The History of the Rise, Increase, and Progress of the Christian People Called Quakers / Intermixed with Several Remarkable Occurrencs.

1679.

At Norwich lived one William Wat, who for several years had carried on the trade of informing, but whatever he got by it turned to no account; and often he was seized with such fits of weakness, that he could not stand on his legs; but this year, in October, the hand of God fell so heavy upon him, that it put a period to his life. He had supped at night, and was as well, according to his wife’s relation, as ever; but on a sudden he sunk down to the ground, and his daughter crying aloud, he seemed to look at her, and so died without more ado: but what was looked upon as a very strange thing, his corpse stunk so grievously, that none were willing to carry it, and the overseers of the poor were necessitated to hire four men to hear it to the grave.

Far otherwise was the exit of Isaac Pennington, an eminent minister and author among those called Quakers, and a man of an acute wit, and great endowments, who in the year 1658, on Whitsunday, so called, being in a meeting at the house of John Crook in Bedfordshire, was so reached by the preaching of G. Fox, that he, who before that time, had contradicted the Quakers with his natural wisdom, now embraced their doctrine as truth, and did not stick to make public profession of it, for which he afterwards several times suffered imprisonments during the space many of years; but he continued steadfast to the end without fainting, and died piously in October, at his house near Goodnestone in Kent, from whence his corpse was carried to Buckinghamshire, where he formerly lived, and was honourably interred there.

Some time before, G. Fox had written some queries to the pope and the Papists, which being translated into Dutch, and printed, I was desired by him to translate into Latin, and to send them to Rome to the pope.[51] This I did at his desire, but never received or heard of any answer to them.

This year there was a great commotion in England about a plot carried on by the Papists against the life of the king, who made his brother, the duke of York, go beyond sea for some time; for the parliament suspecting him, a motion was made in the house of commons to exclude him from the succession to the crown; but this project was quashed.

1680.

About a month after, at the quarter-sessions, they were called into the court of judicature to be tried; and being brought to the bar, George Whitehead said, ‘We have been five weeks in prison; it is meet the court should know for what; pray let our mittimus be produced.’ But the recorder who sat as judge in the court, said, ‘There is no need of your mittimus to be read here: I will give an account of the cause.’ And then he told the court, ‘how they had gathered together a company of about two hundred, and that officers went from him to dissipate them, but could not; that thereupon he sent the sheriff, who took them away; and that they being brought before him, he proffered them, if they would pay their fines, he would not commit them; and that they refusing, he tendered the oath of allegiance to them; which they not being willing to take, he sent them to jail.’

And though G. Whitehead with good reason said, that they being Englishmen had a right to travel in any part of the nation: and T. Burr added, that he being a person that was concerned in trading in corn, by the law of England he might travel from place to place about his concerns; yet this so displeased the recorder, that he said, ‘Had not you better have been turning your malt at home, than to come here to preach? The Scripture says, God added to the church such as should be saved; but ye draw from the church: and,’ said he further, ‘the church of England will never be at quiet till some of you be hanged.’ G. Whitehead then showing how unreasonably the recorder behaved himself, and that a judge ought not thus to inveigh against the prisoners, and threaten them, alleged to that end a notable instance, how, in the case of Humphrey Stafford, an arch traitor, the chief justice Hussey had been unwilling, (in compliance with the king’s desire,) to declare his opinion concerning him before he was judicially proceeded against. The recorder then asked, what king’s reign was that in? ‘In king Henry VII.’s’ replied George Whitehead. ‘I perceive you are read,’ returned the recorder. And so he was indeed; and he defended his cause so well in the court, that the magistrates seemed at a loss; for he showed so evidently that he was unjustly committed to prison, that the mayor, (to whom, and to the justices he had appealed,) said, ‘You have appealed to me; truly we are tradesmen, and no lawyers: we leave matters of law to the recorder; he knows the law, and we must acquiesce in his judgment.’ If I should repeat here all that was spoken pro and contra, so as I find it extant, I should be fain to be almost as large as I have been in the relation of the trials of John Crook and William Penn: and therefore I will only say briefly, that, after much reasoning, the recorder tendered the oath of allegiance again to them, that so by their refusal he might get occasion to premunire them. But this recorder, before the whole process came to an end, being turned out by the magistrates, it did not come to that pitch; though it was a good while yet before the aforesaid George Whitehead and Thomas Burr were released, after they had shown the illegality of their imprisonment; first, by more than one warrant from the recorder, and afterward, to colour the error the better, by an order from the quarter-sessions.

This year those called Quakers, at London, published a brief relation of the sufferings of their friends, since the king’s restoration, and presented it to the king and parliament, showing therein, how many had been fined by the bishops’ courts, robbed of all they had, put into prisons, and there died; the number of which was computed to be two hundred and forty-three persons, many whereof had been so grievously beaten and wounded because of their frequenting religious assemblies, that they died of their hurts and wounds. There came forth also a printed account of the unjust proceedings of the informers, and how at their instance, without a juridicial process, the accused were bereaved of their goods, the unlawfulness of which was plainly shown from the books of eminent lawyers.

G. Fox now travelled through many places, and came to London about the time of the annual meeting; and travelling afterwards again into the country, he returned into the said city, and staid there the most part of the winter.

The parliament was then very busy with enquiring into the plot carried on by the Papists; and the house of commons especially were very active in the case, so that a bill to exclude the duke of York from the succession to the crown, passed after a third reading: but this was opposed in the house of lords; for by a majority, among which were the bishops, who would not consent to the exclusion, the bill was rejected. Now since some ill-natured Episcopalians were very forward to place the Quakers amongst the plotters, G. Fox gave forth the following declaration.

1681.

But though the house of commons came to this resolution, yet it did not stop persecution; for as long as the laws, (by virtue whereof they persecuted,) were not repealed, which could not be done without the concurrence of the house of lords and the king, those that were malicious continued in their old way, which lasted yet three or four years.

George Fox now also came into some trouble; since he and his wife were sued for tithes, though she had lived three and forty years at Swarthmore, and in all that time no tithe had been paid nor demanded. Of this George Fox had certificates; but since they would not accept them without an oath, it made his case the more difficult. He proposed the matter to four judges at London, and found one more moderate than the others; which put a stop to what her enemies designed. And the judges wondered when they heard he had made a promise in writing, not to meddle with his wife’s estate.

This year the king dissolved the parliament, and called a new one, to sit at Oxford, and so it did; but for all that he could not make it comply with his demands, and so he dissolved this also. Some time after he desired the prince of Orange to come over, who thereupon came from Holland into England, and after a short stay, returned to the Hague.

It was also in this year that the king gave a country or great tract of land in America to William Penn, with a patent under the great seal, to him and his in perpetuum, since the king owed him still a considerable sum for the services of his father the admiral sir William Penn. This tract of land on the river Delaware, from the fortieth degree to the three and fortieth, with all the isles belonging to it, the king gave to W. Penn, with full power to erect a new colony there, to sell lands, to create magistrates, to make laws, not contrary to the laws of England, and power to pardon crimes: and in the patent, the king declared that this tract of land henceforth should hear the name of Pennsylvania. This favour of the king, William Penn chiefly owed, I think, to James, then duke of York, who being chief admiral of England, sir William Penn, the father, on his dying bed, desired him to protect his son against his enemies, who, because of his religion, were like to fall hard upon him. This the duke promised, and performed; and it was not without reason that William Penn afterwards, when the said duke had ascended the throne, showed himself ready to be serviceable to him in all that he thought might be beneficial to the kingdom. William Penn now went with much company to America. And having seen the land given him, he founded there the chief city Philadelphia, and some other towns. And that he might the more peaceably enjoy the country, he purchased from the Indians so much land that he became proprietor of a country twice as big as all the United Provinces, as he himself once told me: and this colony increased so suddenly, that after a few years, at Philadelphia, there were built six hundred brick houses.

William Penn’s father was deceased long before, and on his dying bed he declared that he had a gracious God, and he gave marks of a true Christian disposition of mind: he also gave his son several wholesome admonitions how to behave himself in this world. He complained much of the wickedness of the times, and was heard at sundry times to say, ‘Wo to thee, O England! God will judge thee, O England! Great plagues are at thy door, O England!’ He also said, ‘God hath forsaken us. We are infatuated; we will shut our eyes. We will not see our true interest and happiness: we shall be destroyed.’ When he was near death, and took his leave of his relations, he said to William Penn, ‘Son William, if you and your friends keep to your plain way of preaching, and keep to your plain way of living, you will make an end of the priests to the end of the world. Bury me by my mother, live all in love, shun all manner of evil; and I pray God to bless you all; and he will bless you.’ Thus died the valiant admiral Penn, father of William Penn, proprietor of Pennsylvania: and now I return to other matters.

1682.

The meetings of other Protestant dissenters were now also disturbed, but they fainted and gave way; whereas the Quakers stood firm, how much soever vexed; which often was done in a very outrageous manner: for their meetings were not only disturbed often with the noise of drums and fiddles, but liberty was given to the vilest fellows to commit all kind of insolency without showing any regard to those of the female sex, whose hoods and scarfs were torn; and Helliar, to give the boys a sign to attack the women, was used to say to these, ‘have a care of your hoods and scarfs;’ for then the boys fell upon them, and both aged women and ancient men were carried to prison, and forced to go faster than they well could, by pushing them, and pinching their arms black and blue; and when once a girl spoke a word against this cruelty, she was pulled by the hair, and hauled to prison; nay, little boys were beaten on the head till they grew giddy, and then they were carried to Bridewell, where Helliar charged the keeper to get a new cat of nine tails, endeavouring to terrify the children, by making them believe they should be whipped, unless they would promise to come no more to meetings: but this succeeded not; for his extravagant malice did not subdue the constancy of these children.

With such diabolical rage they persecuted this people at Bristol, and not a stone was left unturned to afflict them. Once they were nailed up in their meeting-house, and thus kept about six hours; which could not but be very hard to nature, since there were also women of no mean families, and among these the widow of the upper sheriff Lane. So many also were taken prisoners, that at length there was no more room in the jails. By these proceedings many families were ruined: for their goods were taken from them, not only on the account of meeting, but when any were believed to be of good estates, the oath of allegiance was tendered to them. At court it seems they were the more offended against the Quakers, because in the election of members of parliament some had voted for such as they believed to be moderate, and no favourers of popery; and therefore it was said underhand, that if Mr. Penn or Mr. Whitehead would undertake for the Quakers not to vote at elections of parliament-men, there should be no further persecution of them.

In the meanwhile the behaviour of the persecutors in the meetings was brutish in the highest degree; insomuch that a certain woman, seeing that the attorney Helliar lifted up her child by the hair of his head, and asking him, why he so abused her child, was therefore ill treated herself by him. And by order of the said Helliar a lass was committed to Bridewell, because she gave an impudent boy, that would have turned up her coats, a box on the ear; for which defending of her modesty, this brutish Helliar called her a rioter and seditious person: for he was, as hath been said already, a leader of insolent and saucy boys, which he from time to time took along with him to disturb the meetings of the Quakers. And sheriff Knight did often with his cane very violently beat those that were met together, and once grievously abused an ancient man called Britton; and some women were pinched violently in their arms. Susannah York, an aged woman, was thrown down to the ground; Mary Hooper was very roughly handled by Helliar, had her scarf torn off her back, and was so thrust and flung about, that she was much out of order long after; and Mary Page, being big with child, was so violently hauled out of the meeting, that her life was endangered by it. With Helliar it became customary to call men rogues, and the women whores, jades, carrions, and damned bitches: he also bid the boys to tear their scarfs and take up dirt, and throw upon them. Of this his beastly rage there were many witnesses; for these abominable dealings displeased many people of other persuasions: but it seems these enraged fellows had encouragement at court, whereon they durst rely: for the sheriff John Knight was knighted, and therefore grew more insolent. Once it happened that Helliar having disturbed a meeting, drove the women along the streets as if they had been cattle; and being asked whether he made beasts of them, he answered, ‘Ye are worse than beasts; for beasts will be driven, but you will not.’

This disturbing of meetings continued till almost all the men belonging thereto were clapped up in prison; and some of them sending a petition to the mayor and justices of the city, that they might be pleased to let them have larger rooms, since not only their health, but their lives also were endangered, the said magistrates showed themselves inclined to allow the prisoners some ease or enlargement: but the power of sheriff Knight was such, that whatever they said or did, all proved in vain. The mayor also signified to the sheriff, that he would have all convictions made above board, and not in ale-houses and taverns; and that he would have the distrained goods brought into a public warehouse, and not in a by-lane. But though the mayor ex officio might have commanded the sheriff, yet this officer was so countenanced, that he did not care for whatever the mayor said; nay, so exorbitant was he, that his adherents began to threaten the mayor, he should not be a parliament-man; insomuch that he was forced to comply in some degree. In the meanwhile the havoc and spoil was so enormous, that generally twice as much was taken as the fine amounted to. The prisoners, some of whom lay on the floor, others in hammocks, and some in a cold and open room, exposed to the wind, and injury of the weather, suffered great inconveniences, and the jailer Isaac Dennis imagining that nothing could be too bad for them, would not show them any favour, but at a very unreasonable rate; and his wife showed herself no less unreasonable than he, so that one extortion was at the heels of another. Four physicians of Bristol, viz. John Griffith, William Turgis, J. Chauncy, and T. Bourn, seeing how straitly the prisoners were penned up and thronged together, gave a certificate under their hands, in which they declared, that they resenting their condition with compassion, and considering what dangerous consequence such close confinement might be of, were moved to certify, that the prisoners being destitute of room for rest, it had a ready tendency to breed infectious distempers, to the endangering of their lives, &c. But all this did not avail them, it being not counted worth the while to be concerned for them. Nay, so desperately wicked was the jailer, that when the prisoners complained for want of room, he said to his man, if he could but shut the door, it would be well enough. But in due time we shall see what anguish and horror befel him.

After most of the people called Quakers at Bristol were in prison, the women who continued to keep up their religious meetings, were also seized, and confined to that degree, that at length few or none but children, that staid with the servants in the houses of their parents, were left free. The number of the prisoners for the sake of their religion amounted now to one hundred and fifteen, and some of them were confined in Bridewell, among whom were also Barbara Blaugdone, (several times mentioned before,) and Catharine Evans, who had learned at Malta what it was to suffer a tedious and hard imprisonment. It is very remarkable that children under sixteen years of age now performed what their parents were hindered from: for these children kept up their religious meetings as much as was in their power. But though they were not within the reach of the law, yet once nineteen of these youths were taken and carried to the house of correction, where they were kept for some time. And though they were threatened with whipping if ever they returned to the meeting, yet they continued valiant without fainting, although they suffered exceedingly from the wicked rabble. But so great was their zeal, that they despising all reproach and insolence, remained steadfast; and thus showed in spite of their enemies, that God would not suffer that the Quakers’ meeting should be altogether suppressed, as it was intended. This persecution continued till the next year, as it did in several other places also; for there wanted no informers, who continually lay in wait for prey, even to such a degree, that I find that some of those called Quakers, being come from other places to market, and being gone into an inn to refresh themselves, a snatching informer did not stick to declare upon his oath, that the Quakers had kept a meeting there.

But before I leave Bristol, I must give some account of a ridiculous act, performed on one Erasmus Dole, who bore the name of a Quaker. He having said that he scrupled not to declare the contents of the oath of allegiance, it was contrived that he should speak after the clerk, and skip over such words he disliked, and pronounce another in its room, as I declare, instead of I swear. This went on, and whilst he was thus speaking, the jailer held his hand to the book, and when Erasmus had said all, put it to his mouth, to make this pass for kissing it. With this the court seemed satisfied; and the bishop of Bristol seeing these apish tricks, told the court, that altered it not from being an oath, at which they gloried, as having obtained a conquest. But this was but a pitiful one; for Erasmus being a man of an irregular life, the Quakers had but little cause to regret the loss of such a member, who grew so dissolute, that in process of time they found themselves necessitated to deny him, because of his offensive conversation.

In Gloucestershire the people called Quakers were also under great sufferings by imprisonment, for keeping their meetings; and the wife of one John Boy, being at a peaceable meeting at Little Badmanton, was through instigation of the priest of the parish, in a violent manner dragged out of the meeting by the lord Herbert’s footmen; through which abuses the woman fell sick and miscarried, to the endangering of her life; and her husband, who was also taken prisoner at the same place, was not suffered at his request to see his wife.

In Leicestershire it went no better: one Elizabeth Hill being in a meeting at Broughton, was by the rude boys dragged out, and so abused, that she was seemingly quite spent, and near dead; and laying in the dirt, one of the boys, to try whether she was still alive, put his finger into her mouth, and perceiving her to breathe, said, ‘Let us at her again. The devil is yet in her, and we will squeeze him out.’ These cruel abuses made a neighbourly woman cry out, ‘What, will you kill the woman?’ To which the boys said, ‘What care we? Mr. Cotton bid us do so.’ ‘Did he indeed?’ asked the woman. ‘Aye, indeed,’ replied the boys. ‘Then,’ said she, ‘he may be ashamed of it.’ Thus these boys openly said, that it was the parson, viz. Thomas Cotton, who was the priest of the parish, encouraged them to this excessive wickedness; and his man said in plain terms, his master was one of the best men in England; for if every one would serve them so, this heresy would be rooted out. And this man, whose name was Thomas Ambrose, did not stick to say, that nothing would drive the Quakers away, but either fire or water; and if the house was his, (meaning the house where they met together,) he would burn it on their heads. More instances of such exorbitant wickedness which happened at sundry places, I could mention, if I did not study brevity.

George Fox being this year at London about the time of choosing new sheriffs for the city, he wrote a few lines to those who, standing candidates for that office, desired his friends to give their voices for them. And he said in the conclusion, ‘Shall we be free to serve and worship God, and keep his commands, if we give our voices for you? For we are unwilling to give our voices for such as will imprison and persecute us, and spoil our goods.’ The constables now at London were sent sometimes with warrants to disturb the Quakers’ meetings; but it was easily seen that they would rather have been freed from such a commission: for coming there, they would bid George Fox or others that preached, to give over speaking; but they and the soldiers who sometimes came along with them, generally behaved themselves moderate, sufficiently showing that they were not for persecution, and that what they did was for the sake of their office. Sometimes indeed they hindered the friends going into their meetings; but these then being thus kept out, the number notwithstanding increased.

Once it happened that George Fox was stopped by the constables from going into Devonshire-house meeting; and after having stood awhile in the yard, till he was weary, one gave him a stool to sit on; after awhile he stood up and preached, and in his declaration said, ‘Ye need not come against us with swords and staves, for we are a peaceable people, and have nothing in our hearts but good-will to the king and magistrates, and to all people upon the earth. And we do not meet under pretence of religion, to plot against the government, or to raise insurrections; but to worship in spirit and in truth.’ When he had spoken what was upon him at that time, he sat down, and after a while concluded the meeting with prayer, at which the constables and soldiers as well as others put off their hats; and when the meeting was finished, a constable putting off his hat, seriously said, ‘The Lord bless you;’ and all were suffered to pass away unmolested.

Thus this year came to an end. All other Protestant dissenters were now suppressed; for they were restrained from exercising any public worship; and some there were, who, in their nocturnal meetings, would pray God, that it might please him to keep the Quakers steadfast, that so they might be as a wall about them, in order that other dissenters might not be rooted out. And yet these, to render the Quakers odious, formerly had been very active in setting them forth in very ill colours. But the said people continued now so valiant, and without fainting, that some of their persecutors have been heard to say, that the Quakers could not be overcome, and that the devil himself could not extirpate them.

1683.

In the year 1683, persecution continued in many places; and by computation it appeared that above seven hundred of those called Quakers yet suffered imprisonment in England. I could mention several instances of persecution in Leicestershire, Northamptonshire, and elsewhere; but to avoid being prolix, I will only take a turn again to Bristol, where persecution continued still; for if sometimes any of the people called Quakers came to a meeting, they presently were committed to prison; among these was one Richard Lindy, a blind man, of about fourscore and ten years of age, who was carried to jail, and forced to sit up three nights in a chair, though others offered to pay for his lodging, if some convenient place to lie down on had been allowed him. Some of the prisoners, being tradesmen, would willingly have worked in prison, to earn something for their sustenance: but the jailer Isaac Dennis, would not permit them that liberty. Other prisoners fell sick of the spotted fever, and some died of it: yet all this did not soften the said hard-hearted jailer. But at length a heavy stroke fell from heaven upon him. About the middle of the month of October he fell sick, and was seized with terrible anguish of mind. Then he wished he had never seen the inside of the jail; and he desired some of the Quakers to pray for him, and to forgive him for what he had done. To which they answered, that they forgave him; but he should ask forgiveness of God. But still his anguish increased; and when the physicians ordered him to be let blood, he said, no physic would do him good, his distemper being another thing: and that no man could do him good, his day being over; and there was no hope of mercy from God for him. Some of those called Quakers seeing him in this woful condition, signified, that they desired, if it was the will of the Lord, he might find a place of repentance. And it was told him, they hoped his day was not over, because he had such a full sense of his condition. To which he answered, ‘I thank you for your good hope; but I have no faith to believe.’ And he further said, ‘Faith is the gift of God.’ Whatever was spoken to him, he continued in saying, that his day was over, and there was no mercy for him. Such a gnawing worm is the guilt of conscience; and in this desperate state he continued above a month, and died the last of November, without any visible signs of forgiveness; but the judgment thereof we must commit to God.

Although the people called Quakers were oppressed by sufferings all over the country, yet generally they continued valiant; and as George Fox did not omit from time to time to encourage them by letters to faithfulness and steadfastness, so several others of their teachers did not neglect to exhort them to perseverance both by word and writing: and what was indeed remarkable, those who travelled to and fro in the country, and publicly preached in the meetings of their friends, generally went free; and the informers were often disappointed of catching a preacher. I find it left upon record by Charles Marshall, who was none of the least, that though in the time when persecution was most hot, he travelled through the nation, yet none laid hands on him, or fined him for his preaching, which was the more remarkable, because he being a very zealous man, was used to lift up his voice in a very powerful manner.

William Dewsbury, who was now grown ancient in his imprisonment at Warwick, had wrote an epistle of consolation to his suffering friends, which was thought fit to be reprinted, and is as follows:

Whilst persecution was on foot in England, there was some division among those called Quakers, which had its rise some years before. Those who first appeared to head it, were John Wilkinson and John Story, preachers among them, who showed themselves discontented against George Fox, chiefly about the management of church affairs, because things went not always so as they would have it: and since George Fox had been the first institutor of good order amongst his friends, he was the chief object of the envy of the malcontented. And because in the beginning there were no such meetings, or discipline, and yet they had lived in mutual peace and unity; it was asserted, that such meetings were needless, and that every one ought to be guided by the Spirit of God in his own mind, and not to be governed by rules of man. By which it appeared, that they were against the establishing of any order of government in the church. But they were greatly bent against the women’s meetings, who as deaconesses, met together at set times, to provide for poor families, and sick people that were in want. It is true, it was objected that in those meetings sometimes was debated what was not so convenient in every respect; because young women were admitted there also, to see and learn how matters were treated by the grave and ancient women: and what if some had been a little too forward to meddle with affairs properly belonging to the men? The creeping in of a wrong use can by no means justify the abrogating what is really useful; and that honest and ancient women took care for the poor and indigent members of the church, was indeed laudable. But as in great communities generally are found some men who love to govern, without being fit for it; so some of these soon adhered to Wilkinson and Story: besides several others, who in time of persecution, rather would have met privately, than have come into public meetings, and so be exposed to the fury of their enemies; and such also as rather would pay tithes to the priests, than suffer spoil or imprisonment for the refusal thereof.

Hence rose a schism or rent first in the north of England, and some who went under the denomination of Separatists, began to keep meetings by themselves, and so to leave their former friends, though they pretended to agree with them in matter of doctrine. To these Separatists afterwards resorted such as were not strict livers, and therefore were unwilling to submit to church discipline: for this was now become the common saying of these people, that every one having received a measure of the Spirit of God, ought to regard that leader, without minding any rules prescribed by others.

In process of time William Rogers and Thomas Crisp appeared in print against their quondam brethren, and upbraided them with every imprudent behaviour, or inconsiderate act: besides that, on mere hearsay, they published a multitude of untruths, and decried even lawful things; an instance of which appeared when Rogers in paltry verses scornfully reviled them, that some sustenance had been given from the public cash to indigent preachers, who, to shun the neglect of their public ministry, could not duly mind their private affairs; though this supply never exceeded necessary provision. To this it was answered, that if it pleased God to call to his ministry persons of mean estate, the church was not warranted to hinder it, and let such suffer want; since he, as Sovereign of the universe, could not be limited in the distribution of his gifts. Rogers would continually appeal to the primitive times, and to give some colour to what they asserted, he and his adherents published a paper with Edward Burrough’s name to it, who had been dead above twenty years; but G. Whitehead and others gave good proofs, that the apostate John Perrot, had been the author of that so much applauded paper. At length this rent appeared also in London, where likewise malcontents were not wanting, who not being strictly conscientious, would rather live without any restraint; and even some that were honest, were by fair words persuaded to separation; for among the Separatists one Charles Harris preached, who was pretty fluent in speech, and not unelegant in his expressions, as I have seen and heard myself. But how specious soever the pretence of these Separatists was, and whatever endeavours were made, yet they were not able to continue and subsist firmly; but at length they decayed and vanished as snow in the fields; for the best among them came in time to see that they had been deceived; and the less honest grew worse, for among themselves, they were not free from division: and though George Keith, (whose apostacy will be mentioned in the sequel,) endeavoured to skulk among them, yet he got no adherents there. I have often wondered how Wilkinson, Harris, and Keith, (all of whom I have known,) could apostatize to such a degree as they did: but yet this is not so exceeding strange as some may think it to be; for we find on record, that even in the primitive apostolical church, was an Alexander the coppersmith, and Hymeneus and Philletus, who made shipwreck of the faith, and caused a rent, insomuch that it is said, their words would eat as did a canker.

At London the meetings this year were often disturbed; but the magistrates themselves seemed not to approve of it, for they clearly saw there was nothing to be feared from the Quakers, and yet they were loth to give offence to the court party which then prevailed. G. Fox coming once to the meeting in Gracechurch-street, and being kept out by the constables, stood up in the court and preached to the people; but a constable plucked him down, and afterwards let him go free. At another time having been in the meeting at the Savoy, and being brought to a justice, there was one Gabriel Shad, an informer, who was so full of impertinent talk, that the justice grew angry; and yet he thought himself bound to do something; and so asked G. Fox if he did not preach in the meeting; to which he warily answered, that he did confess what Christ had done for his soul, and did praise God; and that he thought he might have done that in the streets, and in all places: and this he was not ashamed to confess, neither was this contrary to the liturgy of the church of England. To this the justice said, the laws were against such meetings as were contrary to the church of England; and at length spoke of sending G. Fox to Newgate, and said, he would make a mittimus after he had dined; but the constable coming then, the justice bid him come again after the evening service; which the constable doing, the justice told him, he might let G. Fox go: and next day he signified to one of G. Fox’s friends, that by some accident he had been disappointed of fining him.

Thus G. Fox was freed, and was now much at London, where a plot was said to be on foot against the king and the duke of York, of which the duke of Monmouth was said to be the head. This design, whatever it was, cost the lives of several persons, among whom was the earl of Essex, who unfortunately perished in the Tower, and the lord Russel, who was fain to stoop to the axe.

Now since persecution continued with some colour of justice, those called Quakers drew up the following address to the king:

This address was presented to the king at Windsor, on the 8th of the month called August, in this year, by George Whitehead, Alexander Parker, Gilbert Latey, and Francis Camfield, in behalf of themselves and their friends; and it was read to him and his brother the duke of York, then present with some others; but no considerable ease followed: king Charles, it seems, was not to be the instrument thereof: and though that prince by nature was not hard-hearted, yet there were some that could persuade him to severity.

I find about this time, that one Gabriel Shad, who had made it his business to serve as informer against the Quakers, and who had lately informed also against G. Fox, as hath been said, being confined in Newgate at London, for stealing goods from one William Leman, to the value of three hundred pounds, had been found guilty of felony at the Old Bailey; but he had such friends, that he was freed from the gallows, and having obtained the benefit of the clergy, was discharged with being burnt in the hand. Such infamous persons were the informers; for honest people scorned to meddle with such a base and abominable work.

This year the princess Anne, daughter of the duke of York, was married to prince George of Denmark. The duke of Monmouth having been under disgrace, came into favour again; for the king his father indeed loved him, though he was loth, in prejudice of his brother the duke of York, to declare him his legitimate son, as some great men wished he had. But the king persisted in his declaration, that he never had been married to Monmouth’s mother.