the Trade to Canada, and for encouraging the Trade directly with the Indians. They were likewise at the Charge of building a fortified trading House at Oswego, on Cadarackui Lake, and have ever since maintained a Garison there. As this Act did in its Consequence take a large Profit from one or two considerable Merchants, who had the Trade to Canada, intirely in their Hands, they endeavoured to raise a Clamour against it in the Province, and presented likewise Petitions to the King, in Order to get the Act repealed. Upon this Occasion Mr. Burnet gave me the Perusal of the Publick Register of Indian Affairs, and it was thought the Publication of the History of the Five Nations might be of Use at that Time.

I shall only add, that Mr. Burnet's Scheme has had its desired Effect: The English have gained the Trade which the French, before that, had with the Indians to the Westward of New-York; and whereas, before that Time, a very inconsiderable Number of Men were employed in the Indian Trade Abroad, now above three hundred Men are employed at the Trading House at Oswego alone; and the Indian Trade has since that Time yearly increased so far, that several Indian Nations come now every Summer to trade there, whose Names were not so much as known by the English before.

This History, from New-York, soon went to England, and I have been informed, that a Publication, with a Continuance of that Work, would be acceptable there. I have the more chearfully complied with this Notice, because of the War threatened from France, believing that a Publication of this Kind may be useful, whether the present Inquietudes between the two Nations end in a War or in a Treaty. The French have encouraged several Publications of this Sort at Paris, and certainly such may be more useful in a British Government, where the People have so great a Share in it, than it can be in a French Government, intirely directed by the Will of their Prince.

I now continue this History to the Peace of Reswick, and if I find this acceptable, and that a farther Continuation of it be desired, I shall, if my Life and Health be preserved, carry it down farther; but as I have too much Reason to doubt my own Ability, to give that Pleasure and Satisfaction which the Publick may expect in Things thus submitted to their View, I think it not justifiable to trouble them with too much at once.





THE

H I S T O R Y

OF THE

Five INDIAN Nations,

DEPENDING

On the Province of NEW-YORK.


PART II.

The History of the Five Indian Nations of Canada, from the Time of the Revolution to the Peace of Reswick.


CHAP. I.

The State of Affairs in New-York and Canada, at the Time of the Revolution in Great-Britain.

We left the Five Nations triumphing over the French in Canada, and they almost reduced to Despair. The Revolution, which happened at this Time in England, seemed to be a favourable Conjunction for the Five Nations; the English Colonies, by the War at that Time declared against France, becoming Parties in their Quarrel: For one will be ready to think, that the Five Nations being by themselves too powerful for the French, as appears by the preceding Chapter, when these were assisted by the Utawawas, Quatoghies, Twihtwies, Chictaghicks, Putewatemies, and all the Western Indian Nations, and when the English stood neuter; now certainly, when not only all these Indian Nations had made Peace with the Five Nations, but the English joined with them in the War, the French would not be able to stand one Campaign.

But we shall find what a Turn Affairs took, contrary to all reasonable Expectations, from the general Appearance of Things, and of what Importance a resolute wise Governor is to the well-being of a People, and how prejudicial Divisions and Parties are. For this Reason, it will be necessary to take a View of the Publick Affairs in the Province of New-York, and in Canada, at that Time, in order to understand the true Causes of the Alterations, which afterwards happened in Favour of the French.

The Revolution occasioned as great Divisions and Parties in the Province of New-York, in Proportion to the Number of People, as it did in Britain, if not greater. The Governor and all the Officers either fled or absconded; the Gentlemen of the King's Council, and some of the most considerable or richest People, either out of Love, or what they thought Duty, to King James, or rather from an Opinion they had that the Prince of Orange could not succeed, refused to join in the Declaration the People made in favour of that Prince, and suffered the Administration to fall into different Hands, who were more zealous for the Protestant Interest, and who were joined by the far greatest Number of the Inhabitants. After the Revolution was established, they that had appeared so warmly for it, thought that they deserved best of the Government, and expected to be continued in the Publick Offices; the others were zealous to recover the Authority they had lost, and used the most persuasive Means with the Governors for that Purpose, while the former trusted to their Merit. This begat great Animosities, which continued many Years. Each Party, as they were at different Times favoured by several Governors, opposed all the Measures taken by the other, while each of them were by Turns in Credit with the People or the Governor, and sometimes even prosecuted each other to Death. The publick Measures were by these Means perpetually fluctuating, and often one Day contradictory to what they were the Day before. The succeeding Governors, finding their private Account in favouring sometimes the one Party, and at other Times the other, kept up the Animosities all King William's Reign, though very much to the publick Prejudice; for each Party was this while so eager in resenting private Injuries, that they intirely neglected the publick Good.

The Constitution of Government in the English Plantations, where the Governors have no Salary, but what they can attain with the Consent of the Assemblies or Representatives of the People, gave Occasion to imprudent Governors to fall upon these Expedients, as they sometimes call them, for getting of Money. And a prevailing Faction, knowing for what Purpose the Governments in America were chiefly desired by the English Gentlemen, used this great Privilege to tempt a Governor to be the Head of a Party, when he ought to have been the Head of the Government. Indeed New-York has had the Misfortune, too frequently, to be under such as could not keep their Passion for Money secret, though none found it so profitable a Government, as they did who followed strictly the true Maxims of governing, without making Money the only Rule of their Actions.

The frequent Changes of Governors were likewise prejudicial to the publick Affairs. Colonel Slaughter, the first Governor after the Revolution, happened to die soon after his Arrival, when steady, as well as resolute Measures, were most necessary. But some think, that the Occasion of all the Misfortunes lay in the Want of Care in the Choice of Governors, when the Affairs of America wanted able Hands to manage them; they think that the Ministry had the saving of Money chiefly in View, when, to gratify some small Services, they gave Employments in America to those that were not capable of much meaner Offices at Home. The Opinion the People had of Colonel Slaughter's Capacity gave ground to these Surmises; but, if it was so, it happened to be very ill saved Money; for the Mismanagements in this Country occasioned far greater Expence to the Crown afterwards, than would have bought such Gentlemen handsome Estates, besides the great Losses they occasioned to the Subjects.

The greatest Number of the Inhabitants of the Province of New-York being Dutch, still retained an Affection to their Mother Country, and by their Aversion to the English weakened the Administration. The common People of Albany, who are all Dutch, could not forbear giving the Indians some ill Impressions of the English; for the Mohawks, in one of their publick Speeches, expressed themselves thus: "We hear a Dutch Prince reigns now in England, why do you suffer the English Soldiers to remain in the Fort? put all the English out of the Town. When the Dutch held this Country long ago, we lay in their Houses; but the English have always made us lie without Doors." It is true, that the Plantations were first settled by the meanest People of every Nation, and such as had the least Sense of any Honour. The Dutch first Settlers, many of them I may say, had none of the Virtues of their Countrymen, except their Industry in getting Money, and they sacrificed every Thing, other People think honourable or most sacred, to their Gain: But I do not think it proper to give particular Instances of this.

The People of New-England were engaged in a bloody War at this Time with the Owenagungas, Ouragies, and Ponacoks, the Indians that lie between them and the French Settlements. The Scahkooks were originally Part of these Indians. They left their Country about the Year 1672, and settled above Albany, on the Branch of Hudson's River that runs towards Canada. The People of New-England were jealous of the Scahkook Indians, that they remembering the old Difference they had with the People of New England, and the Relation they bore to the Eastern Indians, did countenance and assist these Indians in the War against New England. They had Reason for these Jealousies, for the Scahkook Indians received privately some Owenagunga Messengers, and kept their coming among them secret from the People of Albany; and some Scahkooks had gone privately to the Owenagungas. They were afraid likewise, that the Mohawks might have some Inclination to favour those Indians, because some of the Eastern Indians had fled to the Mohawks, and were kindly received by them, and lived among them.

Notwithstanding all these Failures of good Policy, in the Government of New-York, the French had not gained so great Advantages, if they had not carefully observed a different Conduct, which it is now necessary to consider.

Canada was at this Time in a very distressed Condition, the Country and out Plantations burnt and destroyed, their Trade intirely at a stand, great Numbers of their People slain, and the remainder in danger of perishing by Famine, as well as by the Sword of inveterate cruel Enemies. When such Misfortunes happen to a Country, under any Administration, though in Truth the Conduct of Affairs be not to be blamed, it is often prudent to change the Ministers; for the common People never fail to blame them, notwithstanding their having acted with the greatest Wisdom, and therefore cannot so soon recover their Spirits, that are sunk by Misfortunes, as by putting their Affairs into different Hands.

For these Reasons, it is probable, the French King recalled Mr. de Nonville, but rewarded him for his Services, by an honourable Employment in the Houshold. The Count de Frontenac was sent in his Place. This Gentleman had been formerly Governor of that Country, and was perfectly acquainted with its Interest; of a Temper of Mind fitted to such desperate Times, of undaunted Courage, and indefatigable, though in the sixty-eighth Year of his Age. The Count de Frontenac arrived the second of October 1689. The Country immediately received new Life by the Arrival of a Person, of whose Courage and Conduct every one had entertained a high Opinion. Care was taken to increase this Impression on the Minds of the People, by making publick Rejoicings with as much Noise as possible. He wisely improved this new Life, by immediately entering upon Action, without suffering their Hopes to grow cold. He staid no longer at Quebeck, than was necessary to be informed of the present State of Affairs, and in four or five Days after his Arrival set out in a Canoe for Montreal, where his Presence was most necessary; and the Winter was already so far advanced, that the Ice made it impracticable to go in a larger Vessel. By this the old Gentleman increased the Opinion and Hopes the People entertained of him, that, without staying to refresh himself after a fatiguing Sea-Voyage, he would immediately undertake another, that required all the Vigour and Heat of Youth to withstand the Inclemencies of the Climate and Season, and the Difficulty of such a Passage.

When the Count de Frontenac came to Montreal, he increased the Admiration the People had of his Vigour and Zeal, by pretending to go to visit Cadarackui Fort, now abandoned, which he had built in the Time he was formerly Governor. The Clergy and People of Montreal came jointly with stretched out Arms, representing the Danger of such an Attempt, and the Difficulties and Hardships that would necessarily attend it, praying him not to expose a Life that was so necessary for their Safety. He, with seeming Reluctance, yielded to their Intreaties; I say with seeming Reluctance, for it was inconsistent with his Prudence really to have such a Design. This Shew of the Governor's offering to go in Person, animated some of the Gentlemen of the Country, who voluntarily went in the Winter, with one Hundred Indian Traders, to visit that Fort; and finding it in better Condition than they expected, by the Report of those who had abandoned it, they staid there, and made some small Reparations in the Walls, which the Indians had thrown down.

The Count de Frontenac brought back with him Tawerahet, a Capiga Sachem, one of the thirteen Prisoners that Mr. de Nonville took at Cadarackui, and sent to France. He was in Hopes this Indian would be useful in procuring a Treaty of Peace with the Five Nations, for they had an extraordinary Opinion of Tawerahet; and the French had found, by sad Experience, that they could not be Gainers by continuing the War: For this Purpose the Count used Tawerahet with much Kindness, during his Voyage, and, after he arrived at Quebeck, lodged him in the Castle under his own Roof, and took such Pains with this Sachem, that he forgot all the ill Usage he had formerly received.

The French had the more Reason to desire a Peace with the Five Nations, because they knew, that they would now certainly have the English Colonies likewise upon them; and if the Five Nations had been able to do so much Mischief by themselves alone, they were much more to be feared, when they would be assisted, in all Probability, with the Force and Interest of the English Colonies.

Four Indians of less Note, who were brought back along with Tawerahet, were immediately dispatched, in this Sachem's Name, to the Five Nations, to inform them of his Return, and of the kind Usage they had received from the Count de Frontenac; and to press them to send some to visit their old Friend, who had been so kind to them when he was formerly Governor of Canada, and who still retained an Affection to the Five Nations; as appeared by the Kindness Tawerahet and they had received from him. This was the only Method left to the French of making Proposals of Peace, which it was their Interest by all Means to procure.

The Governor of Canada, as I said, conceived that there was no Way so proper to keep up the Spirits of the People, who had got new Life by his Arrival, as by putting them upon Action; and indeed their present miserable Condition made them forward enough, to undertake the most desperate Enterprize, when the frequent Incursions of the Indians made it as dangerous to be at Home, as to attack the Enemy Abroad.

For this Purpose he sent out three Parties in the Winter; one was designed against New-York, the other against Connecticut, and the last against New-England.

The Five Nations followed Colonel Dungan's Advice, in endeavouring to bring off the Western Indians from the French, and had all the Success that could be expected, before Mr. de Frontenac arrived.

They were overjoyed when they heard, that the English had entered into War with the French, and came several Times to Albany to know the Certainty of it, while it was only rumoured about. The People of Albany desired them to secure any of the praying Indians that should come from Canada, if they found that they were still ruled by the Priests; but to encourage them, if they came with a Design to return to their own Country.

The Senekas, Cayugas, Onondagas, and Oneydoes, the twenty seventh of June 1689, before any Governor arrived, renewed the old Covenant (as they said) which was first made many Years ago with one Tagues, who came with a Ship into their River. "Then we first became Brethren, said they, and continued so till last fall, that Sir Edmond Andross came and made a new Chain, by calling us Children; but let us stick to the old Chain, which has continued from the first Time it was made, by which we became Brethren, and have ever since always behaved as such. Virginia, Maryland, and New-England, have been taken into this silver Chain, with which our Friendship is locked fast. We are now come to make the Chain clear and bright. Here they gave two Bevers."

King James, a little before his Abdication, sent over Sir Edmond Andross with arbitrary Powers, and he, in Imitation of the French, changed the Stile of speaking to the Indians, of which they were very sensible.

They discovered a great Concern for their People that were carried to Canada; they long hoped (they said) that the King of England would have been powerful enough to deliver them, but now they began to lose all Hopes of them.





CHAP. II.

A Treaty between the Agents of Massachuset's Bay, New-Plymouth, and Connecticut, and the Sachems of the Five Nations, at Albany, in the Year 1689.

About the Beginning of September 1689, Colonel John Pynchon, Major John Savage, and Captain Jonathan Bull, Agents for the Colonies of Massachuset's Bay, New-Plymouth, and Connecticut, arrived at Albany, to renew the Friendship with the Five Nations, and to engage them against the Eastern Indians, who made War on the English of those Colonies, and were supported by the French.

The Five Nations had received four Messengers from the Eastern Indians, which gave the People of New-England some Apprehensions, and they were therefore desirous to know what Reception these Messengers had met with.

The Five Nations answered by Tahajadoris, a Mohawk Sachem, on the twenty fourth of September. He made a long Oration, repeating all that the Agent from New-England had said, the Day before, and desired them to be attentive to the Answer now to be made to them. They commonly repeat over all that has been said to them, before they return any Answer, and one may be surprized at the Exactness of these Repetitions. They take the following Method to assist their Memories: The Sachem, who presides at these Conferences, has a Bundle of small Sticks in his Hand; as soon as the Speaker has finished any one Article of his Speech, this Sachem gives a Stick to another Sachem, who is particularly to remember that Article; and so when another Article is finished, he gives a Stick to another to take Care of that other, and so on. In like Manner when the Speaker answers, each of these has the particular Care of the Answer resolved on to each Article, and prompts the Orator, when his Memory fails him, in the Article committed to his Charge. Tahajadoris addressing himself to the Agents, said:

"Brethren,

"You are welcome to this House, which is appointed for our Treaties and publick Business with the Christians; we thank you for renewing the Covenant-chain. It is now no longer of Iron and subject to Rust, as formerly, but of pure Silver, and includes in it all the King's Subjects, from the Senekas Country eastward, as far as any of the great King's Subjects live, and southward, from New-England to Virginia. Here he gave a Bever.

"We are glad to hear of the good Success our great King has had over the French by Sea, in taking and sinking so many of their Men of War. You tell us in your Proposals that we are one People, let us then go Hand in Hand together, to ruin and destroy the French our common Enemy. Gives a Bever.

"The Covenant-chain between us is ancient (as you tell us) and of long standing, and it has been kept inviolably by us. When you had Wars some time ago with the Indians, you desired us to help you; we did it readily, and to the Purpose; for we pursued them closely, by which we prevented the Effusion of much of your Blood. This was a certain Sign that we loved truly and sincerely, and from our Hearts. Gives a Belt.

"You advise us to pursue our Enemies, the French, vigorously; this we assure you we are resolved to do to the utmost of our Power: But since the French are your Enemies likewise, we desire our Brethren of the three Colonies to send us an hundred Men for the Security of this Place, which is ill provided, in Case of an Attack from the French; the Christians have Victuals enough for their Entertainment. Gives one Belt.

"We patiently bore many Injuries from the French, from one Year to another, before we took up the Axe against them. Our Patience made the Governor of Canada think, that we were afraid of him, and durst not resent the Injuries we had so long suffered; but now he is undeceived. We assure you, that we are resolved never to drop the Axe, the French never shall see our Faces in Peace, we shall never be reconciled as long as one Frenchman is alive. We shall never make Peace, though our Nation should be ruined by it, and every one of us cut in Pieces. Our Brethren of the three Colonies may depend on this. Gives a Bever.

"As to what you told us of the Owenagungas and Uragees, we answer: That we were never so proud and haughty, as to begin a War without just Provocation. You tell us that they are treacherous Rogues, we believe it, and that they will undoubtedly assist the French. If they shall do this, or shall join with any of our Enemies, either French or Indians, then we will kill and destroy them. Gives a Bever."

Then the Mohawks offered five of their Men, to guard the Agents Home against any of their Indian Enemies, who they were afraid might be laying in wait for the Agents, and gave a Belt.

Afterwards the Speaker continued his Speech, and said: "We have spoke what we had to say of the War, we now come to the Affairs of Peace: We promise to preserve the Chain inviolably, and wish that the Sun may always shine in Peace over all our Heads that are comprehended in this Chain. We give two Belts, one for the Sun, the other for its Beams."

"We make fast the Roots of the Tree of Peace and Tranquillity, which is planted in this Place. Its Roots extend as far as the utmost of your Colonies; if the French should come to shake this Tree, we would feel it by the Motion of its Roots, which extend into our Country: But we trust it will not be in the Governor of Canada's Power to shake this Tree, which has been so firmly and so long planted with us. Bevers."

Lastly, He desired the Magistrates of Albany to remember what he had said, and gave them a Bever.

But the Agents perceiving, that they had not answered any Thing about the Owenagunga Messengers, and had answered indistinctly about the War with the Eastern Indians, desired them to explain themselves fully on these two Points, about which the Agents were chiefly concerned.

The Five Nations answered:

"We cannot declare War against the Eastern Indians, for they have done us no Harm: Nevertheless our Brethren of New-England may be assured, that we will live and die in Friendship with them. When we took up the Axe against the French and their Confederates, we did it to revenge the Injuries they had done us; we did not make War with them at the Persuasions of our Brethren here; for we did not so much as acquaint them with our Intention, till fourteen Days after our Army had begun their March."

After the Company had separated, the Sachems sent to the New-England Agents, desiring to speak with them in private; which being granted, the Speaker said, we have something to tell you, which was not proper to be spoken openly, for some of our People have an Affection to the Owenagungas; and we were afraid, that they would discover or hinder our Designs.

Now we assure our Brethren, that we are resolved to look on your Enemies as ours, and that we will first fall on the Owaragees[29]; and then on the Owenagungas, and lastly on the French; and that you may be convinced of our Intention, we design to send five of our young Men along with our Brethren to New-England, to guard them, who have Orders to view the Country of the Owaragees, to discover in what Manner it can be attacked with the most Advantage. This we always do before we make an Attempt on our Enemies. In a Word, Brethren, your War is our War, for we will live and dye with you.

But it is to be observed, that they confirmed nothing relating to these Indians, by giving Belts.

It is probable, that the Sachems acted with some Art on this Occasion, for they really had favourable Inclinations towards the Owenagungas; and they had Reason not to increase the Number of their Enemies, by making War on the Eastern Indians, who avoided doing them any Injury. The People of Albany likewise have always been averse to engage our Indians in a War with the Eastern Indians, lest it should change the Seat of the War, and bring it to their own Doors.

On the 25th the Magistrates of Albany had a private Conference with the Sachems of the Five Nations, and desired to know their Resolutions as to the War with Canada, and the Measures they resolved to follow. In this Conference the Indians saw that the People of Albany were so much afraid of the French, that their Spirits were sunk under the Apprehensions of the approaching War; and for this Reason made the following Answer.

"We have a hundred and forty Men out-skulking about Canada; it is impossible for the French to attempt any Thing, without being discovered and harassed by these Parties: If the French shall attempt any Thing this Way, all the Five Nations will come to your Assistance, for our Brethren and we are but one, and we will live and dye together. We have desired a hundred Men of our Brethren of Boston to assist us here, because this Place is most exposed; but if the Governor of Canada is so strong, as to overcome us all united together, then he must be our Master, and is not to be resisted; but we have Confidence in a good and just Cause; for the great God of Heaven knows how deceitfully the French have dealt with us, their Arms can have no Success. The Great God hath sent us Signs in the Sky to confirm this. We have heard uncommon Noise in the Heavens, and have seen Heads fall down upon Earth, which we look upon as a certain Presage of the Destruction of the French: Take Courage! On this they all immediately joined in singing and crying out, Courage! Courage!"





CHAP. III.

An Account of a general Council of the Five Nations at Onondaga, to consider the Count De Frontenac's Message.

On the 27th of December 1689, two Indians came to Albany, being sent by the Onondaga and Oneydo Sachems, with seven Hands of Wampum from each Nation, to tell their Brethren in New-York and New-England, that three of their old Friends, who had been carried Prisoners to France, were come with Proposals from Canada; that there was a Council of the Sachems appointed to meet at Onondaga, and that they therefore desired the Mayor of Albany, Peter Scheyler, and some others of their Brethren, to come thither, to be present and to advise on an Affair of so great Consequence; for they were resolved to do nothing without the Knowledge and Consent of all those that were included in the Chain with them.

The same Messenger told them, that some Letters were sent to the Jesuit at Oneydo; and that they would neither burn, nor suffer those Letters to be opened, till the Brethren should first see them.

All that the Magistrates of Albany did on this important Occasion, was to send three Indians with Instructions in their Name, to dissuade the Five Nations from entertaining any Thoughts of Peace, or yielding to a Cessation of Arms.

On the 4th of January one of the chief Mohawk Sachems came to Albany, to tell the Magistrates, that he was to go to Onondaga, and desired the Brethren's Advice how to behave there; on which the Magistrates thought it necessary to send likewise the publick Interpreter, and another Person to assist at the general Meeting, with written Instructions; but no Person of Note, that had any Influence on the Indians, went.

When the Messengers arrived at Oneydo, they discoursed privately with one of the Prisoners that had returned from France, and found that he had no Love for the French; but it is impossible but that Indians, who had seen the French Court, and many of their Troops, must be surprised at their Grandeur: he complained however of the ill Usage he had met with. The French chose, on this Occasion, to send first to Oneydo, because of the Assistance they expected the Jesuit, that resided there, would give to their Negotiation.

I believe it will not be tedious to the Reader, that desires to know the Indian Genius, if I give a circumstantial Account of this general Council or Parliament of the Five Nations, that he may see in what Manner a People that we call Savages behave on such important Occasions.

On the 22d of January the general Council was opened at Onondaga, consisting of eighty Sachems; in the first Place Sadekanaghtie, an Onondaga Sachem, rising up, addressed himself to the Messenger of Albany, saying,

When this Sachem had done speaking, the Mohawk Messenger sent from Albany delivered his Message Word for Word, as he had received it, without omitting the least Article. The Interpreter, while the Indian was speaking, read over a Paper, on which the Message was set down, lest any Thing should have been forgot.

After this Cannehoot a Seneka Sachem stood up, and gave the general Council a particular Account of a Treaty made last Summer, between the Senekas and the Wagunha Messengers, (one of the Utawawa Nations) who had concluded a Peace for themselves, and seven other Nations, to which the other four Nations were desired to agree, and their Brethren of New-York to be included in it. He said the Proposals made in several Propositions were as follow.

1. We are come to join two Bodies into one. Delivering up at the same Time two Prisoners.

2. We are come to learn Wisdom of you Senekas, and of the other Five Nations, and of your Brethren of New-York. Giving a Belt.

3. We by this Belt wipe away the Tears from the Eyes of your Friends, whose Relations have been killed in the War, and likewise[33] the Paint from your Soldiers Faces. Giving another Belt.

4. We now throw aside the Ax, which Yonondio put into our Hands, by this third Belt.

5. Let the Sun, as long as he shall endure, always shine upon us in Friendship. Here he gave a red Marble Sun as large as a Plate.

6. Let the Rain of Heaven wash away all Hatred, that we may again smoke together in Peace, giving a large Pipe of red Marble.

7. Yonondio is drunk, but we wash our Hands clean from all his Actions. Giving a fourth Belt.

8. Now we are clean washed by the Water of Heaven, neither of us must defile ourselves by hearkening to Yonondio.

9. We have twelve of your Nation Prisoners, who shall be brought home in the Spring; there he gave a Belt, to confirm the Promise.

10. We will bring your Prisoners when the Strawberries shall be in blossom,[34] at which Time we intend to visit Corlear, and see the Place where the Wampum is made. (New-York.)

The Speaker added, we will also tell our Friends the other Utawawa Nations, and the Dionondadies, who have eleven of your People Prisoners, what we have now done, and invite them to make Peace with you.

He said further, we have sent three Messengers back with the Wagunhas, in order to confirm this Peace with their Nation.

After the Seneka Speaker had done, the Wagunha Presents were hung up in the House, in the Sight of the whole Assembly, and afterwards distributed among the several Nations, and their Acceptance was a Ratification of the Treaty. A large Belt was given also to the Albany Messengers as their Share.

The Belt of Wampum sent from Albany was in like Manner hanged up, and afterwards divided.

New-England, which the Indians call Kinshon (that is a Fish) sent likewise the Model of a Fish, as a token of their adhering to the general Covenant. This Fish was handed round among the Sachems, and then laid aside to be put up.

After these Ceremonies were over, Sadekanahtie, an Onondaga Speaker, stood up, and said, Brethren, we must stick to our Brother Quider, and look on Yonondio as our Enemy, for he is a Cheat: By Quider they meant Peter Schyler the Mayor of Albany, who had gained a considerable Esteem among them; as they have no Labeals in their Language, they pronounce Peter by the Sound Quider.

The Messenger from Canada had brought Letters, and some medicinal Powder, for the Jesuit Milet, who resided at Oneydo. These Letters and the Powder were delivered to the Interpreter from Albany to be carried thither, that the Contents of them might be made known to the Sachems of the several Nations. The Jesuit was present all this While in their Council.

Then the Interpreter was desired to speak what he had to say from their Brethren at Albany. He told them, that a new Governor was arrived, who had brought a great many Soldiers from England. That the King of England had declared War against France, and that the People of New-England were fitting out Ships against Canada. He advised them, that they should not hearken to the French, for when they talk of Peace, said he, War is in their Heart, and desired them to enter into no Treaty but at Albany, for the French, he said, would mind no Agreement made any where else.

After this they had Consultations for some Time together, and then gave the following Answer by their Speaker.

Brethren, our Fire burns at Albany. We will not send Dekanasora to Cadarackui. We adhere to our old Chain with Corlear; we will prosecute the War with Yonondio, and will follow your Advice in drawing off our Men from Cadarackui. Brethren, we are glad to hear the News you tell us, but tell us no Lies.

Brother Kinshon, we hear you design to send Soldiers to the eastward against the Indians there; but we advise you, now so many are united against the French, to fall immediately on them. Strike at the Root, when the Trunk shall be cut down, the Branches fall of Course.

Corlear and Kinshon, Courage! Courage! In the Spring to Quebeck, take that Place, and you'll have your Feet on the Necks of the French, and all their Friends in America.

After this they agreed to the following Answer to be sent to the Governor of Canada.

1. Yonondio, you have notified your Return to us, and that you have brought back 13 of our People that were carried to France, we are glad of it. You desire us to meet you at Cadarackui next Spring, to treat of the old Chain; but Yonondio, how can we trust you, after you have acted deceitfully so often? Witness what was done at Cadarackui; the Usage our Messengers met with at Utawawa, and what was done to the Senekas at Utawawa. This was their Answer; however, they sent a Belt with this, which always shews a Disposition to treat.

2. Therhansera, Ohguesse and Ertel, do you observe Friendship with us, if you have not, how come you to advise us to renew Friendship with Yonondio, they sent them likewise a Belt?

3. Tawerahet, the whole Council is glad to hear, that you are returned with the other twelve. Yonondio, you must send home Tawerahet and the others this very Winter, before Spring, and we will save all the French that we have Prisoners till that Time.

4. Yonondio, you desire to speak with us at Cadarackui: Don't you know that your Fire there is extinguished? It is extinguished with Blood, you must send home the Prisoners in the first Place.

5. We let you know that we have made Peace with the Wagunhas.

6. You are not to think, that we have laid down the Axe, because we return an Answer; we intend no such Thing: Our Fair-fighters shall continue the War till our Countrymen return.

7. When our Brother Tawerahet is returned, then will we speak to you of Peace.

As soon as the Council broke up, their Resolutions were made publick to all their People, by the Sachems of their several Nations.

Two Sachems were sent to Albany, by their general Council, to inform their Brethren there of their Resolutions, and to bring back the Contents of the Letters sent from Canada to the Jesuit.

As soon as they arrived, one of the Mohawks, that had been sent from Albany to the Council, delivered the Wagunha Belt, and repeated over distinctly all the Articles agreed to with that Nation, and referred to the Onondaga Speaker, being one of those sent by the Council of Albany, to recite the Answer to the Governor of Canada. He rising up, repeated over the whole as before set down, and added; The French are full of Deceit; but I call God to witness, we have hitherto used no Deceit with them, but how we shall act for the future, Time only can discover. Then he assured the Brethren, that the Five Nations were resolved to prosecute the War, in Token whereof he presented Quider[35] with a Belt, in which three Axes were represented. Perhaps by this Representation only three Nations joined in sending it, the Cayugas and Oneydoes being more under the Influence of the Jesuit Milet, who lived among them intirely, according to their Manner of Life, and was adopted by the Oneydoes, and made one of their Sachems. The Letters from Canada to him were read, they contained nothing but common News and Compliments.

The Mohawk Messengers, that had been sent from Albany, had carried with them Goods to sell at the general Council. This was taken Notice of at the general Council, and gave the Indians a mean Opinion of the People of Albany, and particularly of Peter Schyler; for it is exceedingly scandalous among the Indians, to employ a Merchant in publick Affairs; Merchants, (I mean the Traders with the Indians) are looked upon by them as Liars, and People not to be trusted, and of no Credit, who by their Thoughts being continually turned upon Profit and Loss, consider every Thing with that private View. As this made a Noise at Albany, by its giving the Jesuit an Opportunity of setting the Messengers from Albany in an ill Light, Peter Scheyler cleared himself by Oath, of his having any Interest directly or indirectly in those Goods, and sent a Belt back with his publick Justification. The Mohawk Messengers had refused to take the Goods, as being scandalous to the Business they went on; but were persuaded, by being told that the Goods belonged to Quider.

The Magistrates of Albany advised the Sachems, to send the Jesuit Prisoner to Albany, where he might be kept securely, without having it in his Power to do Mischief, but they could not prevail. The Indians were resolved to keep all the Means of making Peace in their own Hands.