LETTER XIV.
To prevent an omission, let me begin with mentioning, that when governor Martin met the general assembly of North-Carolina, at Newbern [April 4, 1775.] he made a speech to them in a high governmental strain; and expressed his expectation that they would oppose so dangerous a step as the unwarrantable measure of appointing delegates to attend a congrees in Philadelphia. He also told them that they were most peculiarly called upon to oppose a meeting of delegates which the people had been invited to choose, and who were appointed to assemble at that very time and place, in the face of the legislature. The assembly, in their answer, justified the meeting of the people, and said, “Be it far from us even to wish to prevent the operations of the convention now held at Newbern.” They also took the opportunity, the first that had been given them, to express their warm attachment to their sister colonies in general, and their heart-felt compassion for the deplorable state of the town of Boston, and to declare the fixed resolution of the colony to unite with the other colonies in every effort to retain their just rights and liberties.
Let me now enter upon the narration of the effects of the Lexington engagement, out of the Massachusetts colony. The news of it flew with the utmost rapidity; and influenced the minds of all people, answerable to their various apprehensions and attachments.
Col. Putnam served with the Connecticut troops under Gen. Amherst the last war. By his courage and conduct he secured to himself a good share of reputation. When peace commenced, he returned to the civil line of life. Of late he has occupied a tavern, with a farm annexed to it. Such a junction is frequent in New-England, and the occupation not at all inconsistent with a Roman character. The Lexington news was brought him while working in a leathern frock and apron, at a stone wall, with which to fence in his land. This was about eleven o’clock in the morning. After giving his men some direction how to proceed he went home, got his horse, and rode to the neighboring towns, to acquaint the militia officers and others with what had taken place. As he was returning, he found some hundreds mustered, who informed him that they had appointed him their general, and were determined to march off immediately. He said that he was not ready, had no money about him, and must go and get some. They supplied him from among themselves; on which he gave proper orders for their marching after him, and went forward in his check shirt, upon the same beast, and got to Concord the next morning by sun-rise, having rode, as he supposed, from eleven o’clock of the preceding morning, not less than a hundred miles within the eighteen hours. The militia that followed him, marched with a quick step till they reached the place of destination.
Mr. Benedict Arnold of New-Haven, had been chosen captain of a volunteer company by the inhabitants, when they began to prepare for whatever might happen. No sooner did the Lexington news reach him, than he called his company together, and asked them whether they would march off with him the next morning for the neighbourhood of Boston, distant 150 miles.—They agreed; and at the proper time paraded before the tavern where a committee was sitting. He applied to the gentlemen for powder and ball; they demurred supplying him, as he was not duly authorized. The captain, in haste to fly to the help of his suffering brethren, proposed procuring the supply by force if needful, to which the volunteers consented. He then sent for the committee, and informed them what he was determined upon. Colonel Wooster came out, and would have persuaded him to wait till he had received proper orders; to which capt. Arnold answered, “None but God Almighty shall prevent my marching.” The committee perceiving his fixed resolution, supplied him; and he marched off instantly, and with his company reached the American head-quarters by the 29th of April.
[April 23.] The news reached New-York on the Lord’s day. On hearing it, capt. Sears conceived the design of stopping all vessels going to Quebec, Newfoundland, Georgia, and Boston; several were about to sail. He consulted Mr. Lamb, who joined in the measure. They then wrote a letter to the committee of Philadelphia, assuring them that all vessels would be sopt at New-York, and signed it with their names, that so the assurance might be relied upon. The express being sent off, they contrived to assemble the people, without its being known upon what business; and when they were met, it was concluded upon to shut up the custom-house. The officer was waited on, who considering the expediency of a compliance, ordered the keys to be delivered up to capt. Sears. The merchants whose vessels were cleared out, dared not to admit of their sailing. The Philadelphia committee, relying upon the assurance that had been given them, so managed as that it was agreed, to shut up their port also against all vessels going to the before mentioned places.
The hostilities in the Massachusetts threw the city of New-York into such a state of tumult, that it was judged expedient, with a view of restoring tranquility and good order, to appoint a general committee of a hundred, for the city and county of New-York, which answered. [May 5.] This committee addressed a letter to the lord mayor, aldermen, and common council of the city of London, which was signed by seventy-seven of them. In it they declared, that “The disposal of their own property, with perfect spontaniety, and in a manner wholly divested of every appearance of constraint, is their indefeasible birth-right. This exalted blessing they are absolutely determined to defend with their blood, and to transfer uncontaminated to their posterity.” They professed their readiness to submit cheerfully to a regulation of commerce by the legislature of the parent state, excluding in its nature, every idea of taxation; but reprobated the minister’s conciliatory plan. They gave assurance, “That America is grown so irritable by oppression, that the least shock in any part is, by the most powerful and sympathetic affection, instantaneously felt through the whole continent—that while the whole continent are ardently wishing for peace upon such terms as can be acceded to by Englishmen, they are indefatigable in preparing for the last appeal.” “Near the close they said, “We speak the real sentiments of the confederated colonies on the continent, from Nova-Scotia to Georgia, when we declare, that all the horrors of a civil war will never compel America to submit to taxation by authority of parliament.” They concluded with expressing their confidence of the most vigorous exertions of the city of London to restore union and mutual peace to the whole empire.
[May 6.] The next day an association was signed by upward of a thousand of the principal inhabitants of the city and county. They in the most solemn manner declared, that they associated to endeavor carrying into execution whatever measure might be recommended by the continental congress, or be resolved upon by their own provincial convention, for the purpose of preserving their constitution, and opposing the execution of the oppressive acts of the British parliament, until a reconciliation between Great-Britain and America, on constitutional principles, can be obtained; and that they would in all things follow the advice of their general committee, respecting the purposes aforesaid, the preservation of peace and good order, and the safety of individual and private property.
The inhabitants armed themselves also with great diligence and industry. But it is not to be inferred from these strong appearances, that there is a real and general union in sentiment among the New-Yorkers. They are much divided; though each party has thus coaleasced with a view of serving its own particular interest. The tories have joined, to prevent the violence which might otherwise exist, and to check the progress of the sons of liberty. The whigs have joined, in hope of drawing the others into such lengths in opposing ministerial measures as are reprobated by them at present.
The New-Jersey people, on receiving the Lexington news, took possesion of the province treasury, in which there was about £.20,000 part of it is appropriated to the payment of the troops they are now raising for the defence of the liberties of America.
The citizens of Philadelphia, beside stopping the vessels as before related, were spirited up to attempt perfecting their preparations for the most serious and painful contest.
The governor of the province laid before the assembly the minister’s conciliatory plan; and observed to them that they were the first assembly on the continent to whom it had been communicated. After considering it, they said, “If no other objection to the plan proposed, occurred to us, we should esteem it a desertion of sister colonies, connected by an union founded on just motives and mutual faith, and conducted by general councils, for a single colony to adopt a measure so extensive in consequence, without the advice and consent of those colonies engaged with us by solemn ties in the same common cause.” The complection of the assembly has been changed. In the choice of deputies for the approaching congress, made last December, Mr. Galloway was left out; and on the sixth of May, the house added three more to the number of their deputies, and the first on the list was Dr. Franklin. Thus have they, since his arrival, expressed their approbation of his conduct, and their confidence in his abilities. The plan has been since proposed to other colony assemblies, but with no better success than in Pennsylvania.
The account of the action arrived at Baltimore, in Maryland, in six days; The inhabitants immediately seized upon the provincial magazine, containing 1500 stand of arms, &c. They also stopped all exports to the fishing islands, and those colonies which have refused to unite with their brethren in the common cause; and all supplies to the navy and army at Boston.
In Virginia a provincial congress met in March, for want of a legal assembly, and took measures for arraying the militia, the militia laws being expired; and recommended to each county the raising of a volunteer company for the better defence of the country. On the 20th of April the governor employed the captain of an armed vessel to convey, by night, on board his ship, from the public magazine, out of about one and twenty, fifteen half barrels of powder, containing 50lb. each. The citizens of Williamsburg were greatly alarmed, so that the mayor and corporation addressed his lordship upon the occasion, who, in his answer, informed them, that hearing of an insurrection in a neighboring county, he had removed the powder from the magazine to a place of perfect security; and that whenever it was wanted on any insurrection, it should be delivered in half an hour. The news of the seizure soon reached Hanover county, upon which captain Patrick Henry, and the other volunteers of the county, marched for Williamsburg, with a view of securing the public treasury from the like catastrophe, and of obtaining a return of the powder, or a compensation for it. More than a hundred and fifty, all well accoutred, and making a martial appearance, advanced within 15 miles of the capital; but a sufficient sum of money being paid by the receiver-general to compensate for the powder, and the citizens engaging to guard the public treasury and magazine, they dispersed, and returned to their respective homes.
The value of the whole magazine was very inadequate to the alarm and disturbance which the governor’s measure excited.—Neither powder nor muskets were sufficient to answer any essential purpose, or even to justify apprehension.
His lordship was exceedingly irritated at the behavior of the people, and threw out threats. Those of setting up the royal standard, of enfranchising the Negroes, and arming them against their masters, and of destroying the city; with other expressions of a similar tendency, not only spread a general alarm thro’ the colony, but excited a kind of abhorrence of government, and an incurable suspicion of its designs. Meanwhile, several public meetings were held in different counties, in all of which the seizing of the powder, and the governor’s threats were reprobated in the strongest terms. The news of Lexington engagement arriving when the minds of the Virginians were in such a ferment, tended to increase their apprehensions, and of course attention to the militia and volunteer companies.
It was not long ere the same news reached Charleston, in South-Carolina. The hopes of the inhabitants, that the non-importation and non-exportation agreements would induce the parent state to recede from her demands, were blasted on the arrival of a packet from London, the 19th of April; but when the Lexington news was received, they concluded that the colonies were to be dragooned into slavery. The thought excited the greatest indignation; but they paused upon considering their situation. The province, for near two hundred miles coastways, was accessible to the British fleets and armies. It had but a few trifling fortifications, and these held by British officers. The western frontiers were exposed to the savages; and the Negroes might be prevailed upon, by insinuations, to slay their masters. The governor had the command of the militia; and all the officers had their commissions from him. The inhabitants were quite defenceless, without arms, ammunition, cloathing, ships, money, or men skilled in the arts of war. The stores of the merchants afforded no supplies of a warlike nature; no exception having been made in the general scheme of non-importation. They could not, however, brook a mean submission to the dictates of Britain; and therefore determined upon a manly and virtuous resistance. Accordingly, on the night after intelligence of actual hostilities were received, a number of the principal gentleman of the town, possessed themselves of twelve hundred stand of arms, with the accoutrements; removed them directly from the royal arsenal, and afterward distributed them among the men enlisted in the public service.
Let us return to notice an expedition planned in Connecticut.
The necessity of securing Tyconderoga, was early attended to by many in New-England; but some Connecticut gentlemen were first in attempting the measure. Secrecy was essential to success; and delay might be dangerous. There was no waiting to consult the continental congress; beside, it would not have been safe to have communicated the scheme to that body, as it was known there would be individuals in it, on whose fidelity the Americans could not rely. Messrs. Deane, Wooster, Parsons, and others, undertook the affair. They applied to the assembly for a loan, which was furnished, to the amount of about eighteen hundred dollars, on which they gave bonds to be accountable. General Gage had set the example of attempting to seize upon military stores, and by so doing had commenced hostilities; so that retaliation appeared more than warrantable, even an act of self-defence. The expedition went on with rapidity. Several militia captains pushed forward to Salisbury, to acquaint Messrs. Blagdens (nephews to your former acquaintance, the carpenter, of the same name) with the design, and to procure their assistance. One was ill, the other[118] joined in the proposed manœuvre. After a little deliberation, they concluded upon spending no time in obtaining men; but having provided a sufficient quantity of powder and ball, set off on horseback for Bennington to engage colonel Allen. They conferred with him opon their arrival; and then tarried with others to bake bread, and prepare other necessaries, while the colonel went on to raise the men who were wanting, and who were to meet the managers at Castelton. While these were on their way to the place of rendezvous, they were met by a countryman, apparently an undesigning honest traveller, but who was either himself well-skilled and a principal, or had been well-tutored by some one or other, that had either suspected or gained knowledge of the expedition, and meant to render it abortive. They addressed him, “From whence came you?—From Ty[119], left it yesterday, at such an hour. Has the garrison received any reinforcement? Yes; I saw them; there were a number of artillery men and other soldiers. What are they doing? Are they making fascines? Don’t know what fascines are. They are tying up sticks and brush in bundles, and putting them where the walls are down.” Mr. Samuel Blagden put many insnaring questions about the dress and trimmings of the men, &c. The answers tended to confirm the man’s story. The company was staggered; and it being debated in council, whether they should not return as they had no cannon, it was determined by a majority of one only, to proceed. At Castleton they met colonel Allen with his men, and altogether made two hundred and seventy persons; two hundred and thirty of them were green mountain boys, so called from their residing within the limits of the Green Mountains; as the Hampshire grants are denominated, from the range of green mountains that runs through them. They are a brave hardy generation, chiefly settlers from New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, and Connecticut[120]. Sentries were placed immediately on all the roads, to prevent any intelligence being carried to Tyconderoga. After the junction at Castleton, colonel Arnold arrived, with only a single servant. The day after his getting to Cambridge with his volunteer company, he attended on the Massachusetts committee of safety, and reported that there were at Tyconderoga, 80 pieces of heavy cannon, 20 of brass from 4 to 18 pounders, 10 or a dozen mortars, a number of small arms, and considerable stores; and that the fort was in a ruinous condition, and as he supposed garrisoned by about forty men. Upon this the committee, on the third of May, appointed him a colonel of four hundred men, whom he was to inlist and march for the reduction of Tyconderoga. The colonel was known only to Mr. Blagden. A council was called; his powers were examined; and at length it was agreed, that he should be admitted to join and act with them, that so the public might be benefitted. It was settled, however, that colonel Allen should have the supreme command, and colonel Arnold was to be his assistant; with which the latter appeared satisfied, as he had no right by his commission, either to command or interfere with the others, who were not only out of the Massachusetts line, but the subjects of another colony. The names of the leaders, besides what have been mentioned, were Messrs. Motte, Phelps’s (two brothers) Biggelow, Bull, and Nichols, beside colonels Easton, Brown, and Warner, and captain Dickinson.
After it had been determined in a council to set off the next morning early for Ty, and some of the managers had retired, a second council was held, and it was concluded to proceed that very night, leaving Messrs. Blagden, Biggelow, and Nichols, with a party of men, thirty in all, officers included, to march early in the morning for Skeensborough, and secure major Skeen, his negroes and tenants. This council might have been occasioned by the return of captain Noah Phelps, who the day before, having disguised himself, entered the fort in the character of a countryman wanting to be shaved. In hunting for a barber, he observed every thing cirtically, asked a number of rustic questions, affected great ignorance, and passed unsuspected. Before night he withdrew, came and joined in his party, and the morning guided them to the place of destination.
Colonel Allen, with his 230 green mountain boys, arrived, at Lake Champlain, and opposite to Tyconderoga, on the ninth at night. Boats were procured with difficulty; when he and colonel Arnold crossed over with 83 men, and landed near the garrison. Here a dispute took place between the colonels, the latter became assuming and swore he would go in first, the other swore he should not. The gentlemen present interposed and the matter was accommodated upon the footing that both should go in together. They advanced along side of each other, colonel Allen on the right hand of colonel Arnold, and entered the port leading to the fort, in the gray of the morning, [May 10.] A sentry snapped his fusee at colonel Allen, and then retreated through the covered way to the parade; the main body of the Americans followed, and immediately drew up. Captain De la Place, the commander, was surprised a bed in his room. He was ordered to give up the fort; upon his asking by what authority, colonel Allen replied, “I demand it in the name of the great Jehovah and the continental congress.” The congress knew nothing of the matter, and did not commence their existence till some hours after: when they began their session, they chose the honorable Peyton Randolph president, and Mr. Charles Thomson secretary, each with a unanimous voice; and having agreed “That the reverend Mr. Duchee be requested to open the congress with prayers to-morrow morning,” and appointed a committee to acquaint him with their request, adjourned till the next day. Had captain De la Place been upon the parade with his men, he could have made no effectual resistance. The fort was out of repair, and he had but about thirty effectives. Could he have gained timely intelligence, he might have procured a reinforcement from St. John’s. You have the particulars of the military stores taken at Tyconderoga below[121]. After colonel Allen had landed, the boats were sent back for the remainder of the men under colonel Seth Warren, but the place was surprised before he could get over. Immediately upon his joining the successful party, he was sent off to take possession of Crown Point, where a sergeant and twelve men performed garrison duty; but the greatest acquisition was that of more than 100 pieces of cannon. The complete command of Lake Champlain was of high importance to the Americans, and could not be effected without their getting possesion of a sloop of war lying at St. John’s at the bottom of the lake. It was determined to man and arm a schooner lying at South Bay, and that colonel Arnold should cammand her, and that colonel Allen should command the batteaus, a name generally affixed to boats of a particular construction, calculated for navigating the lakes and rivers, and drawing but little water, though heavily laden. The wind being fresh in the south, the schooner out sailed the batteaus, and colonel Arnold surprised the sloop. The wind shifting suddenly to the north, and blowing fresh, in about an hour’s time colonel Arnold sailed with the prize and schooner for Tyconderoga, and met colonel Allen with his party.
The surprise of Skeensborough was so conducted, that the negroes were all secured, and major Skeen, the son, taken while out a shooting, and his strong stone house possessed, and the pass compleatly gained without any bloodshed, the same as at Tyconderoga. Had the major received the least intimation, the attempt must have miscarried; for he had about fifty tenants nigh at hand, besides eight negroes and twelve workmen.
Colonel Allen soon left Tyconderoga, under the command of colonel Arnold, with a number of men, who agreed to remain in garrison.
[May 18.] When the news of Tyconderoga’s being taken reached the continental congress, they earnestly recommended it to the committees of the cities and counties of New-York and Albany, immediately to cause the cannon and stores to be removed from thence to the south end of Lake George; but that an exact inventory should be taken of them, “in order that they may be safely returned, when the restoration of the former harmoney between Great-Britain and these colonies, so ardently wished for by the latter, shall render it prudent and consistent with the over-ruling law of self-preservation.” Whatever may be the drift of a few in congress, the body wish to keep the door upen for an accommodation. This was apparent in the advice they gave the New-Yorkers, three days before the preceding recommendation. The city and county of New-York applied to them for information how to conduct towards the troops expected there. The congress resolved, “that it be recommended, for the present, to the inhabitants of New-York, that if the troops which are expected, should arrive, the said colony act on the defensive, so long as may be consistent with their safety and security; that the troops be permitted to remain in the barracks, so long as they behave peaceably and quietly, but that they be not suffered to erect fortifications, or take any steps for cutting off the communication between the town and country, and that if they commit hostilities or invade private property, the inhabitants should defend themselves and their property, and repel force by force; that the warlike stores be removed from the town; that places of retreat, in case of necessity, be provided for the women and children of New-York; and that a sufficient number of men be imbodied, and kept in constant readiness for protecting the inhabitants from insult and injury.”
Let us come to the Massachusetts.
Mr. Hancock having been chosen at the last election, on December 5, 1774, one of the delegates to the general congress; and the time approaching when it became necessary for him to prepare for his journey, Dr. Joseph Warren was chosen president of the provincial congress pro tempore.
[April 27.] The inhabitants of Boston lodged with the select men, according to agreement with general Gage, 1778 fire arms, 634 pistols, 273 bayonets, and 38 blunderbusses. The same day the provincial congress recommended to the inhabitants of the sea-ports, the removal of their effects, &c.
[April 28.] A circular letter was written to the several towns of the colony, wherein after noting the affair of the nineteenth, it was said, “we conjure you, by all that is dear, by all that is sacred, that you give all assistance possible in forming the army. Our all is at stake. Death and devastation are the certain consequences of delay. Every moment is infinitely precious. An hour lost may deluge your country in blood, and entail perpetual slavery upon the few of your posterity, who may survive the carnage. We beg and intreat, as you will answer it to your country, to your consciences, and above all as you will answer it to God himself, that you will hasten and encourage, by all possible means, the inlistment of men to form the army; and send them forward to head-quarters at Cambridge, with that expedition which the vast importance and instant urgency of the affair demand.” This address was attended to; the men discovered a readiness to turn out for the salvation of their country, and the women applied themselves with cheerfulness to the fitting out of their husbands, fathers and brothers, for the important expedition, while the dangers of it were overlooked or disregarded. After a few days continuance before Boston, great numbers returned home, some to follow their business, and others to procure necessaries for the time they had enlisted or meant to enlist for. During the interval between this return, and the provincials resorting afresh to the place of rendezvous, the land entrance into and out of the town by the Neck, was next to unguarded. Not more than betwixt six and seven hundred men, under colonel Lemuel Robinson of Dorchester, were engaged in defending so important a pass, for several days together.—For nine days and nights the colonel never shifted his clothes, nor lay down to sleep, as he had the whole duty upon him even down to the adjutant, and as their was no officer of the day to assist. The officers, in genearl, had left the camp, in order to raise the wanted number of men. The colonel was obliged therefore, for the time mentioned, to patrole the guards every night, which gave him a round of nine miles to traverse.
[May 1.] The Massachusetts congress alloted to the different towns, the five thousand poor expected out of Boston.—Rhode-Island and Connecticut had made paper-money, with which to furnish a plentiful substitute for cash, and to answer present exigencies. The men repairing from these colonies, for the defence of the Massachusetts, were supplied with this money; the Massachusetts therefore resolved, that it should pass in all payments.
The general assembly of Connecticut appointed Dr. Johnson, and Oliver Wolcot, esq. a committee from their body, to wait upon general Gage, and desired the governor to write in their name to the general, relative to the situation of public affairs, and the late unfortunate transactions in the Massachusetts. He wrote on the twenty-eighth of April: and the committee repaired to Boston with the letter. Both the provincial congress and the committee of safety were greatly alarmed at the transaction. The first wrote [May 2.] to the delegates, whom they had sent to the colony, representing to them the fatal consequences that might follow, upon any one colony’s undertaking to negociate separately, either with parliament, ministry or their agent here. The last wrote to the colony itself, intreating it to afford immediately all possible aid. Governor Trumbull acquainted them, in his answer of May the 4th, that they need not fear their firmness, deliberation and unanimity, to pursue measures which may appear best for common defence and safety; and that Connecticut will be cautions of trusting promises, which it may be in the power of any to avade.
[May 3.] On the same day, on which general Gage sent a sensible and respectful answer to governor Trumbull, the Massachusetts congress empowered the receiver general to borrow £.75,000 sterling upon notes, bearing an interest of six per cent. that so they might support their forces; they also forwarded dispatches to the general congress, containing accounts of their proceedings. In their letter they mentioned, “The sudden exigency of our public affairs, precluded the possibility of waiting for your direction in these important measures, more especially as a considerable reinforcement from Great-Britain is daily expected in this colony, and we are now reduced to the sad alternative of defending ourselves by arms or submitting to be slaughtered.” They modestly suggested the necessity of a powerful army on the side of America. They took notice, that the inhabitants of many of their sea-ports had removed, and were removing their families and effects, to avoid destruction from the ships of war; and expressed their confidence in the wisdom and ability of the continent to support them, so far as it should appear necessary for the common cause of the American colonies.
[May 4.] The committee of safety wrote to the governor and company of Connecticut, most earnestly pressing them to send immediately three or four thousand men, that so an important post might be secured, which otherwise the enemy would be likely to possess themselves of, as soon as their reinforcement arrived. The troops were desired to be forwarded in companies as fast as they could be got ready. They sent also to Rhode-Island, and urged their marching a body of troops to assist on the like occasion. They proceeded to resolve, “That the public good requires that government in full form ought to be taken up immediately.” Advice was received, that a number of transports with troops were just arrived at Boston from England.
[May 5.] That provincial congress resolved, “The general Gage has, by the late transactions, and many other means, utterly disqualified himself from serving this colony as a governor, or in any other capacity; and that therefore no obedience is in future due to him; but that on the contrary, he ought to be considered and guarded against, as an unnatural and inveterate enemy to the country.”
[May 9.] The committtee of safety ordered the commanding officers of ten neighbouring towns, to march one half of the militia, and all the minute-men under their command, forthward to Roxbury that so the British troops might not come and possess themselves of that post. Before it was properly strengthened general Gage entertained such design. General Thomas, who commands there, gained information of what was intended, on the day it was to be executed. His whole force consisted only of seven hundred men. The post comprehended a large broad high hill. A road leads to the top of it, visible in some parts to persons at the entrance into Boston; it passes over the hill and descends into a hollow, from whence you can turn off, and passing circuitously enter again upon the said road. The general took advantage of this circumstance, and continued marching his seven hundred men round and round the hill, by which he multiplied their appearance to any who was reconnoitering them at Boston. The dress of the militia was extremely various, and consisted of their common clothing, which prevented the discovery of a deception, that might otherwise have been soon detected, had they worn a uniform and possessed regimental ensigns. This warlike imposition most probably prevented general Gage’s attacking and carrying the post, by the possession of which he would have had it in his power to direct his march to any part of the country he pleased. The colonels of the several regiments were ordered to repair immediately to Cambridge, with the men they had inlisted; and part of the cannon and stores to be removed to some distance of security; and breast works to be erected at different places to prevent the enemy’s passing into the country from Boston Neck, and to annoy them if they crossed the river and advanced through Charlestown, or if they attempted going by water to Medford. The Massachusetts congress concluded on disarming the disaffected inhabitants; and that no person should move with his effects out of the colony, unless leave was granted.
[May 15.] They resolved upon a letter to the eastern tribe of Indians, to secure their friendship, and engage them on the side of the colonies, and proposed to raise a company of them to serve in the war. Four days after the committee of safety voted, that captain John Lane have enlisting papers for raising such company. The provincials reprobate in the bitterest terms, the idea of the Indians being imployed by the ministry against themselves; so that there is a seeming inconsistency in their attempting to engage them against the British troops. But let it be remembered, that the Indians will probably take part with the one side or the other; for through a restless warlike temper, they are not in common disposed to observe a neutrality; and that there is a wide difference between employing them against armed soldiers and letting them loose upon defenceless settlers, men, women and children.
Skirmishes were occasioned at different times and places, by the attempts of each party to carry off stock from the small islands, with which the bay of Boston is agreeably interspersed, and afforded the mixt spectacle of ships, boats and men engaged by land and water. These small engagements were not trifling in their consequences. The advantage was generally on the side of the Americans, which elated their spirits. They also learnt from them to face danger, and to run hazards; and it is by being habituated to these, that probably the greatest quantum of courage is acquired. Frequent skirmishes are good preparatives, by which to qualify raw soldiers to fight as veterans in set battles.
[May 21.] Two sloops and an armed schooner with soldiers, sailed to Grape-Island to get hay. The provincials followed them as soon as the tide admitted, drove them off by their approach, burnt all the hay, about eighty ton, and brought off the cattle from the island.
[May 24.] A committee having been appointed to inquire what was the stock of powder in certain towns, reported, that in thirty-nine towns in Suffolk, Essex, Middlesex, Plymouth and Worcester, there were 67 3–4 barrels. The rest of the towns in the colony had none worth mentioning. How painful a circumstance, the small quantity of powder, to those Americans, who have any idea of the great consumption which war occasions! The want of it had been sensibly felt for some time; and therefore, beside the adoption of other measures, orders were given for the importation of that, and other military stores, but it must be long before they can be procured in this way, should they come safe.
[May 25.] The Cerberus arrived at Boston with the three generals, Howe, Clinton, and Burgoyne. They were so assured in their own mistaken apprehensions that there would be no occasion to draw the sword in support of ministerial measures, that they had prepared to amuse themselves with fishing and other diversions, instead of expecting to be engaged in military service. They were astonished at the situation of affairs, and when in company with generals Gage and Haldiman, asked how the sortie happened. General Haldiman answered, “I knew nothing about it, till the barber came in to shave me, and said that the troops were gone out, and that they had been fighting. I did not choose that he should know I got my information from him. I therefore called my footman, and sent him out upon a frivolous errand, well knowing, that if there was any truth in what the barber reported, he would bring me word of it, which he did. In this way I became acquainted with what had happened.” The newly arrived generals declared their surprise in the significant looks which followed this relation from the second in command.
[May 27.] About six hundred of the Massachusetts and New-Hampshire forces were employed to bring off the stock from Hog-Island and Noddles-Island, which lie contiguous; the intervening passage is fordable at certain times of the tide. A party went on and fired the hay and barn on Noddles-Island, on which a number of marines crossed from Boston; and, upon the provincials retreating to Hog-Island, were decoyed down to the water side, when a hot action commenced, which did not close with the day. The king’s troops amounted to some hundreds, and were supported by an armed schooner of four six pounders and twelve swivels, an armed sloop, and the barges all fixed with swivels. The provincials were commanded by general Putnam. Dr. Warren’s zeal and courage would not admit of his remaining at a distance; upon hearing what was going forward, he repaired to the spot to encourage the men. They had two pieces of artillery, which were well served, and did considerable execution. The night was very dark, but the action continued all through it. Toward morning the schooner got aground upon Winnisimmet ferry ways; the British were obliged to abandon her, and the provincials boarded, and after stripping her of every thing valuable, set her on fire. They lost not a man, and had only three wounded, not one mortally. The regulars were said to have suffered very much, not to have had less than two hundred killed and wounded. The loss was probably greatly exaggerated; that, however, had a good effect on the provincials. The affair was matter of no small triumph to them, and they felt upon the occasion, more courageous than ever.
[May 30.] The provincials went afresh on Noddles-Island, and burnt the mansion house, which answered no good purpose whatever. But there are too many who destroy property merely because of its having belonged, or being supposed to belong to those Americans who have taken the opposite side of the question in the present controversy. The stock, consisting of between five and six hundred sheep and lambs, twenty head of cattle, besides horses, was taken off by them in the course of the day. The next day five hundred sheep and thirty head of cattle were removed off Pettick’s-Island by a party under colonel Robinson. On the night of June the second, eight hundred sheep and lambs, together with a number of cattle, were carried off Deer-Island, by a corps of provincials under major Greaton.
The agreement with general Gage, relative to the inhabitants leaving the town of Boston, was well observed in the beginning; and their request was granted, with the approbation of all. But after a short time, they were detained upon the plea that persons going from thence for the goods of those who chose to abide there, were not properly treated. The embarrassments and delays which the inhabitants had to contend with, induced the provincial congress to order the sending of a letter to general Gage, to remonstrate with him upon the subject. The letter however, did not answer. The truth is, after a number were allowed to depart, great clamors were raised. Such persons as were, or pretended to be well affected to the British government, alledged that none but the ill-inclined were for removing, and that when they were safe with their effects, the town would be set on fire. A demur soon afterward arose about the meaning of the word effects, whether merchandise was included; and the general being sensible, that the permitting articles of that kind to be carried out, might strengthen the Americans in their resistance, would not admit of their removal. This proved a hardship to many who quitted the town, as it deprived them of the resource for living in their accustomed affluence. In a variety of instances, the passports were so conducted, that families were cruelly divided; wives were separated from their husbands; children from their parents; the aged and the sick from their relations and friends, who wished to attend and comfort them. The general was very averse to the allowing of women and children to leave Boston, thinking they contributed to the safety of the place, and prevented his being attacked; but of that no real danger existed, notwithstanding the high tone of the people without, and the intimations of some within the town. Numbers of the poor and hapless were however sent out, and several of them infected with, or not fully recovered from the small-pox, by which mean the provincials were greatly endangered.
These were employed in collecting their force, from every quarter with all possible dispatch, which could not be dispensed with, considering the reinforcements which had arrived, and were arriving at Boston. [June 3.] But they were distressed for want of money; and a letter was dispatched by the Massachusetts congress, to their receiver-general, upon the absolute necessity of paying the colony forces immediately, and directing his attendance forthwith; and also acquainting him, that a gentleman at Salem had £.375 sterling, which he was willing to lend the province, and which would be of the utmost importance to pay directly to the soldiers, and might prevent the greatest mischiefs. The want of cash obliged them to have a recourse to province notes, which they struck off night and day, for the advance pay of the men who had inlisted.
[June 10.] They were better off as to provision, and established a too plentiful allowance, beyond what the troops could expend. By the general return of the army at Cambridge, it amounted on the ninth to 1581 officers, commissioned, sergents, &c. and 6063 privates, in all 7644. But such was the want of regularity, that no dependence could be had upon its exactness. The number of privates was probably much aggravated. Too many of the officers did not scruple to make false returns for their own emolument. The large proportion of them shows that the regiments were far from being full, or were much over-officered. Several of the Massachusetts officers are miserable tools, and must be discarded sooner or later. It is owing to their having been elected by the very privates they command; and to the resignations of a number who had governmental commissions, but have thrown them up from an apprehension that the Americans will not succeed; this gave an opening to a set of fellows totally destitute of both courage and honor, to push themselves forward and get chosen.
[June 12.] General Gage issued a proclamation offering a pardon in the king’s name, to all who should forthwith lay down their arms, and return to their peaceable occupations, except Samuel Adams and John Hancock. All who did not accept of the proffered mercy, who should protect, assist, conceal or correspond with such, were to be treated as rebels and traitors. It also declared, that as a stop was put to the due course of justice, martial law should take place till the laws were restored to their due efficacy. The proclamation had no other effect than to put the provincials upon looking out for the operations which were to succeed [June 14.] The Massachusetts congress chose their president, Dr. Warren, second major-general in their own forces; the first having been chosen the day before.
A discovery has been made which will deliver down to posterity the name of governor Hutchinson, loaded with infamy. An accident has thrown into the hands of the Americans, the books of his copied letters to the ministry and others, in his own hand writing. By means of them, the several charges brought against him, of his enmity to his own colony, of his consummate duplicity of his advising ministry to alter the charter, and to use force for the establishment of their plans, and of his assuring them that they would meet with no effectual resistance from the boasting sons of liberty, whose courage would certainly fail them when put to the trial, have been authenticated beyond the possibility of a denial.
When he quitted the province all his furniture was left behind in his seat at Milton. After the Lexington engagement, the committee of the town removed it in order to save it from being totally ruined. Mr. Samuel Hanshaw,[122] desirous of seeing how the house looked, when striped of all the furniture, repaired thither with the gentleman who had the key. He went at length up into a dark garret, where he discovered an old trunk, which he was told was left behind, as it contained nothing but a parcel of useless papers. Curiosity led him to examine them, when he soon discovered at letter book of Mr. Hutchinson’s, which he secured, and then posted away to Dr. Warren, to whom he related what had happened; on which an order was soon sent to general Thomas, at Roxbury, to possess himself of the trunk. It was brought to his quarters; and there through the imprudent exultations of some about the general, the contents were too often exposed to person resorting thither, and some single letters conveyed away; one for the public good, it being thought that if the same was generally known, it might be of disservice in the present moment as it had not a favorable aspect upon the staunch patriotism of Mr. Hancock. The letter books and other papers were afterward taken proper care of; and have been submitted to my inspection. Many of his letters beside what have already appeared, will be printed; those you meet with as his, in the Boston Gazette, or actually taken from it, you may depend upon as genuine and faithfully copied.
Mr. Hutchinson behaved much to the satisfaction of the public as judge of probates. He was ready to assist, in a most obliging manner, the widow and the orphan with his advice, whenever their business called them before them. As chief justice he was not exceptionable, only when he supported the cause of government against the claims of the people. When in the chair of the first magistrate, his appointments to different offices were generally of men will qualified for discharging the duties of the same, though mostly supporters of government; he was advised by a British naval officer to secure Mess. Hancock and S. Adams by promoting them; but replied that though such a scheme might answer in regard to Mr. H. it would not as to Mr. A. for it would be only giving him more power to aid him in his opposition and that he should not be able afterward to remove him. Under the charter the governor cannot remove from offices without the consent of the council; and Mr. Hutchinson knew that Mr. S. Adams’s interest in the council would be greater than his own. He was used to profess the warmest attachments to the good of his native colony, and that he was ever aiming to promote its happiness; and would frequently show the letters he had written about the time of the stamp act, in opposition to that measure. He ingratiated himself by his free, familiar and condescending intercourse with the common people, whom he would join, walk, and converse with in his way, from the meeting to his seat. On these accounts he had a number of friends and advocates, who thought highly of him; but since the discovery of his letters, they begin to own that they were deceived in the man, and wofully mistaken in the good opinion they entertained of him. He will be execrated in America, if not in Great-Britain.
The dispatches forwarded to the general congress from the Massachusetts the beginning of May, led on to their resolving themselves into a committee of the whole to take into consideration the state of America. Before they finished this great business, they resolved, unanimously, “That all exportations to Quebec, Nova-Scotia, the island of St. John’s, Newfoundland, Georgia, except the parish of St. John’s, and to East and West Florida, immediately cease, and that no provision of any kind, or other necessaries, be furnished to the British fisheries, on the American coasts, until it be otherwise determined by the congress.” The parish of St. John’s was excepted, as it had sent a delegate to congress. They continued to sit in a committee from day to day till the 24th, when the honorable Peyton Randolph being under a necessity of returning home, and the chair being thereby vacated, they unanimously chose the honorable John Hancock, esq. president.
[May 26.] A report from the committee being read, the congress came unanimously into certain resolutions; and among other matters they resolved, “That the colonies be immediately put into a state of defence: but that, as they most ardently wish for a restoration of the harmony formerly subsisting between the mother country and these colonies, for the promotion of this most desirable reconciliation, an humble and dutiful petition be presented to his majesty.” It was then resolved, but not unanimously, “That measures be entered into for opening a negociation, in order to accommodate the unhappy disputes subsisting between Great-Britain and these colonies, and that this be made a part of the petition to the king.”—Afterward, “That the militia of New-York be armed and trained, and in constant readiness to act at a moment’s warning.”
Mr. Dickinson, the author of the farmer’s letter, is now a member of congress for Pennsylvania. His heart was much engaged in bringing about a reconciliation, and he labored hard in procuring a second petition to the king; but it was opposed by several, and occasioned strong debates for several days. However for the sake of congressional harmony, it was at length unanimously agreed to; as they that opposed it had not the least idea of its proving effectual, from a full persuasion that the British ministry would be so irritated, by what had happened on April the nineteenth, as to reject all tenders short of full submission.—These nevertheless declined voting, that measures for a negociation should make a part of the petition. Since the Lexington engagement, many of the New-Englanders believe that the contest must end in absolute slavery or real independence.
[May 29.] Congress wrote a letter to the Canadians, stiling them the oppressed inhabitants of Canada, and themselves friends and countrymen. It was designed to persuade them, that their present form of government is a form of tyranny, and that they, their wives and children, are made slaves, to prevent their taking a part against the colonies in the present contest, and to procure a union of all in defence of common liberty.
[June 2.] It was resolved, “That no provisions of any kind be furnished or supplied to, or for the use of the British army or navy, in the Massachusutts Bay, or of any transport.”
[June 7.] Congress, for the first time, stiled the colonies THE TWELVE UNITED COLONIES, in a resolve, “That Thursday, the 20th of July, be observed throughout the twelve united colonies, as a day of humiliation, fasting and prayer.” From henceforward the united colonies will come into use.
[June 8.] Major Skeen (the father) of Skeensborough, with other officers, upon their arriving the evening before at Philadelphia, in a vessel from London, were taken into custody.—Congress being informed of it, and the said Skeen had been lately appointed governor of the forts of Tyconderoga and Crown-Point, and had declared that he was authorized to raise a regiment in America; they appointed a committee to examine his papers, as also those of a lieutenant in the regulars.
[June 9.] They having been applied to by a letter of May 16th from the Massachusetts convention, for their explicit advice, resolved, “That no obedience being due to the act of parliament for altering the charter of the colony of Massachusetts Bay, nor to a governor or lieutenant-governor who will not observe the directions of, but endeavor to subvert that charter, the governor and lieutenant-governor of that colony are to be considered as absent, and their offices vacant; and as there is no council there, and the inconveniences arising from the suspension of the power of governments are intolerable; that, in order to conform as near as may be to the spirit and substance of the charter, it be recommended to the provincial convention to write letters to the inhabitants of the several places entitled to representation in assembly, requesting them to choose such representatives; and that the assembly, when chosen, do elect counsellors; and that such assembly or council exercise the powers of government, until a governor of his majesty’s appointment will consent to govern the colony according to its charter.
[June 10.] It was recommended to the united colonies to collect salt-petre and sulphur, and to manufacture the same into gun-powder, for the use of the continent.
[June 14.] Congress agreed to the resolutions of the committee of the whole house, “That six companies of expert riflemen be immediately raised in Pennsylvania, two in Maryland, and two in Virginia; and that each company, consisting of sixty-eight privates, beside officers, march as soon as completed, and join the army near Boston, to be there employed as light infantry.”
[June 15.] They proceeded to choose by ballot a general to command all the continental forces, and George Washington, esq. was unanimously elected.
[June 16.] The president informed him of the choice which the congress had made, and of their requesting his acceptance of that employment. Colonel Washington, standing in his place, answered,
“Mr. President,
“Though I am truly sensible of the high honor done me in this appointment, yet I feel great distress from a consciousness, that my abilities and military experience may not be equal to the extensive and important trust. However, as the congress desire it, I will enter upon the momentuous duty, and exert every power I possess in their service, and for the support of the glorious cause. I beg they will accept my most cordial thanks for this distinguished testimony of their approbation.
“But, lest some unlucky event should happen unfavorable to my reputation, I beg it may be remembered by every gentleman in the room, that I this day declare, with the utmost sincerity, I do not think myself equal to the command I am honored with.
“As to day, Sir, I beg leave to assure the congress, that as no pecuniary consideration could have tempted me to accept this arduous employment, at the expense of my domestic ease and happiness, I do not wish to make any profit from it. I will keep an exact account of my expences. Those, I doubt not they will discharge, and that is all I desire.”
The colonel did not aspire to the honor of commanding the army; he was rather solicitous to avoid it, upon an apprehension of his inadequacy to the importance of the service. The partiality of congress, however assisted by a political motive, rendering his reasons unavailing; and led him to “launch into a wide and extensive field, too boundless for his abilities, and far, very far beyond his experience,” as his prevailing modesty induced him to express himself. He is doubtless active, attentive to business, temperate, humane, formed for gaining and securing the affections of officers and soldiers, far from haughty and supercilious, though naturally reserved, which is a quality that may secure him from answering, without offending many improper questions, that the New-Englanders will be likely to ask, for they are amazingly addicted to inquisitiveness; this is greatly owing to the equality that prevails among them, and leads them into those mutual freedoms, which are censured in places where distinction in fortune and rank are far more prevalent and disproportioned. The personal appearance of the colonel is noble and engaging. He certainly possesses strong powers of mind, which will tend much to supply in a short season, any present deficiencies, that the want of more extensive reading, and of more practical knowledge in military matters, may inevitably occasion. His days have been spent in America, and he has had little opportunity of seeing service. As you have already been informed, in 1755, he prevented the total ruin of the British troops after general Braddock’s defeat, by covering their retreat with his rangers; but he has never been accustomed to the command of a regular regiment, to which is to be imputed his saying to the volunteers he lately commanded in Virginia, that a gun and a good sword or hanger was all the soldier wanted, without mentioning a word of the bayonet—it was all that the ranger wanted. When the last French war was closed, the cessions made to Britain in these American regions, cut off all expectation of future hostile armies in the country; and made the professed study of the arts of war superfluous to a person inclined to the pleasure of a plantation.
Though the late Rev. Mr. Davis, whom you well remember when at London, inserted the following note in a sermon of his on some special occasion, “I may point out to the public that heroic youth colonel Washington, whom I cannot but hope Providence has hitherto preserved in so signal a manner for some important service to his country;” yet as no human knowledge could, at that period, fathom the events of the present day, and as there was no evidence of its being in a degree prophetic, it can be ascribed only to the admiration the author felt while contemplating the character of the colonel. But his being a person of strict honor and probity, was undoubtedly a main reason with congress for electing him to the chief command of the American army. They are fully persuaded of his patriotism, that it is not pretended; that he will not betray the cause of the united colonies; that he will not lavish away those scanty supplies, which call for the greatest œconomy; that he will never prey upon the vitals of his country to enrich himself, nor countenance others in doing it; that while he is entrusted with the power of the sword he will pay a sacred regard to the civil rights of his fellow-subjects; and that he will not add needless barbarity to the unavoidable horrors and calamities of war. He does not understand French; the knowledge of which many will view as an important accomplishment, especially should the continuance of the present rupture make the aid of France hereafter a desirable acquisition. But should the times ever induce French adventurers to repair in shoals to head-quarters, he may bless his ignorance for securing him from many impertinent, long, and tiresome applications of military men, of no eminence and little worth, mere soldiers of fortune, who are after rank and riches, both which the united colonies should deal out with a parsimonious hand, in accommodation to their own circumstances. He entered on the forty-fourth year of his age the 11th of last February. You will wish to know the political motive which may have swayed colonel Washington. You must not look for it in any supposed neglect on the part of the British government, after he had done them such eminent service in covering the retreat of the troops in 1755. This may be insinuated to lessen his character. But did he even think himself slighted at the time, he would scarce have remembered it, much less have harbored any resentment upon the occasion, for twenty years together. The political motive must certainly have been of another nature. It was probably complex. A common danger has united the colonies; but has not eradicated all the jealousies that before existed among them. New-York, Pennsylvania, and the colonies to the southward, have not such confidence in the Massachusetts Bay, as to admit that one of their own natives should be the commander in chief. There is too great a nationality among the Bay-men; such a one might be unduly prejudiced in favor of his own colony. Beside, colonel Washington and the other colonists were in pursuit of an honorable accommodation, and had not the most distant thought of separating from Great-Britain. They could not be certain, whatever was the case at present, that the Massachusetts would not shortly aim at a separation; it was then a matter of consequence who headed the army. Whatever some of the Massachusetts delegates might wish in their hearts, they perceived the necessity of accommodating themselves to the inclinations of others at such a crisis; and hence the unanimity with which colonel Washington has been elected; for though it was by ballot, it was not without pre-concerted counsel.
[June 17.] A draught of general Washington’s commission was agreed to, and ordered to be fairly transcribed, signed, and delivered to him; after which the congress declared, that they would maintain and assist, and adhere to him, with their lives and fortunes, in the maintenance and preservation of American liberty. They then proceeded to choose by ballot, Artemas Ward, esq. first major-general, Horatio Gates adjutant-general, and Charles Lee, esq. second major-general. Two days after, they choose Philip Schuyler, esq. third major-general, and Israel Putnam, esq. unanimously, fourth major-general.
Having attended to the proceedings of the general congress down to the choice of their first officers to command the continental army, let us return to the Massachusetts.
[June 15.] The committee of safety, having received various accounts of the movements of general Gage’s army, and of his intention soon to make an attempt to penetrate into the country, recommended to the congress the ordering of all the militia to hold themselves in readiness to march on the shortest notice; and to the council of war, the maintaining of Bunker’s Hill by a sufficient force posted thereon, and the taking of such steps respecting Dorchester Neck, as to them should appear to be for the security of the colony. Bunker’s Hill is just at the entrance of the peninsula of Charlestown, and is considerably high and large.
[June 16.] Orders were issued, that a detachment of a thousand men, under colonel Prescott, do march at evening, and entrench upon the hill. By some mistake Breed’s Hill, high and large like the other, but situated on the furthest part of the peninsula next to Boston, was marked out for the entrenchment instead of Bunker’s. The provincials proceeded therefore to Breed’s Hill; but were prevented going to work till near twelve o’clock at night, when they pursued their business with the utmost diligence and alacrity, so that by the dawn of day they had thrown up a small redoubt, about eight rods square. Such was the extraordinary silence which reigned among them, that they were not heard by the British on board their vessels in the neighboring waters. The sight of the works was the first notice that the Lively man of war had of them, when the captain began firing upon them, about four in the morning. The guns called the town of Boston, the camp, and the fleet, to behold a novelty which was little expected. The prospect obliged the British generals to alter the plan which they meant to execute the next day. They grew weary of being cooped up in Boston; and had resolved upon making themselves masters of Dorchester Heights, and securing the elbow room which general Burgoyne proposed enjoying. But the present provincial movement prevented the expedition. They were now called to attempt possessing themselves of Breed’s Hill; on which the provincials continued working, notwithstanding a heavy fire from the enemy’s ships, a number of floating batteries, and a fortification upon Copp’s Hill in Boston, directly opposite to the little American redoubt. It is called Copp’s Hill, though the original name was Cope’s Hill, from the name of the first owner. An incessant shower of shot and bombs was rained by the batteries upon the American works, and yet but one man was killed. The Americans continued laboring indefatigably till they had thrown up a small breast-work, extended from the east side of the redoubt to the bottom of the hill, but were prevented completing it by the intolerable fire of the enemy. By some unaccountable error, the detachment which had been working for hours, was neither relieved nor supplied with refreshment, but was left to engage under these disadvantages.
Between twelve and one o’clock, and the day exceeding hot, a number of boats and barges, filled with regular troops from Boston, approach Charlestown. The men are landed at Moreton’s Point. They consist of four battalions, ten companies of the grenadiers, and ten of light infantry, with a proportion of field artillery, but by some oversight their spare cartridges are much too big for them, so that when the Americans are at length forced from their lines, there is not a round of artillery cartridges remaining. Major-general Howe and brigadier-general Pigot, have the command. The troops form, and remain in that position till joined by a second detachment of light infantry and grenadier companies, a battalion of the land forces, and a battalion of marines, making in the whole near upon 3000 men. Generals Clinton and Burgoyne take their stand upon Copp’s Hill, to observe and contemplate the bloody and destructive operations that are now commencing. The regulars form in two lines, and advance deliberately, frequently halting, to give time for the artillery to fire, but it is not well served. The light infantry are directed to force the left point of the breast-work, and to take the American line in flank. The grenadiers advance to attack in front, supported by two battalions, while the left, under general Pigot, inclines to the right of the American line. One or two of the continental regiments had been posted in Charlestown; but afterward removed to prevent their being cut off by a sudden attack; so that the British are not hurt in the least by any musketry from thence, whatever may hereafter be pretended; neither do generals Clinton and Burgoyne perceive any[123] though properly stationed for observing all that passes. General Gage had for some sime resolved upon burning the town, when once any works were raised by the Americans upon the hills belonging to it;[124] and while the British are advancing nearer and nearer to the attack, orders come to Copp’s Hill for executing the resolution; soon after a carcass is discharged, which sets fire to an old house near the ferry way; the fire spreads, and most of the place is instantly in flames. The houses at the eastern end of Charlestown are fired by men landed from the boats. The regulars derive no advantage from the smoke of the conflagration, for the wind suddenly shifting, carries it another way, so that they have not the cover of it in their approach. The provincials have not a rifleman among them, not one being yet arrived from the southward; nor have they any rifle guns; they have only common muskets, nor are these in general furnished with bayonets; but then they are almost all marksmen, being accustomed to sporting of one kind or other from their youth. A number of the Massachusetts troops are in the redoubt and the part of the breast-work nearest it. The left of the breast-work, and the open ground stretching beyond its point to the water side, through which there has not been the opportunity of carrying the work, is occupied partly by the Massachusetts forces, and partly by the Connecticut, under capt. Nolton of Ashford, and the New-Hampshire, under colonel Stark.
By the direction of the officers, the troops upon the open ground pull up the post and rail fence, and carrying it forward to another of the same kind, and putting some newly mowed grass between them, form a slight defence in some parts. General Warren joins the Massachusetts forces in one place, and general Pomeroy in another. General Putnam is busily engaged in aiding and encouraging, here and there as the case requires. The provincials are impatiently waiting the attack of the enemy. What scenes now offer to our view! Here, a large and noble town, consisting of about 300 dwelling houses, and near upon 200 other buildings, in one great blaze, burning with amazing fury, being chiefly timber, with but little exception. The only place of worship, a large commodious meeting house, by its aspiring steeple, forms a pyramid of fire above the rest. There, in Boston, the steeples, houses, and heights, are covered with the inhabitants, and those of the military, whose duty does not call them elsewhere. Yonder, the hills around the country, and the fields, that afford a safe and distinct view of the momentous contest, are occupied by Americans of all ages and orders. The British move on steadily, but slowly, instead of using a quick step; which gives the provincials the advantage of taking surer and cooler aim. These reserve their fire till the regulars come within ten or twelve rods, when they began a furious discharge of small arms, by which the enemy is arrested, and which they return for some time without advancing a step. The stream of American fire is so incessant, and does such execution, that the regulars retreat in disorder, and with great precipitation toward the place of landing, and some seek refuge even in their boats. The officers are seen by the spectators on the opposite shore running down to them, using the most passionate gestures, and pushing them forward with their swords. At length they are rallied; but march with apparent reluctance up to the entrenchment. The Americans again reserve their fire, till the enemy come within five or six rods; then discharge their well directed pieces, and put them a second time to flight. Such is the loss already sustained, that several of the officers say, “It is downright butchery to lead the men on afresh against the lines.” But British honor is at stake; these must therefore be carried. General Howe and the officers double their exertions. General Clinton perceiving how the army is staggered, passes over, without waiting for orders, and joins them in time to be of service. The united and strenuous efforts of the different officers are again successful, notwithstanding the men discover an almost insuperable aversion to renewing the attack. The Americans are in want of powder, send for a supply, but can procure none; for there is but a barrel and a half in the magazine. This deficiency disables them from making the same defence as before; while the British reap a farther advantage by bringing some cannon to bear so as to rake the inside of the breast-work from end to end; upon which the provincials retreat within their fort. The regular army now makes a decisive push. The fire from the ships and batteries and field artillery is redoubled. The officers in the rear goad on the soldiers, and the redoubt is attacked on three sides at once. The provincials are of necessity ordered to retreat; but they delay, and keep the enemy at bay for some time with the butt end of their muskets, till the redoubt is half filled with regulars; the works of which are easily mounted, a few hours only having been employed in throwing them up.
While these operations are going forward, at the breast-work and redoubt, the light infantry are engaged in attempting to force the left point of the former, through the space between that and the water, that they may take the American line in flank. They exhibit repeated proofs of undaunted courage; but the resistance they met with is as formidable and fatal as what their fellow soldiers experienced in the other quarter. Here the provincials also, by command, reserve their fire till the enemy is near, and then pour in their shot upon the infantry with such a true direction, and amazing success, as to mow them down in ranks. Some of them are slightly guarded by the rail fences above mentioned: but others are quite exposed, and more than is needful; and the regulars will have no reason in future to charge them with fighting unfairly, because of their using defences not formed by military rules and workmen. The engagement between the two parties is kept up with great resolution, but the well-aimed fire of the Americans does astonishing execution; and the strenuous exertions of the regulars cannot compel them to retreat, till they observe that their main body has left the hill: when they give way but with more regularity than could be expected from troops who had been no longer under discipline, and in general never before saw an engagement.