LETTER VII.
Before you have an account of the American proceedings in respect to the teas of the East-India Company, you must be presented with some matters of an earlier date.
[May 14, 1773.] The Bostonians persisted in discovering on every occasion, a determined opposition to ministerial measures. Twelve days before the election day, the town resolved, “That if the council apply for Faneuil-hall for to dine in on the anniversary election day, the select men should not grant it but upon the express conditions that neither the commissioners of the customs, nor their attendants, nor the officers of the army and navy, stationed here for the purpose of enforcing unconstitutional acts of parliament by military execution, be invited.” It has been an established custom for the governor, council, and many other gentlemen, to dine there on that day; but the resolve prevented an application, and occasioned their dining elsewhere, with the commissioners and officers.
Whether the votes of Boston, sent to Virginia, as the patriots say, or their own private letters might or might not lead to it, the house of burgesses resolved, in the beginning of March, to maintain an intercourse with the sister colonies. They therefore appointed a committee of eleven persons, “whose business it should be to obtain the most early and authentic intelligence of all such acts and resolutions of the British parliament, or proceedings of administration, as may relate to or affect the British colonies, and to keep up and maintain a correspondence and communication with their sister colonies.” They then resolved, “That their speaker transmit to the speakers of the different assemblies their resolutions, to be laid before their assemblies, and requesting their appointing committees.” Nothing could be more acceptable to the Massachusetts assembly. It was the first particular business they entered upon when they met. [May 28.] They came to several resolves, and were careful in the first to speak highly in praise of Virginia. They appointed a committee of fifteen members, and directed them “to prepare a circular letter to the speakers, requesting them to lay the same before their respective assemblies, in confidence that they will comply with the wise and salutary resolves of the house of burgesses of Virginia.” Connecticut, Rhode-Island, Maryland, and New-Hampshire, entered into similar measures; but the answer ordered by the New-Hampshire assembly, to be given to the speakers of Virginia and Rhode-Island, was guardedly expressed; they gave assurance that their sister colonies might rely upon their sincerely joining them in every constitutional plan for securing the rights of America. The institution of these committees tends greatly to unite the colonies, and to render them more alert and formidable in resisting the encroachments of ministry. They by this mean become early prepared to meet new and unexpected occurrences; and are drawn in to look upon themselves as jointly interested in each others safety and public concerns.
An event has happened in the Massachusetts, which has excited on the part of the people, the utmost indignation and animosity; on the side of the governor and other, the greatest confusion.
The agent, Dr. Franklin, has by some means yet unknown, obtained and sent over to Mr. Bowdoin, a number of letters, to be communicated by him, after perusal, to a few trusty gentlemen, viz. the honorable James Pitts, Mr. Thomas Cushing, Mr. Samuel Adams, Dr. Winthrop, Dr. Chauncey, and Dr. Cooper: it is added, they are to be returned and put into the place whence they were taken. The letters are signed Tho. Hutchinson, And. Oliver, Ch. Paxton, Thomas Moffat, Robert Achmuty, Nath. Rogers, George Rome. Though they were partly private and confidential, they were designed to procure public coercive measures; and tended to incense the mother country against her colonies, and by the steps recommended, to widen the breach, which they have undoubtedly effected. Their contents were the subject of conversation and solicitous enquiry; till at length Mr. Sam. Adams acquainted the assembly [June 2.] that he had perceived the minds of the people to be greatly agitated with a prevailing report, that letters of an extraordinary nature had been written and sent to England, greatly to the prejudice of this province—that he had obtained certain letters, which with the consent of the gentleman from whom he had received them, might be read in the house under certain restrictions, namely, that the said letters be neither printed nor copied in whole or in part; the proposal was considered, and they were read under the said restrictions. A committee of the whole house afterward reported, “that the tendency and design of said letters was to overthrow the constitution of this government, and to introduce arbitrary power into the province.”—Yeas 101—Nays 5.
The restrictions under which the letters were communicated, were invalidated by contrivance; and in a week’s time [June 9.] Mr. Hancock acquainted the house that he had received copies of certain letters, which he supposed were copies of the letters before the house, and moved that they might be compared. The next day [June 10.] one of a committee appointed to consider some means whereby the house might be honorably and fully possessed of the letters, reported, “That Mr. S. Adams had acquainted him, that having conversed with the gentleman from whom he received the letters, he was authorised to inform the house, that the said gentleman consented (as he found that copies of said letters were already abroad, and had been publicly read) that the house should be fully possessed of them, to print, copy, or make what use of them they pleased, relying on the goodness of the house, that the original letters be returned, they retaining attested copies for their use.” Mr. S. Adams being called upon, declared the same. [June 16.] At length the assembly resolved to petition the king to remove governor Hutchinson and lieutenant governor Oliver for ever from the government of the province. [June 22.] They agreed also to furnish the council with the original letters upon the express condition, that the board would by no means suffer them to go out of their hands. The council complied with the insulting stipulation aimed at the governor; and upon his requiring the letters for examination, refused to deliver them into his hands, but sent a committee to open them before him, that he might examine the hand writing. [June 24.] To this indignity he was obliged to submit, as well as to the mortification of acknowledging the signature. After which they resolved, “that the removal of the governor and lieutenant governor will be promotive of his majesty’s service.”
The Boston committee of correspondence, that they might add weight to the doings of the general court, enclosed the governor’s letters and also the resolves of the house, in a spirited circular letter, and sent them to the several town clerks through the province, to be communicated to their respective towns.
The house of assembly in their petition and remonstrance to his majesty, charged the governor and lieutenant governor with being betrayers of their trusts and of the people they governed, and with giving private, partial, and false information; declared them enemies to the colony; and prayed for justice against them, and for their speedy removal. So prevalent was the resentment, that these charges, with many others, were carried through by a majority of 82 to 12.
To enter now upon the subject of the TEA. While the bill for allowing the East-India Company to export it, was in parliament, letters from Britain insinuated into the minds of the colonists, that a plan was laid to bring them into a snare; that a noble resistance on this occasion, would free them from the slavery intended for them; that if this opportunity was lost they never would have another; and that if they suffered the ships to land the tea, and the duty to be paid, they would rivet their own chains. The British merchants have been alarmed with the thought of the losses which must necessarily accrue to themselves from the exportations of the company, and from the sales going through the hands of consignees; and have contributed to the strengthening of that resistance to which the people were already inclined; through their prevailing jealousy at the reservation of the tea duty when the other duties were repealed. The united opposition of the colonies was to be secured; but the event was precarious. The Bostonians were much suspected by the sons of liberty in the other provinces, on account of the many goods which were imported into the town during the general non-importation agreement, and agreement of the teas contrary to the agreement respecting that article. New-York and Philadelphia had kept to the agreement, and had run all the teas that the market demanded; but there had been imported into Boston, from the beginning of 1768 to the end of last year, not less than 2714 chests, by more than a hundred different persons. Mr. Hutchinson and his sons were considerable importers. It was evident that the body of merchants could not be depended upon. Mr. Thomas Mifflin, of Philadelphia, being at Boston, put it therefore to the sons of liberty, when the teas were expected, “Will you engage that they shall not be landed? If so, I will answer for Philadelphia.”—They pledged their honor.
[Oct. 2.] The inhabitants of Philadelphia assembled, and unanimously entered into various resolves, in which they censured the resolution of the East-India Company to send out their tea to America, subject to the payment of duties on its being landed, as an open attempt to enforce the ministerial plan, and a violent attack upon the liberties of America; and declared it to be the duty of every American to oppose this attempt, and that whoever should directly or indirectly countenance it, was an enemy to his country. They then fixed upon a committee to wait on the gentlemen, reported to be appointed to receive and sell the tea, and to request their resigning. Within three days the whole number resigned; Messrs. Whartons and Brown, without making the least difficulty; the other two, not till the treatment they met with (on appearing at the coffee-house) for the shuffling answer they had given, convinced them that it was not safe trifling with the public opinion. Since this meeting, the Boston sons of liberty have assured by letter the sons of liberty at Philadelphia, that no tea shall be landed.
At New-York, when captain Sears and captain M‘Dougall heard that the tea was to be sent, they concluded that an opposition to it was necessary, and agreed upon contriving to unite the tea-smugglers, the merchants, and the sons of liberty in that service; and that captain M‘Dougall should write against the design of introducing and vending the tea agreeable to the ministerial plan, but should remain concealed as the author. A few of each class were called together, and the mode of opposition settled. Publications, tending to spread and increase the alarm of imminent danger to the liberties of the country, appeared periodically. As the time approached for the arrival of the tea ships, the publications became more spirited and threatening. [Nov. 5.] An hand-bill addressed to the friends of liberty and commerce was circulated through the city, calculated to provoke resentment against all the encouragers of the tea plan. Afterward written papers were stuck up at the coffee-house and other places [Nov. 8.] menacing destruction to any person who should accept a commission for the sale of the East-India Company’s teas, or be an accessory. In rather more than a week, there was published [Nov. 18.] a paper signed Legion, addressed to the stated pilots of the port, and all others whom it might concern, directing them how to proceed in reference to any tea-ship, and requiring them, at their peril, to bring her no farther than the Hook. In another paper, signed the Mohawks, the tea-ship is said to be laden with fetters, forged for them in Great-Britain, and every vengeance is denounced against all persons, who dare in any manner to contribute to the introduction of these chains. In December, the London, captain Chambers, and the tea ship arrived on the same day; the former came up directly to the wharf, the other remained at the Hook, and was watched till she returned, by a vessel stationed there for the purpose. On her arrival a committee waited on the consignees, who, agreeable to a former promise, assured them that they would neither receive nor sell the tea, as it came liable to an American duty. Captain Chambers ventured to bring seventeen chests on a private account, which were taken and thrown overboard into the harbor. Had the company’s ship come to the wharf, she would probably have been burnt, for captain Sears and five others had determined upon it, and provided themselves with combustibles for that purpose.
At Philadelphia, printed papers were dispersed, warning the Delaware pilots not to conduct any of the tea ships into harbor, as they were only sent for the purpose of enslaving and poisoning all the Americans; and at the same time plainly intimating, that it was expected they would apply their knowledge of the river, under the colour of their profession, so as effectually to secure their country from such an imminent danger.
In most places the consignees were obliged to relinquish their appointments, and to enter into engagements not to act in that capacity, and no other persons daring to receive the cargoes consigned to them, the captains of the New-York and Philadelphia ships, from these circumstances, and the knowledge of the risk they ran from the determined resolution of the people, concluded upon returning directly to Great-Britain, without entangling themselves by any entry at the custom-houses. But it was otherwise in the Massachusetts.
Methods were taken to spirit up the people at large by fugitive pieces, hand-bills, resolves of town-meetings, the mutual intercourse of committees, and the like. [Nov. 3.] At length some hundreds of the inhabitants of Boston and the neighboring towns, meet at Liberty-tree, agreeable to a notification issued the day before, “for to hear the consignees resign and swear, that they will re-ship any teas, that may by the East-India Company be assigned to them.” The consignees are in general obnoxious to the public by reason of their near and intimate connections with the governor, on whose support they depend. They are not terrified into an appearance at the place proposed; but meet together by agreement at the store of Mr. Clark, who is one of them, in King-street. A committee is appointed by the assembly to wait upon them with a message, to which they pay no regard. The people, who attend the committee as spectators, upon this force open the doors of the ware-house, and enter with great violence; and then attempt getting up stairs into the compting-house but are driven back. [Nov. 5.] The sons of liberty not having succeeded in this procedure, a town-meeting of the freeholders and other inhabitants is called. A large number is collected; and it is agreed to adopt the resolves of the citizens of Philadelphia. A committee is chosen to wait upon the consignees, who decline complying with the request of the town by letters, which tho’ decent, are the next day voted daringly affronting, when the meeting is immediately dissolved. Some of the sons of liberty are fearful of pushing the matter too far, lest the town, and then the colony, should be drawn into a quarrel with Great-Britain. To such it is said, “It must come to a quarrel with Great-Britain and the colony, sooner or later; and if so, what can be a better time than the present? Hundreds of years may pass away before the parliament will make such a number of acts in violation of the British constitution as it has done of late years, and by which is has excited so formidable an opposition to the measures of ministry. Beside, the longer the contest is delayed, the more administration will be strengthened. Do not you observe, how the government at home are increasing their party here, by sending over young fellows to enjoy appointments, who marry into our first families, and so weaken the opposition? By such like means, and by multiplying posts and places, and giving them to their own friends, or applying them to the corruption of their antagonists, they will increase their own force faster in proportion, than the force of the country party will increase by population. If then we must quarrel before we can have our rights secured, now is the most eligible period. Our credit also is at stake; we must venture; and unless we do, we shall be discarded by the sons of liberty in the other colonies, whose assistance we may expect upon emergencies, in case they find us steady, resolute and faithful.” They conclude to venture onward.
[Nov. 18.] A new town-meeting is called, and a new committee appointed to wait upon the consignees, to know whether they will resign their appointment; to which they answer, “It is out of our power to comply with the request of the town.” This answer may be built upon solemn engagements not to resign; otherwise it is hard to conceive how it should be more out of their power, than the power of the Philadelphia consignees, who have resigned six weeks ago. It is a managed affair between them and the governor, who calls a council for advice [Nov. 19.] upon measures proper for preserving the peace, and for supporting the authority of government. While the council are debating a petition of the consignees is presented, praying leave to resign themselves and the property committed to them, to his excellency and their honors as the guardians of the people. After debate, the further consideration is postponed to the 23d, then to the 27th, then to the 29th, when the council make a few observations, decline complying with the petition, and advise his excellency to renew his orders to the justices and others, to exert themselves for the security of his majesty’s subjects, the preservation of peace and good order, and for preventing all offences against the law. About this time the consignees, consisting of the governor’s sons, cousins, and particular friends, remove to the castle for personal safety. The day before the last meeting of the council, captain Hall in the Dartmouth, came to an anchor near the castle, having on board one hundred and fourteen chests of tea; and on the day of their meeting comes into the harbour. On the same day a notification is posted up in all parts of the town, inviting every friend to his country to meet at nine o’clock to make united resistance to the most destructive measures of administration. The Meeting of the people at Boston and the neighbouring towns, is continued by adjournment to the next day, [Nov. 30.] when it is determined that the tea shall be returned. Faneuil-hall being too small for the assembly, they adjourn to the Old South Meeting-house, and confirm the former determination by voting, “that the tea shall not be landed, that no duty shall be paid, and that it shall be sent back in the same bottom.” They further vote, “that Mr. Rotch, the owner of the vessel, be directed not to enter the tea at his peril, and that captain Hall be informed, and at his peril not to suffer any of the tea to be landed.” They also appoint a watch of twenty-five men to be a guard upon the Dartmouth, lying at Griffin’s wharf. A letter is received from the consignees, offering to store the teas till they can write and receive further orders; but the proposal is rejected. Mr. Greenleaf, the sheriff, appears and begs leave to read a proclamation from the governor, which requires the people forthwith to disperse and to surcease all further proceedings. He is allowed to do it; and, upon finishing, there is a loud and general hiss. The people afterward vote, “that captain Bruce, on his arrival do conform to the votes respecting Hall’s vessel; that no tea from Great-Britain be landed or sold till the act imposing the duty is repealed; that the captain of the present watch be desired to make out a list for the next night, and so on, until the vessels leave the harbor; that should the watch be molested, that the inhabitants be alarmed by the tolling of the bells at night, and the righing of them in the day; that six persons be appointed to give notice to the country towns, upon any important occasion; that every vessel arriving with tea have a proper watch, and that their brethen in the country be desired to afford their assistance on the first notice.” They determine to carry their votes and resolves into execution at the risk of life and property; thank their brethren in the neighbouring towns, and then dissolve the meeting.
After the dissolution, the committee of correspondence for the town of Boston held their meetings, and invite the like committees of the adjacent towns to join them; several do it; the whole jointly assume the direction of all that relates to the teas of the East-India Company. They keep a constant military watch of twenty-five men every night, generally with fire arms, to prevent the tea being privately landed. The vessels belonging to captains Bruce and Coffin, are upon their arrival ordered to Griffin’s wharf.
[Dec. 14.] The people of Boston and the neighboring towns, that have agreed to act in concert with Boston, meet at the Old South Meeting-house, and conclude upon ordering Mr. Rotch to apply immediately for a clearance for his ship. Meanwhile the governor receiving intimation that she would be sent to sea, and that it might not be through the ordinary channel by the castle, acquaints admiral Montague, and desires him to take the proper precautions, on which the admiral orders the Active and King Fisher to be fitted for sea, and to fall down and guard the passages out of the harbour. The governor likewise renews in writing his orders to colonel Leslie, to suffer no vessel, coasters excepted, to pass the fortress from the town without a permit signed by himself. A sufficient number of guns are loaded on this special occasion.
The assembly are acquainted, that the collector cannot give Mr. Rotch a clearance, until the vessel is discharged of dutiable articles. [Nov. 16.] Mr. Samuel Philips Savage, of Weston, is chosen moderator. The number assembled from town and country is thought to be some thousands. Upon the present crisis several gentlemen deliver their sentiments; and Mr. Josiah Quincy, jun. his to the following purpose;—“It is not, Mr. Moderator, the spirit that vapors within these walls that must stand us in stead. The exertions of this day will call forth events, which will make a very different spirit necessary for our salvation.—Whoever supposes, that shouts and hosannas will terminate the trials of the day, entertains a childish fancy. We must be grossly ignorant of the importance and value of the prize for which we contend; we must be equally ignorant of the power of those who have combined against us; we must be blind to that malice, inveteracy, and insatiable revenge, which actuate our enemies public and private, abroad and in our bosom, to hope that we shall end this controversy without the sharpest, the sharpest conflicts——to flatter ourselves that popular resolves, popular harangues, popular acclamations, and popular vapor, will vanquish our foes. Let us consider the issue. Let us look to the end.—Let us weigh and consider, before we advance to those measures which must bring on the most trying and terrible struggle this country ever saw.”
About three o’clock in the afternoon the question is put, “Will you abide by your former resolution with respect to not suffering the tea to be landed?” It passes in the affirmative, nem. con.
Mr. Rotch is ordered to make a protest, and procure a pass for his vessel. He waits upon the governor at Milton, who offers to give him a letter to the admiral for protection, which he declines, fearing in that case the rage of the people, and being in no concern about his ship, as that is not the object of resentment, but the tea. He intimates to the governor, that some of the leaders of the people wish the ship to go down and be stopped at the castle, “for then they will be rid of the affair, and may say they have done all in their power.” While Mr. Rotch is absent, the speakers in the meeting keep the people together by engaging their attention till he returns, which is before six o’clock, when he informs the body, that upon applying to the governor for a pass, he received for answer, “I cannot give you a pass consistent with the laws and my duty to my king, unless the vessel is properly qualified from the custom-house.”—Upon this there is a great deal of disputing, when a person disguised like an Indian, gives the war-whoop in the front gallery, where there are few if any besides himself. Upon this signal it is moved and voted that the meeting be immediately dissolved.—The people crowd out and run in numbers to Griffin’s wharf. At the same instant a number of persons, chiefly masters of vessels and ship-builders from the north end of the town, about seventeen, though judged to be many more as they run along, cross Fort Hill, dressed as Indians, and repair to the tea ships; and in about two hours hoist out of them and break open 342 chests of tea, and discharge their contents into the salt water. They are not in the least molested. The multitude of spectators upon and about the wharf, serve as a covering party. The whole business is conducted with very little tumult, and no damage done to the vessels or any other property; when finished, the people return quietly to their own towns and habitations.
Prior to the destruction of the tea, captain Loring in a brig, being the fourth and last vessel on the East-India Company’s account, was cast ashore at Cape-Cod; and what tea was saved has been conveyed to the castle.
The arrival of the tea ships first at Boston, the consignees refusing to resign, though they had the example of others to induce them, and the governor’s resolution to pay no regard to the voice of the public, brought on the destruction of the tea. The sons of liberty were sensible, that if it was landed and stored, it would some how or other obtain a sale; and that the virtue of the people, to decline buying and using a commodity to which they were so attached from love and habit, was too precarious a ground on which to risk the salvation of their country. They have been obliged, but with the utmost reluctance, to venture upon a desperate remedy. Many of their friends, who are not acquainted with circumstances, or do not attend to them, may be ready to censure them severely. But had the tea been landed, the union of the colonies in opposing the ministerial schemes would have been dissolved; and it would have been extremely difficult ever after to have restored it. The fulfilment of their solemn declaration, that the tea should not be landed, though in a way which would not have been chosen had any other effectual one offered, has secured them the good opinion and confidence of their co-patriots in other parts. The governor has that influence with the consignees, that he could undoubtedly have prevailed on them to resign; but he has encouraged them to the contrary; and therefore what he has written, “It has been absolutely out of my power to prevent the destruction of the tea, without conceding to the unreasonable demands of a lawless set of men, and thereby giving government up and rendering myself obnoxious to my sovereign,” will scarce be admitted as a sufficient justification. Sovereigns themselves, upon special emergencies, wisely give place to the opinions and wishes of their subjects; but are often disgraced and forced into difficulties, through the want of like wisdom in their representatives. Had the governor given a pass for the ship in the present instance, he would not have been viewed by considerate persons as breaking either the laws or his oath. Cases offer, when statute laws and oaths of office are required to give place to the supreme law of society, the safety of the community. Had he looked back to the time of the stamp act, he would probably have found many precedents of ships having permits from his predecessor in office, Sir Francis Bernard, to pass the castle without being duly qualified for want of stamps; and yet the granting them did not render Sir Francis obnoxious to his sovereign.—But the truth was, Mr. Hutchinson had repeatedly urged government at home to be firm and persevering; this was a favorite topic on which he was often insisting; he himself therefore could not think of yielding; and then he would not believe that the people were determined at all adventures to perfect their engagements; but expected that when the critical moment came, they would desist. Whereas when that moment came, and the tea on board the Dartmouth, captain Hall was in danger of being seized and secured by the custom-house officers, who might have been supported by admiral Montague, the sons of liberty projected the destruction of it in the manner above related: and in order to make short work of the whole business, and prevent their repeating the preceding formalities, they did not confine their operations to the tea on board the Dartmouth, but extended them to the teas brought in afterward by captains Bruce and Coffin.
Some expected that the destruction of the tea will issue in the destruction of the charter, which will make the inhabitants of the colony furious beyond expression. One gentleman, apprehensive of the fatal consequences that will follow upon the parliament’s meddling with the charter, the great darling of the people, has written freely and fully upon the subject to his correspondent, an influential member in the house. Another, being desirous of learning the real sentiments of the more moderate party, and of such as have not plunged themselves into the politics of the day, has conversed with several of them; but has discovered in them the warmest indignation and the highest resentment at the thought of being deprived of their charter. A major in the militia (whom Mr. Hutchinson honored with the commission, for his good conduct as foreman of the jury on the trial of the soldiers for killing the persons on the 5th of March, 1770) told him, “Sir, you know that I am a friend to government, and wish to support it; but if there is an attempt to take away our charter, I will fight up to my knees in blood in defence of it.” The gentleman has perceived such a spirit to predominate among all the people, that he has judged it right to communicate his knowledge to Sir Francis Bernard, and to acquaint with his apprehensions as to the fatal consequences which will follow upon the adoption of violent measures. He has written also to another friend upon the subject, in hope that the intelligence will get to the ministry, and prove beneficial to the public by preventing harsh proceedings. At Charleston the Carolinians have unloaded the tea, and stored it in cellars, where it cannot be used, and where it will finally perish.
Let me pass from hence to relate the doings of the Massachusetts assembly respecting the judges, which you will probably pronounce intemperate.
The house being informed, that each of the judges refused to take more than one half of the sum granted them the last year, which they considered as implying on the part of the judges, a determination to accept of their support from the crown, resolved, “That it is the incumbent duty of the judges explicitly to declare, whether they are determined to receive the grants of the general assemble, or to accept of their support from the crown; and their delaying any longer to let the public know their determination, will discover that they have little or no regard for the peace and welfare of the province; and in such case it will be the indispensable duty of the commons of this province, to impeach them before the governor and council. Four of the judges, in the beginning of February, 1774, acquainted the house they had received their whole salary granted them by the general court, and not any part of the grant made by the crown, and that they were determined still to receive the grants of the general assembly, which was pronounced satisfactory. But the chief justice, Peter Oliver, esq. sent them a letter [Feb. 3.] informing them, That since being upon the bench seventeen years, he had suffered above three thousand pounds sterling; that he had been encouraged not to resign with the hope of a support, but never had been relieved; that he had taken his majesty’s grant from the 5th of July, 1772, to the 5th of January, 1774, and that without his majesty’s leave he dare not refuse it.
[Feb. 11.] The house resolved, “That Peter Oliver hath, by his conduct proved himself an enemy to the constitution of this province, and is become justly obnoxious to the good people of it; that he ought to be removed from the office of chief justice; and that a remonstrance and petition to the governor and council for his immediate removal be prepared”—yeas 96—nays 9.
[Feb. 24.] The house prepared to exhibit articles of impeachment, in their own name, and the name of all the inhabitants of the province, against the chief justice. His excellency excepted to the proceedings of the house as unconstitutional; for which reason he could not give them any countenance.
[March 1.] They prepared articles of high crimes and misdemeanors against the chief justice, to present to his excellency and the council, in which they said, “The salary, and hopes of augmentation must have the effect of a continual bribe, and expose him to a violation of his oath. His accepting hath betrayed the baseness of his heart and the lust covetousness, in breach of his engagements to rely solely on the grants of the assembly, necessarily implied and involved in his accepting said office. By receiving a grant out of the revenue unjustly extorted from the American colonies, he hath as far as lay in his power, put a sanction on, and established the said revenue, counteracted the reasonable petitions of the people to his majesty, and in defiance of the known sense of the body of this people, hath wickedly endeavoured to increase the discontent and jealousies of this people and the grievance aforementioned.”
[March 9.] It was resolved, “That the house have done all that in the capacity of representatives can be done for the removal of Peter Oliver; and it must be presumed, that the governor’s refusing to take any measure therein, is because he also receives his support from the crown.”
It is not to be thought, that the leading gentlemen in these proceedings expected to obtain the removal of the chief justice; but by the help of them, they rendered him and the governor more and more obnoxious to the body of the people; added to the dignity and importance of the house in the eyes of the representatives, by placing them upon an apparent level with the house of commons in Britain; and preservd the general animosity against ministerial measures from falling into a decline.
The real, genuine sentiments of the professed patriots may be desired; let me therefore mention, that these are divided in wish and opinion. The great body of them through the several colonies, and even in this, aim at no more than the removal of all the innovations since the expiration of the war. They want to have matters revert back to the state in which they were when the peace commenced, and to be fixed in that state. They wish most ardently to continue in union with Great-Britain; and abhor the thought of a separation. They judge that it would be neither safe not beneficial; that it is infinitely more eligible to have the protection of the mother country, and to remain under her shadow; and that no greater happiness can be enjoyed by them, than a thorough restoration of harmony and affection between them and the parent state, so as to obliterate the remembrance of all past animosity. But there are a few in this colony who hanker after independency, and will be likely to bend their whole influence for the obtaining of it, whenever there is the least opening to encourage their efforts. At the head of these we must place Mr. Samuel Adams who has long since said in small confidential companies—“The country shall be independent, and we will be satisfied with nothing short of it.” At one time his influence was small, owing to defects in pecuniary matters, especially as collector of the taxes for Boston, in which office he served for years. He was accountable to the town for between one and two thousand pounds; but a great part of it had never been gathered. What with not pressing the payment of the taxes in time, as is too generally the case; not calling when the money happened to be ready and other casualties, no inconsiderable sum was lost. His necessities probably (for he appears to be addicted to no extravagances) urged him to supply himself, time after time, from the cash in hand, without attending to the accumulation of the balance against him till called upon to settle. The town had several meetings upon the business; at length, by the exertion of his friends, a majority was obtained for the relinquishment of the demand upon him. Since his first election into the house in 1765, his influence had been gradually increasing, until he has obtained a great ascendency in directing the town of Boston, and the house of representatives, and conseqently the council. His abilities and policy will foster the idea of independency, by the aids of those very severities the ministry may adopt, in order to compel the colonies into a submission to parliamentary authority in all cases whatever.