The History of the Rise, Increase, and Progress of the Christian People Called Quakers / Intermixed with Several Remarkable Occurrencs.

1658.

Travelling from thence and passing through Northumberland, and Bishoprick, he came to Durham, where was a man come down from London, to set up a college there, to make ministers of Christ, as they said. G. Fox entering into discourse with this man, said that to teach men Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, and the seven arts, was not the way to make them ministers of Christ; for the languages began at Babel; and to the Greeks that spake Greek as their mother tongue, the preaching of the cross of Christ was foolishness; and to the Jews that spake Hebrew as their mother tongue, Christ was a stumbling block. And as for the Romans, who spake Latin, they persecuted the Christians; and Pilate, one of the Roman governors, set Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, atop of Christ when he crucified him. Thus the languages, which began at Babel, had been set above Christ the Word. And John the Divine, who preached the Word, that was in the beginning, said that the beast and the whore had power over tongues and languages, and they were as waters, and in the mystery Babylon, for they began at Babel; and the persecutors of Christ set them over him, when he was crucified by them. ‘Dost thou think,’ said G. Fox to the man, ‘to make ministers of Christ by these natural confused languages, which sprang from Babel, are admired in Babylon, and set atop of Christ, the life, by a persecutor?’ The man, puzzled a little by this, confessed to many things spoken by G. Fox. Then it was showed him further, that Christ made his ministers himself, and gave gifts unto them, and bid them pray to the Lord of the harvest, to send forth labourers: that Peter and John, though unlearnt and ignorant as to school-learning, preached Christ the Word, which was in the beginning before Babel was: and that Paul also was made an apostle, not of man, nor by man, but by Jesus Christ, who is the same now, and so is his gospel, as it was at that day. This discourse had such effect upon the man, that he became very loving; and having considered the matter further, he never set up his intended college.

From Durham G. Fox passed to Nottingham, where he gathered again a scattered people, that having about eight years before been convinced of the Truth, had been led aside by one Rice Jones.

From hence he went into Warwickshire, and passing through Northamptonshire and Leicestershire, he came into Bedfordshire, and so to John Crook’s house, where a general yearly meeting was appointed, which lasted three days: and many of G. Fox’s friends from most parts of the nation came to it, so that the inns in the towns thereabouts were filled. Here was also William Caton, who after the meeting was ended, went with Thomas Salthouse, formerly his fellow-servant in the house of judge Fell, to Westmoreland, Cumberland, and Swarthmore in Lancashire. In the said general meeting, G. Fox made a long speech concerning the several states of man, but more especially for instruction of the ministers of the word, exhorting them at large to be circumspect in their station.

After the meeting was over, there came a party of horse with a constable, to seize upon G. Fox, who then was walking in J. Crook’s garden: and though somebody, when they came to the house, had told them G. Fox was there, yet they were so confounded, that they came not into the garden to look for him, but went away without him.

Parting from thence, he came to London, where he heard that a Jesuit, who was come over with an ambassador from Spain, had challenged all the Quakers, to dispute with them at the earl of Newport’s house. G. Fox then let him know by some of his friends, that they would meet him: whereupon the Jesuit sent word, he would meet with twelve of the wisest learned men they had. A while after he sent word, he would meet with but six; and after that, he sent word again, he would have but three to come. Then G. Fox went, with Edward Burrough, and Nicholas Bond, to the aforesaid house, and bade them to go up, and enter the discourse with the Jesuit, whilst he would be walking in the yard, and then come up after them. He had advised them to state this question, Whether the church of Rome, as it now stood, was not degenerated from the true church which was in the primitive times, from the life and doctrine, and from the power and spirit that those believers were in? They having stated the question accordingly, the Jesuit affirmed, that the church of Rome now was in the virginity and purity of the primitive church. By this time G. Fox being come in, the Jesuit was asked, whether they had the Holy Ghost poured forth upon them, as the apostles had? And he said, ‘No.’ Then said G. Fox, ‘If ye have not the same Holy Ghost poured forth upon you, and the same power and spirit that the apostles had, then ye are degenerated from the power and spirit which the primitive church was in.’ And he asked the Jesuit, what Scripture they had for setting up cloisters for nuns, abbeys and monasteries for men, and for their praying by beads and to images, and for making crosses, for forbidding of meats and marriages, and for putting people to death for religion? ‘If,’ said he, ‘ye are in the practice of the primitive church, in its purity and virginity, then let us see by Scripture, wherever they practised such things?’ For it was agreed mutually, that both the Jesuits and the Quakers, should make good by Scripture what they said. Then the Jesuit said, there was a written, and an unwritten word. Which made G. Fox ask, what he called his unwritten word? And he answered, ‘The written word is the Scriptures, and the unwritten word is that which the apostles spake by word of mouth, which are all those traditions that we practise.’ Then G. Fox bid him prove that by Scripture; and the Jesuit alleged the words of the apostle, 2 Thess. ii. 5. “When I was with you, I told you these things:” ‘That is,’ said he, ‘I told you of nunneries and monasteries, of putting to death for religion, and of praying by beads and to images,’ &c. This he affirmed to be the unwritten word of the apostles, which they told then, and had since been continued by tradition unto these times. Then G. Fox desired him to read that Scripture again, that he might see how he had perverted the apostles words, since that which the apostle said there he had told them before, was not an unwritten word, but was written down there; namely, that the man of sin, the son of perdition, should be revealed before the great and terrible day of Christ, which he was writing of, should come. And therefore this was not telling them any of those things the church of Rome practised. Besides, the apostle in the third chapter of the said epistle told the church, of some disorderly persons he heard were amongst them, busy bodies, who did not work at all; concerning whom he had commanded them by his unwritten word, when he was among them, that if any would not work, neither should he eat; which now he commanded them again in his written word in this epistle, 2 Thess. iii.

The Jesuit now finding no other scriptural proof for the tradition of the church of Rome, let that point fall, and came to the sacrament of the altar, to prove the reality of which, he began with the paschal lamb, and the showbread, and so came to the words of Christ, “This is my body,” and to what the apostle writ to the Corinthians, concluding from thence, that after the priest had consecrated the bread and wine, it was immortal and divine, and that he who received it, received the whole Christ. To this G. Fox said, that the same apostle told the Corinthians, after they had taken bread and wine in remembrance of Christ’s death, that they were reprobates if Christ was not in them. But that if the bread they eat was Christ, he must of necessity have been in them, after they had eaten it. Besides, if the bread and wine which the Corinthians ate and drank, was Christ’s body, how then (continued he,) hath Christ a body in heaven? And he also signified to him, that both the disciples at the supper, and the Corinthians afterwards, were to eat the bread and drink the wine in remembrance of Christ, and to show forth his death till he came; which plainly proved that the bread and wine which they took, was not his body. For if it had been his real body that they ate, then he had been come, and was then there present; and it would have been improper to have done such a thing in remembrance of him, if he had been then present with them; as he must have been, if that bread and wine, which they ate and drank, had been his real body. And as to the words of Christ, “This is my body,” G. Fox told him, ‘Christ calls himself a vine and a door, and is called in Scripture a rock: is Christ therefore an outward rock, door, or vine?’ ‘O,’ said the Jesuit, ‘the words are to be interpreted.’ ‘So,’ said G. Fox, ‘are those words of Christ, “This is my body.”’ And having thus stopped the Jesuit’s mouth, he made this proposal: that, seeing he said the bread and wine was immortal and divine, and the very Christ, and that whosoever received it, received the whole Christ; a meeting might be appointed between some such Papists as the pope and his cardinals should appoint, and some of those called Quakers: ‘And then,’ said he, ‘let a bottle of wine, and a loaf of bread be brought, and divided each into two parts, and let them consecrate which of those parts they will; and then let the consecrated and unconsecrated bread and wine be set in a safe place, with a sure watch upon it; and let trial then be made, whether the consecrated bread and wine will not lose its goodness, viz. the bread grow dry and mouldy, and the wine turn dead and sour, as well and as soon as that which was unconsecrated; for by this means the truth of this matter may be made manifest. And if the consecrated bread and wine change not, but retain their savour and goodness, this may be a means to draw many to your church. But if they change, decay, and lose their goodness, then ought you to confess and forsake your error, and shed no more blood about it, as hath been done, especially in queen Mary’s days.’ To this the Jesuit made this reply: ‘Take a piece of new cloth, and cut it into two pieces, and make two garments of it, and put one of them upon king David’s back, and the other upon a beggar’s, and the one garment shall wear away as well as the other.’ ‘Is this,’ said G. Fox, ‘thy answer?’ ‘Yes,’ said the Jesuit. ‘Then,’ said G. Fox, ‘by this the company may all be satisfied, that your consecrated bread and wine is not Christ. Dost thou now say that the consecrated bread and wine, which you have told people was immortal and divine, and the real body and blood of Christ, will wear away, or decay as well as the other? Then I must tell thee, Christ remains the same to day as yesterday, and never decays; but is the saints’ heavenly food in all generations, through which they have life.’ To this the Jesuit replied no more, but let the thing fall; for he perceived that those which were present saw his error, and that he could not defend it.

Then G. Fox asked him, why the church of Rome did persecute, and put people to death for religion? and he answered, it was not the church did it, but the magistrates. G. Fox asked, whether those magistrates were not counted and called believers and Christians? ‘Yes,’ said he. ‘Are they not members of the church?’ asked G. Fox. ‘Yes,’ said the Jesuit. Then G. Fox left it to the people to judge, whether the church of Rome did not persecute, and put people to death for religion. Thus they parted; the Jesuit’s subtilty being comprehended by the simplicity of G. Fox, and his friends.

Whilst G. Fox was at London, his friends, both in England and Ireland, were under great sufferings, which made him write to the protector about it: and there being much talk of making Cromwell king, he went to him and warned him against it, because of the dangers that would attend it; and which, if he did not avoid, would bring shame and ruin upon him and his posterity. Which counsel Cromwell seemed to take well, and thanked him for it: yet G. Fox wrote also concerning the same thing to him in this manner:

About this time G. Fox wrote also another letter to O. Cromwell, wherein he signified to him, that if he had been faithful, and thundered down deceit, he would yet have done many mighty things. And he also advised him, not to slight sober men, and true hearts; but to mind the law of God, and his fear and dread; to take heed of flatteries, and to prize his time now he had it.

The lady Claypole, Cromwell’s most beloved daughter, being sick, and much troubled in mind, so that none that came could minister any comfort to her, G. Fox visited her with the following letter:

The paper being read to the aforesaid lady, it staid her mind somewhat; but she lived not long after, so that O. Cromwell met with almost continual trouble, for discontent against him increased more and more.

Now, since the Protestants in the valley of Lucerne, and elsewhere, were much persecuted, there came forth a declaration from the protector to keep a fast, and one also for a collection for the relief of distressed Protestant churches. On this occasion, G. Fox to show what kind of fast it was that God requires and accepts, wrote the following paper:

Divers times when a fast was proclaimed, G. Fox wrote on that subject; and since commonly some mischief was then contrived against the Quakers, no wonder that he would say, that these fasts were like unto Jezebel’s.

Many of his friends being at this time in prisons and dungeons, several others of them went to the parliament, and offered to lie in the same prisons where their brethren lay; that so those that were in prison, might not perish in stinking dungeons, and their persecutors thereby bring innocent blood upon their own heads. But this could not be obtained; for some of the parliament would threaten these compassionate men that thus attended them, with whipping, if they did not desist. And because the parliament then sitting, consisted mostly of such who, pretending to be more religious than others, were indeed great persecutors of those that were truly religious, G. Fox could not let this hypocrisy go unreproved, but wrote the following lines to them:

It was not G. Fox alone who was grieved with the said hypocrisy, but others of his friends also declared zealously against it. A certain woman came once into the parliament with a pitcher in her hand, which she breaking before them, told them, so should they be broken to pieces; which came to pass not long after. And because, when the great sufferings of G. Fox’s friends were laid before O. Cromwell, he would not believe it, this gave occasion to Thomas Aldam and Anthony Pearson, to go through all, or most of the jails in England, and get copies of their friends commitment under the jailers’ hands, to lay the weight of the said sufferings upon O. Cromwell, which was done; but he, unwilling to give order for their release, Thomas Aldam took his cap from off his head, and tearing it to pieces, said to him, ‘So shall thy government be rent from thee and thy house.’

About the beginning of this year, E. Burrough wrote a letter to O. Cromwell, and his council, complaining of, and warning them against persecution, as being what would draw down God’s anger against them.

Several copies of the said letter were delivered to Oliver, and his council: and some months after E. Burrough wrote the following letter to him.

I never understood that any thing of moment followed upon this; but about two months after he wrote another letter to Cromwell, which was delivered to him at Hampton Court, in the sixth month.

That the Lord, according to this prediction did suddenly smite Cromwell, time verified; for he lived but about a month after the receipt of the said letter. And that E. Burrough tenderly loved him, appears to me from several circumstances: and the ardent desire he had for his eternal welfare, occasioned this plain language to him.

G. Fox also wrote to him, that it was not improbable, that because of his wickedness, the Lord might once raise the royalists against him, to be instruments of executing his wrath; as once Cromwell himself had been an instrument to their overthrow. And a very short time before his death, G. Fox went to Hampton Court, to speak with him about the sufferings of his friends. With this intention, he met him riding into Hampton Court park, and before he came to him, (according to his relation,) he perceived a waft of death go forth against him; and coming to him, he looked like a dead man. So after G. Fox had laid the sufferings of his friends before him, and had warned him, Oliver bid him come to his house; whereupon G. Fox went to Kingston, and the next day came to Hampton Court again; but there he understood that the protector was sick; and Dr. Harvey told, that the doctors were not willing that he should speak with the protector. So he passed away, and never saw Oliver Cromwell any more: who, since the death of his daughter, the lady Claypole, had been distempered, and troubled with a malignant humour in his foot; which, when his physicians endeavoured to disperse, they drove upward, (as was said,) to his heart: and being seized with a violent fever, he grew weaker and weaker; yet his preachers endeavoured to conceal the danger he was in: and it is reported that Dr. Goodwin, one of his chaplains, in a prayer during the time of his sickness, made use of this expression, ‘Lord, we beg not for his recovery, for that thou hast already granted, and assured us of; but for his speedy recovery.’ Whilst the protector was sick, E. Burrough wrote the following letter to his wife and children, &c.

Cromwell was snatched away by death at unawares; however the day before his decease this letter was delivered to his relations. It was not but in the last period of his life that he named his son Richard to be his successor. And when death looked in his face, remorse did not stay behind; for, according to what Ludlow relates, he seemed above all concerned for the reproaches, (he said,) men would cast upon his name, in trampling on his ashes when dead. In this temper of mind he departed this life about two in the afternoon, on the 3d of September, at the age of about fifty-five years. The news of his death being brought to those who were met together to pray for him, one Sterry stood up, and said, ‘This is good news; because if he was of great use to the people of God when he was amongst us, now he will be much more so, being ascended to heaven, there to intercede for us.’ O horrid flattery! Thus I call it, if he had been the greatest saint on earth; which he came much short of, though he was once endued with some eminent virtues. His dying day was remarkable by a most grievous tempest, not only in England, but also in the Low countries, where trees were torn out of the ground by the violence of the wind, and many ships foundered. ‘He was,’ saith Edward, Earl of Clarendon, ‘one of those persons whom even his enemies could not vilify without praising him.’ And I have heard impartial men say, that in the beginning of his achievements, he was indeed an excellent man; but being come to a high station, he soon lost that zeal for the public welfare, by which at first he seemed to be animated.

The body of the deceased was laid in Somerset House, in an apartment enlightened only with wax tapers, the corpse being richly adorned.

After his death, Richard, eldest son to Oliver, was proclaimed Protector of the Commonwealth; to whom E. Burrough wrote a letter, superscribed to Richard Cromwell, chosen to be protector and chief magistrate, &c. wherein he gave him some account of the most cruel sufferings of his friends; and speaking of the rulers, he saith thus:

This remonstrance, how powerful and large soever, had not its due effect; but persecution continued, without being stopped by him: for the churchmen fawned upon him, calling him not only their Joshua, but the preachers of Suffolk said in their address to him, ‘Though our sun is gone down, yet no night ensued.’ Sol occubuit, nox nulla secuta est.

About this time was given forth a paper, called, The Church Faith; and G. Fox having got a copy of it before it was published, wrote an answer to it; and when the book of the church faith appeared, his answer was also in print. This so incensed some of the parliament men, that one of them told G. Fox, they must have him to Smithfield. To which he answered, that he was over their fires, and feared them not: and further asked, whether all the people had been without a faith these sixteen hundred years, that now the priests must make them one? And since Christ Jesus was the author of the apostles’ faith, and of the church’s faith in the primitive times, and of the martyrs’ faith; should not all people look unto him to be the author and finisher of their faith, and not unto the priests? Nothing material was answered to this; but the priests called G. Fox’s friends, house-creepers, because they met together in houses, and would not maintain the priests’ temples. One major Wiggan, that was present when G. Fox discoursed with the parliament men, said, Christ had taken away the guilt of sin, but had left the power of sin remaining in us. G. Fox told him this was strange doctrine; for Christ came to destroy the devil and his works, and the power of sin, and so to cleanse men from sin.

Now there was great persecution, both by imprisonment and breaking up of meetings; and many died in prisons; for the priests speaking evil of the Quakers, it did kindle the insolence of the rabble not a little, so that they did not stick to throw squibs into the meetings, to cast rotten eggs on those that were met, to beat on drums and kettles, and so to make hideous noise, and to abuse people most grievously with blows and violent pushes.

One day there being a meeting appointed near London, they beat and abused about eighty persons that came out of the city to meet there, tearing their coats and cloaks from off their backs, and throwing them into ditches and ponds. The next First-day of the week after this, G. Fox, though at that time very weak, went thither, and preaching with the bible in his hand, he showed the rude people, their, and their teachers’ fruits, and how disagreeable these mad actions were to the doctrine contained in the Holy Scriptures. Many of his imprisoned friends were now brought up to London to be tried by the committee; where sir Henry Vane, being chairman, would not suffer them to come in, except they would put off their hats. But since many of them had been imprisoned upon contempts, (as the not putting off hats before magistrates was called,) others signified that it must not be expected that now they should comply; and so through the mediation of some that persuaded Vane, they were at length admitted; where they so well defended their cause, that several were set at liberty.

Sufferings now growing very sharp, G. Fox, to encourage his friends, wrote the following lines to them:

There was at that time great discord among those that were at the helm of government; and G. Fox relates, that he did then foresee the king’s coming in again; and that therefore when some forward spirits, who frequented the meetings of his friends, would have bought Somerset House to keep meetings in, he dissuaded them from it. There came also a woman to him, who having, (as she said,) had a revelation concerning the restoring of king Charles, three years before he came in, said, she must go to him to declare it: but G. Fox advised her to keep this revelation to herself, since if she went on such a message, it would have been counted treason.

How the corpse of Oliver Cromwell was laid in Somerset House to be seen, hath been said already; but afterwards an image of him lying there in state, was accompanied with trumpeters, who sounded over the said image. This vanity so grieved G. Fox, that he wrote the following lines to the authors thereof:

Sometime after this, the funeral of O. Cromwell was solemnized with very great pomp, not at all agreeable to that condition he was once in; for the time was when he would have abhorred such an idolatrous honour as was now paid to his image. On the day of this pompous funeral, which was the 23d of November, it happened that Edward Burrough came riding from Kingston into London, not knowing any thing of what was done there. As he entered at Charing-cross, he beheld a great multitude of people thronging exceedingly, the streets being filled as far as he could see, and abundance gazing at the windows, and upon the balconies, and house tops. There were also guards of horse and foot that stopped his horse, and it was told him, that he might not pass that way. Yet he did not know what was the matter; but at length he perceived that Cromwell’s image, richly adorned, was to be carried that way towards Westminster. The consideration of this, was like an arrow which pierced his breast: and because of this idolatry, he felt such a fire kindled in him, that he was, as it were, filled with the indignation of the Lord, whose fury ran through him, to cry, Plagues, plagues, and vengeance against the authors of this abomination. Nay, so ardent was his zeal, that if he had been moved to it, and it had been possible to have done it, he could, (not at all minding his own life,) have ridden through the guards and multitude, to have sounded the judgments of God against the idolaters. And considering that all this sinful idolatry, was about the funeral of Oliver Cromwell: ‘Alas, for him,’ said Burrough with himself, ‘who was once a great instrument in the hand of the Lord, to break down many idolatrous images! Did not the Lord once stir up his heart against all such things? And did not once his children, officers, soldiers and army, pull down all the images and crosses, and all such like popish stuff, wherever they met with it? What grievous and abominable work is this? Have they now made a costly image of him? And are such as were once his soldiers now guarding it, and watching over it, and his children and officers following it, and multitude of the inhabitants of London wondering and gazing after an image of him? This is sad, and great pity: what a change is this in so short a time?’

This zealous testimony E. Burrough caused to be printed, whereby he raised to himself a more lasting monument, than by the erecting of a statue was made to his quondam friend O. Cromwell. Now since the persecution of E. Burrough’s friends, notwithstanding that he had written to Richard Cromwell, did not cease, and that all exhortations and warnings were rejected, E. Burrough in the month December, wrote the following lines to Richard and his council:

How soon this prediction was fulfilled, we shall see in the next year; for it was but a few months after the delivering of this letter, when Richard laid down the government.

In the meanwhile we will take again a view of the persecution in New England. There was, as hath been said already, a fine settled of five shillings a week to be paid for not coming to church, as it was called. And thus from time to time occasion was found to use cruelty against the inhabitants, though none of those called Quakers came from abroad. William Shattock, a shoemaker at Boston, being on a First-day of the week, found in his house, instead of coming to the public worship, was hauled to the house of correction; where, at his first entrance, he was cruelly whipped, and then kept to work, whilst his wife and innocent children were in want because of his absence. In the meantime the deputy-governor, Richard Bellingham, did not stick to say to William’s wife, that since he was poor, and could not pay five shillings a week for not coming to church, they would continue him in prison. Thus was verified that saying of Solomon, “cruel are the mercies of the wicked.” Bellingham also endeavoured to persuade this woman, that what her husband had done, was to be rid of her, and therefore advised her to disown him. Now these persecutors began to have abundance of business; and taking away of goods, and cruel whippings became almost daily work, which was performed without regard of age or sex; all which to relate would exceed my limits.

Two women, named Sarah Gibbons, and Dorothy Waugh, being come to Boston, and having in the public meeting-place, after the lecture was ended, spoken a few words, were brought to the house of correction, and three days before their being whipped, and three days after, were kept from victuals, though they had offered to pay for them. And when Sarah afterward asked the governor, John Endicot, whether this was justice or equity: adding, that by this all might see that God was with them, that they were thus preserved without food; and if they perished, their blood would fall heavy on those that were the occasion thereof; he answered, that he mattered it not.

Not long after, Hored Gardner, an inhabitant of Newport, in Rhode Island, came with her sucking babe, and a girl to carry it, to Weymouth: from whence, for being a Quaker, she was hurried to Boston, where both she and the girl were whipped with a three-fold knotted whip. After whipping, the woman kneeled down, and prayed the Lord to forgive those persecutors: which so reached a woman that stood by, that she said, surely she could not have done this, if it had not been by the Spirit of the Lord.

But when should I have done, if I would describe all the whippings inflicted on the Quakers, so called, in those parts! For now a law was made, which furnished continual work to the persecutors there. The contents thereof were, that whosoever of the inhabitants should directly or indirectly cause any of the Quakers to come into that jurisdiction, he should forfeit an hundred pounds to the country, and be committed to prison, there to remain till the penalty should be satisfied. And whosoever should entertain them, knowing them to be so, should forfeit forty shillings to the country for every hour’s entertaining or concealment; and be committed to prison till the forfeiture should be fully paid and satisfied. And further, that all and every of those people that should arise among them there, should be dealt withal, and suffer the like punishment as the laws provided for those that came in, viz. That for the first offence, if a male, one of his ears should be cut off, and be kept at work in the house of correction, till he should be sent away on his own charge. For the second, the other ear, and be kept in the house of correction as aforesaid. If a woman, then to be severely whipped, and kept as aforesaid, as the male, for the first; and for the second offence to be dealt withal as the first. And for the third, he or she should have their tongues bored through with an hot iron, and be kept in the house of correction, close at work, till they be sent away on their own charge.

In the latter part of the Fifth month, it came to pass, that William Brend and William Leddra, having been at Salem, came to Newbury; where, at the house of one Robert Adams, they had a conference with the priest, in the presence of captain Gerish, who had promised that they should not suffer; but after the conference was ended, the captain would not let them go, but on promise presently to depart the town; which, being loth to comply with, as they were on their way, they were sent for back, and captain Gerish riding after them, commanded them to return: which they refusing, he compelled them thereunto, and sent them with a constable to Salem; where, being brought before the magistrates, they were asked whether they were Quakers; to which they answered, that they were such that were in scorn called so. Next it was objected to them, that they maintained dangerous errors. They asking what these were, it was told them, that they not only denied that Christ at Jerusalem had suffered on the cross, but also that they denied the Holy Scriptures. They boldly contradicted this, and said they owned no other Jesus but he that had suffered death at Jerusalem, and that they also owned the Scriptures.

Now, although nothing could be objected against this, yet they were carried to the house of correction, as such who, according to the law made at Boston, might not come into those parts. Some days after they were carried to Boston, where in the next month they were brought into the house of correction, to work there. But they unwilling to submit thereto, the jailer, who sought his profit from the work of his prisoners, would not give them victuals, though they offered to pay for them. But he told them, it was not their money, but their labour he desired. Thus he kept them five days without food, and with a three-corded whip gave them twenty blows. An hour after he told them, they might go out, if they would pay the marshal that was to lead them out of the country. They judging it very unreasonable to pay money for being banished, refused this, but yet said, that if the prison-door was set open, they would go away.

The next day the jailor came to W. Brend, a man in years, and put him in irons, neck and heels so close together, that there was no more room left between each, than for the lock that fastened them. Thus he kept them from five in the morning, till after nine at night, being the space of sixteen hours. The next morning he brought him to the mill to work, but Brend refusing, the jailer took a pitched rope about an inch thick, and gave him twenty blows over his back and arms, with as much force as he could, so that the rope untwisted; and then, going away, he came again with another rope, that was thicker and stronger, and told Brend, that he would cause him to bow to the law of the country, and make him work. Brend judged this not only unreasonable in the highest degree, since he had committed no evil, but he was altogether unable to work: for he wanted strength for want of food; having been kept five days without eating, and whipt also, and now thus unmercifully beaten with a rope. But this inhuman jailer relented not, but began to beat anew with his pitched rope, on this bruised body, and foaming at his mouth like a madman, with violence laid fourscore and seventeen blows more on him, as other prisoners that beheld it with compassion, have told; and if his strength, and his rope had not failed him, he would have laid on more; he threatened also to give him the next morning as many blows more. But a higher power, who sets limits even to the raging sea, and hath said, “hitherto thou shalt come, but no further,” also limited this butcherly fellow; who was yet impudently stout enough to say his morning prayer. To what a most terrible condition these blows brought the body of Brend, who because of the great heat of the weather, had nothing but a serge cassock upon his shirt, may easily be conceived; his back and arms were bruised and black, and the blood hanging as in bags under his arms; and so into one was his flesh beaten, that the sign of a particular blow could not be seen; for all was become as a jelly. His body being thus cruelly tortured, he lay down upon the boards, so extremely weakened, that the natural parts decaying, and strength quite failing, his body turned cold: there seemed as it were a struggle between life and death; his senses were stopped, and he had for some time neither seeing, feeling, nor hearing, till at length a divine power prevailing, life broke through death, and the breath of the Lord was breathed into his nostrils.

Now, the noise of this cruelty spread among the people in the town, and caused such a cry, that the governor sent his surgeon to the prison, to see what might be done; but the surgeon found the body of Brend in such a deplorable condition, that, as one without hopes, he said, his flesh would rot from off his bones, ere the bruised parts could be brought to digest. This so exasperated the people, that the magistrates, to prevent a tumult, set up a paper on their meeting-house door, and up and down the streets, as it were to show their dislike of this abominable, and most barbarous cruelty; and said, the jailer should be dealt withal the next court. But this paper was soon taken down again upon the instigation of the high-priest, John Norton, who having from the beginning been a fierce promoter of the persecution, now did not stick to say, ‘W. Brend endeavoured to beat our gospel ordinances black and blue, if he then be beaten black and blue, it is but just upon him; and I will appear in his behalf that did so.’ It is therefore not much to be wondered at, that these precise and bigoted magistrates, who would be looked upon to be eminent for piety, were so cruel in persecuting, since their chief teacher thus wickedly encouraged them to it.

In the meanwhile it pleased God, even miraculously to heal W. Brend, and to keep him alive; but as if the hearts of these persecutors were more hardened thereby, to show themselves obedient followers of their teacher, they made an order, that the jailer, if the Quakers that were in his custody refused to work, should whip them twice a week, the first time with ten lashes, the next time with fifteen, and so at each time with three more, till they would work. This was performed on four persons, two of which were William Leddra and John Rous, who may be mentioned hereafter. And to keep the passionate jailer within due bounds, forsooth, it was ordered that each time he should warn two constables to see the execution. But how little moderation was truly meant, and that this was more like a jest, may appear in that the jailer the first time laid fifteen lashes apiece on the said persons, and so added five stripes to the first number of ten.

It happened about this time, that some of the people called Quakers that lived there, being had before the magistrates, it was demanded by one of them, how they might know a Quaker; to which Simon Broadstreet, one of the magistrates, answered, ‘Thou art one, for coming in with thy hat on.’ Which made the other reply, it was a horrible thing to make such cruel laws, to whip and cut off ears, and bore through the tongue, for not putting off the hat. Then one of the bench said, that the Quakers held forth blasphemies at their meetings. To which one of the others desired him to make such a thing appear, if it were so, that they might be convinced: and further, that they should do well to send some to their meetings, that they might hear, and give account of what was done and spoken there; and not conclude of a thing they knew not. ‘But,’ said major-general Denison, ‘if ye meet together, and say any thing, we may conclude that ye speak blasphemy.’ A very strange syllogism indeed. No better, (to prove persecution lawful,) was the argument of Charles Chansey, chief teacher at the university, who in a sermon at Boston, argued thus: ‘suppose you should catch six wolves in a trap, and ye cannot prove that they killed either sheep or lambs: and now you have them they will neither bark nor bite: yet they have the plain marks of wolves, and therefore ye knock them down.’ A base expression, thus to compare man to a beast; for God said in plain terms to Noah, “Whoso sheddeth man’s blood, by man shall his blood be shed.” But these persecutors thought there was stress enough in it to call the Quakers wolves; and to make one pass for a Quaker, they counted it a sufficient proof, when they saw he did not put off his hat to men; ‘Knock him down, it is a wolf.’

And if the hat was not found fault with, something else was thought on; for at Salem twelve persons were fined forty pounds nineteen shillings, for not coming to church; and of others much money was extorted, because their wives absented themselves from the public worship. William Marston, of Hampton, was fined ten pounds for two books found in his house, viz. John Lilburn’s resurrection, and W. Dewsbury’s Mighty Day of the Lord. Thus these people did whatever they would, without any regard to the laws in Old England: and when once some prisoners appealed to it, the governor, John Endicot, and his deputy Bellingham, cried, ‘No appeal to England! No appeal to England.’ And they seemed to fear nothing for what they did to the Quakers: according to what major-general Denison said in open court, ‘This year you will go and complain to the parliament, the next year they will send some to see how things go, and in the third year the government will be changed.’ Now they not at all caring for Old England, denied also the prisoners their request of being tried according to the laws of that realm, by a jury. And the rulers dealing thus arbitrarily, the jailer of the house of correction did the like; for when some of his prisoners showed themselves not unwilling to work, provided that their families should have something of the gain, he would not allow that, unless they paid him eight-pence for every twelve-pence gain: and when they refused this, the whipping-post was his refuge.

But to go on: in the foregoing year mention was made of John Copeland, and Christopher Holder, these coming in the sixth month to Dedham, lodged there one night; but the next day, were taken up by a constable, and carried to Boston, where being brought before the governor, he said in a rage, ‘Ye shall be sure to have your ears cut off.’ Not long after, John Rous came again to Boston, but was shortly after taken, and committed to prison. On the 17th of September, he, with Holder, and Copeland, were brought before the magistrates in the court, where the deputy-governor told them, that they, in contempt of the magistrates and ministers, being come there again to seduce the people, might know that whatever befel them, whether the loss of their ears, or of their lives, their blood would be upon their own heads. They denying this, and saying, that the Lord had sent them hither, the governor, Endicot, said, ‘You are greater enemies to us, than those that come openly; since under pretence of peace, you come to poison the people.’ Being asked for proof that the Lord had sent them they replied, that it was some kind of proof that the Lord had sent them, because they met with such entertainment as Christ had told his disciples would be meted to them, for his name sake, viz. whipping, &c. To this, major-general Denison said, ‘Then when malefactors are whipt, they suffer for Christ’s sake.’ Then John Rous, whose father was a lieutenant-colonel in Barbadoes, said, ‘If we were evil-doers, the judgments of God would be heavier upon us than those we suffer by you.’ To which major Denison replied, ‘Mr. Rous, (for so I may call you, having heard your father is a gentleman,) what judgment of God do you look for greater than is upon you, to be driven from your father’s house, and to run about here as a vagabond, with a company of deceivers, except you look for a halter?’ To this Rous said, ‘I was not driven from my father’s house, but in obedience to the Lord I left it; and when the Lord shall have cleared me of this land, I shall return to it again.’ Then Endicot called to the secretary to read the law, who thereupon read this clause in it, that if any that had suffered the law, should presume to return again, they should have one of their ears cut off. Some more words were spoken, and among the rest, Endicot said, ‘The Quakers have nothing to prove their commission by, but the spirit within them, and that is the devil.’ And when one of the prisoners said, ‘We have seen some of your laws, that have many scriptures in the margin; but what example have you in Scripture for cutting off ears?’ Endicot asked, ‘What Scripture is there for hanging?’ To which Denison said scoffing, ‘Yes, they would be crucified.’ Then Endicot called the three prisoners by name, and said in great passion, ‘It is the sentence of the court, that you three have each of you his right ear cut off by the hangman.’ Then they were carried to the prison, and on the 16th of September, the Marshal’s deputy came thither, letting as many come in as he thought meet; and when the doors were made fast, the said marshal read the following order:

Then the prisoners were brought into another room, where John Rous said to the marshal, ‘We have appealed to the chief magistrate of England.’ To which he answered, he had nothing to do with that. Holder said, ‘Such execution as this should be done publicly, and not in private; for this was contrary to the law of England.’ But captain Oliver replied, ‘We do it in private to keep you from tattling.’ Then the executioner took Holder, and when he had turned aside his hair, and was going to cut off his ear, the marshal turned his back on him, which made Rous say, ‘Turn about and see it; for so was his order.’ The marshal then, though filled with fear, turned, and said, ‘Yes, yes, let us look on it.’ Rous, who was more undaunted than his persecutor, suffered the like, as well as the third, and they said, ‘those that do it ignorantly, we desire from our hearts the Lord to forgive them; but for them that do it maliciously, let our blood be upon their head; and such shall know in the day of account, that every drop of our blood shall be as heavy upon them as a millstone.’ Afterwards these persons were whipt again; but this practice becoming so common in New England as if it was but play, I will not detain my reader with it.

Persecution being now come to the cutting off of ears, did not stop there, but went higher, and rested not, before it came to the taking away of lives. But to compass that proved very difficult; for there were many honest people who abhorred such a cruelty. Yet John Norton, and the other priests, petitioned the magistrates, to cause the court to make some law to banish the Quakers, upon pain of death. This gave encouragement to the magistrates, for since the churchmen pushed on so wicked a business, no scruple was made to go on with this bloody work; and the court of magistrates voted it to be put in execution by a country court, which three magistrates made up, the majority of which might hang at pleasure, without trial by a jury; a thing not heard of in Old England: but it served the purpose of Norton, and his fellow preachers. The court where this law was made, consisted of twenty-five persons; and when it was put to the vote it was carried in the affirmative, the speaker and eleven being on the negative, but thirteen on the affirmative, so that one vote carried it. This so troubled one Wozel, when he heard it, having through illness been absent, that he got to the court, and weeping for grief, that his absence should occasion such a law to pass, said, if he had not been able to go, he would have crept upon his knees, rather than it should have passed. But what he said proved in vain; they had now passed the Rubicon, and what was eagerly desired, was obtained. Yet there was a great difference in the court, and the twelve that had voted in the negative, resolved to enter their dissents to that law; which the others seeing, and that so many difficulties would weaken their law, they admitted this addition, to be tried by a special jury; though a standing law of the country contained, that none be sentenced to death and banishment, but by a special jury, and a court of assistants; and such a court consisted of seven magistrates at the least. But it was now resolved, to prosecute the Quakers to death; and all this trial, when it came to it, was but, whether they were Quakers? Which they judged by their coming in covered; and that they had been banished out of the country. Now to enter upon this bloody business, the following act was made at a general court, held at Boston, the 20th of October, in this year, 1658.

Here endeth this sanguinary act, being more like to the decrees of the Spanish Inquisition, than to the laws of a reformed Christian magistracy, consisting of such who, to shun persecution themselves, (which was but a small fine for not frequenting the public worship,) had left Old England. This act was answered by Francis Howgill, and the said answer published in print, wherein was plainly shown, that it spoke the language of the ancient persecuting Jews and heathen. In the sequel we shall see the bloody execution of it upon some persons.