THE
JOURNAL OF JOACHIM HANE

CONTAINING HIS ESCAPES AND SUFFERINGS
DURING HIS EMPLOYMENT BY OLIVER
CROMWELL IN FRANCE FROM
NOVEMBER 1653 TO
FEBRUARY 1654

EDITED FROM THE MANUSCRIPT IN
THE LIBRARY OF WORCESTER COLLEGE, OXFORD

By C. H. FIRTH, M.A.

OXFORD
B. H. BLACKWELL, 50 & 51 BROAD STREET

LONDON
T. FISHER UNWIN, PATERNOSTER SQUARE

M DCCC XCVI

OXFORD: HORACE HART
PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY

INTRODUCTION

Fortunately, the English portion of Hane's career can be traced with tolerable fullness. He was born at Frankfort on the Oder, and was therefore by birth a subject of the Elector of Brandenburg. In his army, or in some other foreign army, Hane obtained his military education. Probably he was one of the many soldiers cast adrift by the disbanding which followed the peace of Westphalia, and obliged thereby to seek employment outside Germany. He appeared in England first in 1649, and was employed by the Council of State to report on the fortifications of Weymouth with a view to the building of a citadel there. He was also sent to Yarmouth to consult with the governor and the officers of the garrison on the erection of a fort[1]. In the following year Hane seems to have accompanied Cromwell in his expedition to Scotland, and he remained in Scotland with Monk when Cromwell marched into England. The surrender of Stirling Castle to Monk was mainly due to Hane's skill as an artilleryman. On August 13, says the diary of the siege, 'the morter-pieces were planted, and Mr. Hane, the engineer, plaid with one of the morter-pieces twice. The second shot fell into the middle of the Castle, and did much execution. Afterwards he played with the other great morter-piece and did execution.' On the 14th the garrison, who were not accustomed to shells, mutinied and forced the governor to surrender. Again, a fortnight later, at the siege of Dundee, the same narrative records that 'Mr. Hane, the engineer, plaid the morter-piece.' December following Hane was sent to Inverness to report on its possibilities as a fortress, and returned with the news that it was 'not fortifiable without a great deal of charges, nor tenable without a greater number of men than the town can possibly provide accomodation for.' The result was that instead of fortifying the town itself a fort large enough to hold 2000 men was built close by it. In 1653 Hane was again in England, though Colonel Lilburne, the Commander-in-Chief in Scotland, was writing letter after letter to the Lord-General to demand his return. Many officers, complained Lilburne, have been absent a long time from their charges: 'and in particular Mr. Hane, the Engineer, of whom wee have an exceeding great want, and I doe wonder hee should neglect this duty soe much as hee does, his absence being the losse of some hundreds to the State, and if wee should have any occasion to make use of a morter-piece without Mr. Hane, there is noebody to undertake that businesse that is fitt for itt[2].'

But the Lord-General turned a deaf ear to Lilburne's appeals. He had chosen Hane for a business of much more difficulty than planning forts, and of much greater danger than playing a mortar-piece. He was kept from his professional duties in Scotland to play a part in one of the obscurest and least known episodes of Cromwell's foreign policy. On October 11, 1653, Hane set sail for France on his mysterious mission, and spent the next five months in struggling with the dangers and privations related in this journal.

At that time the relations of France with England were still strained and unfriendly. It was still uncertain whether England would ally itself with Spain against France, or with France against Spain. Charles II was a pensioner at the French Court. In 1649 Louis XIV had prohibited the introduction into France of all woollen stuffs or silks manufactured in England, and the Republic had replied by forbidding the introduction into England of wines, woollen stuffs, and silks from France. French corsairs had made prey of English merchantmen, and English ships armed with letters of reprisal had retaliated on French commerce. At the close of 1651 war with France seemed much more probable than war with Holland. The Dutch war had aggravated the situation still further by leading to the confiscation of many French ships on the ground that they carried Dutch goods or contraband of war. In September, 1652, Blake captured a small French fleet sent to relieve and provision the garrison of Dunkirk, and that place in consequence fell into the hands of the Spaniards. At last, in December, 1652, Louis XIV, driven by necessity, recognized the English republic and sent M. de Bordeaux to negotiate with its rulers.

But in spite of this recognition the possibility of English intervention in the civil struggles in France was not ended. In September, 1651, the third war of the Fronde—the 'Fronde Espagnole'—began. Condé raised the standard of revolt in Guienne, and Bordeaux became the headquarters of the rebellion.

Not until August, 1653, was the royal authority re-established at Bordeaux. The rebellion was prolonged by Spanish help and by the hope of aid from England. Both Condé and the city of Bordeaux sent agents to London to solicit English intervention, and from time to time both Cromwell and the Council of State seemed inclined to accede to their requests. Condé's agents offered free trade with Guienne, certain favours towards the French Protestants, and even the cession of the island of Oléron. The City of Bordeaux instructed its agents 'to demand of the Commonwealth of England, as of a just and powerful State, assistance in men, money, and ships to support the city and commons of Bordeaux, now united with our lords the Princes; and not only to shelter them from the oppression and cruel vengeance which is in store for them, but also to effect their restoration to their ancient privileges, and to enable them to breathe a freer air than they have hitherto done. And as the said lords of the Parliament of the Commonwealth of England will probably demand of them reciprocal advantages, they will let them first explain their pretensions, and afterwards, if necessary, they may grant them a port in the river of Bordeaux, where their vessels may find retirement and safety, such as Castillon, Royan, Talmont or Pauillac, or that of Arcachon if they wish, which they may fortify at their own expense. We may even permit them to besiege and capture Blaye, in which our troops will help them as much as possible. They may also make a descent upon La Rochelle and capture it if they please[3].' Besides appealing to the desire of the English Government for commercial advantages and territorial gains, Condé's emissary appealed to the desire which some of the statesmen of the Republic cherished to see free institutions established amongst their neighbours. 'What a great honour will it be for the Commonwealth of England,' said M. de Barrière, 'after it hath so happily and so gloriously established the precious liberty at home to send their helping hands unto their craving neighbours for the same, whose obligation for that shall be eternal and the acknowledgement of it real and perfect[4].'

There was a wide belief that the foreign policy of the English Republic was influenced by a general hostility to monarchy and a general desire to propagate republican institutions in Europe, which found expression in rumours of the sayings and the intentions of the heads of the Commonwealth. The English royalists talked of a design for the ruin of the kings and sovereigns of the earth, of which Cromwell was the author, and predicted that he would begin with France. When he returned from Ireland there was a rumour that he and his army would effect a landing in France. One report which Croullé, Mazarin's agent in London, sent to the Cardinal, represented Cromwell as saying that if he were ten years younger, there was not a king in Europe whom he would not make to tremble, and that as he had a better motive than the late king of Sweden, he believed himself still capable of doing more for the good of nations than the other ever did for his own ambition[5].' Marvell's verses to Cromwell on his return from Ireland prophesied similar exploits—

But Cromwell had been obliged to turn his arms against Scotland instead of against France, and hardly was the Scottish war over, when all the resources of the Commonwealth were strained to the utmost by the war with Holland. In July, 1653, negotiations had begun, and the war seemed nearing its close, but at the same time Bordeaux was nearing its fall. Barrière, Condé's agent, wrote to the prince that the Republic would come to no resolution till it saw how the treaty with the Dutch ended[6]. It was still believed that as soon as Cromwell's hands were free he would intervene in France. 'Our General,' said a letter from England, 'conceives it not good for his army to be longer idle, and therefore hath told some of his myrmidons that if he could be assured the prince of Condé would aim at liberty really, as he calls it, he would within this month land his army in France[7].' In October, 1653, when Joachim Hane sailed for France, the negotiations between England and Holland had not yet been brought to a successful conclusion. The position of affairs had been altered by the subjugation of Guienne and the surrender of Bordeaux, but Condé had not made his peace with Louis XIV, and a revival of the revolt in Southern France was still a possibility.

Before Hane the English Government had sent similar emissaries to France, with the double object of finding out the real strength of the opposition and entering into communication with the disaffected. Thomas Scot, who had the management of the foreign intelligence during the Republic as Thurloe had during the Protectorate, drew up at the restoration a short account of his proceedings for the information of the Government of Charles II.

Of Bourgoyne, beyond this mention of Scot's, nothing is known, nor is much to be gleaned from other sources concerning this correspondence with de Retz. A passage in the Cardinal's memoirs states that 'Vainc, grand parlementaire et tres confident de Cromwell,' came to see him with a letter of credence from Cromwell, and told him that his defence of liberty and his reputation had inspired Cromwell with the desire to form a close friendship with him. This emissary has generally been identified rightly or wrongly with Sir Henry Vane, but the identification is at least doubtful. Nor is it easy to fix the date at which this interview took place. It is placed in the narrative of the events of 1650, but is said to have occurred soon after the return of Charles II to Paris, that is about the end of October, 1651. Of Sexby's mission more is known. For a delicate diplomatic mission he was a very singular agent. A Suffolk man by birth, he had served four years as a private in Cromwell's own troop of Ironsides and in Fairfax's regiment of horse. He became notorious in 1647 as one of the leaders of the Agitators and as the spokesman of the extreme democratic party amongst the soldiers. He left the army for a time, but seems to have entered it again in 1649 and obtained commissions as captain and governor of Portland. Then he raised a regiment of foot and served for a short time under Cromwell in Scotland with the rank of Colonel, but in June, 1651, he was cashiered by a court-martial. The charge which lost him his commission was that he had detained the pay of seven or eight of the soldiers of his old company who refused to enter his new regiment; and though it was urged that 'as to his own intentions he did it for the public service,' it seemed a sufficient breach of the articles of war to secure his condemnation. His offence could scarcely have been considered as a mere act of embezzlement or he would not have been employed again. In a petition which Sexby presented to the Council of State in 1654, he gives a brief account of his mission. A secret committee of the Council of State, consisting of Cromwell, Scot, and Whitelocke, sent him to France in 1651. He was instructed 'to give an account of the state of that country, and the affections of the people, in order to prevent danger and to create an interest.' He took with him four gentlemen, was to have a salary of £1000 a year for himself and them, and stayed in France twenty-three months[8].

Of his doings in France the petition says nothing, but a curious illustration of his zeal for democracy has survived amongst the papers of Mazarin and Condé—a draft of a republican constitution drawn up in the name of the Princes of Condé and Conti and the City of Bordeaux[9]. On examination it proves to be a French translation of the Agreement of the People which Lilburne and the leaders of the English Levellers had published in May, 1649. It bears the title of L'Accord du Peuple, and the difference between it and its English original consists in the introductory engagement of the subscribers not to lay down their arms till they have obtained the liberties it defines and in the list of grievances to be redressed. It was intended to serve as a manifesto for the republicans of Bordeaux and Guienne, but a constitution too advanced for England had no prospect of acceptance in France. Lenet, Condé's confidential agent, endorsed it 'Memoires données a son Altesse de Conti par les sieurs Saxebri et Arrondel que je n'approuve pas.' 'Saxebri,' or 'Saxebery,' evidently denotes Sexby, and 'Arrondel' is one of his companions.

The two were back in England, as Barrière's letters prove, in the autumn of 1653. Arrondel's return is mentioned in a letter of October 24, and Saxebri's in one dated December 12. Both had doubtless returned before Hane set out.

It was now Cromwell's turn to send confidential agents to inquire into the state of France. Unlike Scot and the republican fanatics, it is evident that he cared little for the propagation of republican principles. What he cared about was the condition of the French Protestants and the propagation of the Protestant religion.

To Cromwell, as to most of his party, one of the worst sins of Charles I was that he had induced the Huguenots to revolt against Louis XIII, and then left them to be crushed by his forces. Englishmen abroad were accustomed to be taunted with their desertion of their co-religionists. 'I have heard,' wrote John Cook, 'fearful exclamations from the French Protestants against the King and the late Duke of Buckingham for the betraying of Rochelle; and some of the ministers told me ten years ago that God would be revenged of the wicked King of England for betraying Rochelle[10].' One of the arguments which agents of the Huguenots of Guienne used when they appealed to Cromwell was 'that the churches of these parts have endured a very great brunt by the deceitful promises which have been made to them by the former supreme powers of Great Britain[11].' To this argument Cromwell was particularly accessible. He said that England had ruined the Protestant party in France and that England must restore it again[12]. In the twenty-second article of the draft-treaty which he proposed to Mazarin in July, 1654, he demanded the right of superintending the execution of the edicts in favour of the French Protestants and seeing that they were scrupulously observed—a demand which naturally met with a refusal from Mazarin[13]. To obtain information of the condition of the French Protestants and of their political attitude Cromwell despatched to France about the close of 1653, or early in 1654, a Swiss who is often mentioned by Burnet, namely, Jean Baptiste Stouppe. Burnet describes him as 'a Grison by birth, then minister of the French church in the Savoy, and afterwards a brigadier-general in the French armies: a man of intrigue but of no virtue.' Condé, continues Burnet, had sent over 'to offer Cromwell to turn Protestant: and if he would give him a fleet with good troops he would make a descent on Guienne, where he did not doubt he should be assisted by the Protestants; and that he should so distress France, as to obtain such conditions for them and for England as Cromwell himself should dictate. Upon this offer Cromwell sent Stouppe round all France, to talk with their most eminent men, to see into their strength, into their present disposition, the oppressions they lay under, and their inclinations to trust the Prince of Condé. He went from Paris down the Loire, then to Bordeaux, from thence to Montauban, and cross the south of France to Lyons: he was instructed to talk to them only as a traveller, and to assure them of Cromwell's zeal and care for them, which he magnified everywhere. The Protestants were then very much at their ease: for Mazarin, who thought of nothing but to enrich his family, took care to maintain the edicts better than they had been in any time formerly. So Stouppe returned and gave Cromwell an account of the ease they were in, and of their resolution to be quiet. They had a very bad opinion of the Prince of Condé, as a man who sought nothing but his own greatness, to which they believed he was ready to sacrifice all his friends and every cause that he espoused. This settled Cromwell in that particular. He also found that the Cardinal had such spies on that prince, that he knew every message that had passed between them: therefore he would have no further correspondence with him: he said upon that to Stouppe stultus est, et garrulus, et venditur a suis cardinali[14].'

Burnet's account of Stouppe's mission seems tolerably accurate[15]. The attitude of the French Protestants was such as he describes it to have been. The want of secrecy with which Condé's intrigues were conducted was a real obstacle to the negotiations. In his letters to Condé, Barrière himself says as much, and in one dated Aug. 14, 1654, he relates that Cromwell had complained to the Spanish Ambassador that Bordeaux was well acquainted with all his negotiations with Condé's agents.

But the story that Condé offered to become a Protestant can scarcely be true. It was rather Cromwell who suggested that he should convert himself to Protestantism as a step to the political headship of the Huguenots. In a conversation on the affairs of the Protestants in France the Protector, according to Barrière's report, had said: 'A! s'il y avoit moyen que M. le Prince se fist de nostre religion, ce seroit le plus grand bien qui peust jamais arriver a nos eglises, car pour moy je le tiens le plus grand homme et le plus grand capitaine non seulement de nostre siecle, mais qui aye esté depuis longtemps: et il est malheureux d'estre enguagé avecque des gens qui ont si peu de soin de luy tenir les choses qu'ils luy ont promis[16].' Some eighteen months earlier Condé was reported to have spoken in somewhat similar terms of Cromwell, drinking his health openly at Antwerp, 'as the wisest, ablest and greatest commander in Europe[17].' But it may well be that the reports of the views of the French Protestants which Stouppe brought back from France changed Cromwell's views, and that a more intimate knowledge of French politics altered his estimate of the prince's capacity.

The history of Joachim Hane's mission is still more obscure than that of Sexby or Stouppe. One of its objects probably was to communicate with the French Protestants. Slingsby Bethell, the only contemporary who mentions it, in a discussion on the policy of the Long Parliament towards foreign Protestants says that they treated with the deputies of Bordeaux on a plan for the ruin of popery and the advancement of the Protestant religion. But Cromwell, 'usurping the government did not only overthrow the design, but probably betrayed it to the French King with the lives of some engaged in the business; for Mr. Joachim Haines (by birth a German) general engineer to the army, and one of his own emissaries employed in that affair, who after Cromwell and Mazarin were agreed was pursued through France, and escaped miraculously, did believe he was discovered by Oliver, his errand being known only to himself and his confident[18].' Bethell's accusation against Cromwell deserves no credit. There is no trace of this belief in Hane's narrative, or in Hane's later conduct. Oliver and Mazarin did not agree till eighteen months after Hane's return from France. It is simply an example of the vague slanders which the extreme republicans circulated against the ruler they regarded as an apostate. Ludlow tells a similar story about Cromwell betraying Sexby to the French, probably confusing Hane and Sexby, and echoing Bethell's charge[19].

Hane himself says nothing of the nature of his mission in his narrative. When he was examined he stoutly denied that he was anything more than a gentleman travelling for his pleasure; but as he justly observes 'to speak the truth in all things did not consist with my safety at that time' (p. 9). Amongst Thurloe's correspondence there are two letters which may have been written by Hane[20]. Both are signed Israell Bernhard; one is dated Paris, October 25, 1653, the other Rochelle, November 15. Hane was at those places on the dates mentioned, and the second letter contains a still more remarkable parallel. The writer says, 'I intend to go two days hence to Bordeaux,' that is presumably on November 17. Now Hane's narrative states that he went from Rochelle to Bordeaux on November 18. It is very improbable that Thurloe had two correspondents in France whose movements tallied so exactly with those of Hane. In each letter the writer assumes the character of a merchant, and begins by giving various details about the state of trade. The first ends with a rather enigmatical reference to the proposed purchase of a house. 'I long to heare whether your neighbour Mr. Smith still hath a mind to buy Mr. Rob. tenement, that layeth towards you from his other house; if he intends to build such a house upon as he talketh, he had need of 6 or 7000 pound to begin withall, and then he may have a habitation to spend 2000 pound a yeare in it; but I am sure he will not perfect the building in so short a time as he was speaking to us, for he will have but a few materialls neere hand, and there is not so much as a hedge about the garden, but he will be forced to make new hedges round about. I would have him take good advise before he medle with the bargaine.' In the letter from Rochelle he says, 'All things hereabouts are pritty quiet; the prince's party being sufficiently silenced, so that we hope they will not rise in hast again. We are perswaded, that the government of our towne is in surer hands than it was three yeare ago, when we were betrayed with a corrupted governor, who kept the two towers next the haven for the prince de Condé, and did much annoyance to the towne from off them; the which after they were reduced, one of them was burned downe, and the other is now repairing againe, so that we hope we shall feare no more such bustling as formerly we have had[21].' The passage from the first letter probably refers to some French port, to the state of its fortifications, and to the cost of repairing them, while the second gives important facts as to the present state of the fortifications of Rochelle. At the moment information on that subject was of some importance to Cromwell. About October, 1651, there had arrived in England a person named Conan, whose object was to negotiate for a due pecuniary consideration to the persons concerned in the reception of an English governor into that town. He is frequently mentioned in Barrière's letters to Condé. In a letter dated October 24, 1653, Barrière relates an interview which he had with Cromwell the previous day. He found him, he said, well disposed to assist the prince. 'Ce à quoy j'ay trouvé plus de disposition s'a esté à l'afaire de La Rochelle; et pour sest effect il me demanda de luy faire voir Conan, qui présentement est avecque luy. A son retour je vous manderay ce qu'il luy aura dit, car en me séparant de luy, il me dit que quant il auroit veu sest homme là, il me diret ce qu'il pourroit faire.' On a later page, after mentioning Conan's intended departure for Spain, he adds: 'Monsieur de Conan vient tout présentement de parler à Cromwel, qui l'a fort questionné sur les moyens de faire réussir l'affaire dont il est question, et a tesmoigné désirer avec passion qu'elle se peut exécuter; mais pourtant luy a dit qu'il ne ce pourroit enguager à rien jusques à ce que l'on eust des nouvelles d'Espagne, et que lorsqu'il auret de l'argent, on fourniroit toutes les choses necessaires, luy a recommendé de revenir le plus tost qu'il pourret, et que peut estre a son retour les afaires auroyent changé de face et, que, sela estant, luy, Cromwel, et tout ce qui gouverne en Angleterre estoyent entièrement portés a sela pour le soulagement du peuple et pour le service de Son Altesse.'

A letter written on November 14 from Madrid by the Comte de Fiesque to the Prince de Condé adds: 'La resolution est prise icy de ligue offensive et deffensive entre l'Angleterre et l'Espagne, pour laquelle il sera porté expressément qu'ils attaqueront ou la Guyenne, ou la Normandie, ou qu'ils descendront a la Rochelle, selon ce qui sera jugé a propos pour le bien du party, et cela dans le mois d'Avril prochain[22].'

The projected league between England and Spain came to nothing, but the existence of these schemes at the time when Hane was sent to France and the indications afforded by Hane's letters explain the objects of his mission.

A minister like Stouppe was an admirable choice when the main object was to learn from Huguenot preachers and Huguenot politicians what their views of the political situation were. If, however, Cromwell was to intervene in France and send an army to Guienne, as he was asked to do, he required also some trustworthy information about the Huguenot strongholds and the coast seaports. The state of the defences of Bordeaux and La Rochelle, and the comparative military value of the different places which Condé's agents and the agents of Bordeaux offered him, were questions on which the opinion of a skilled engineer would be of the greatest value. It is probable that Hane's mission was more military than political, and that he was rather a spy than a political intriguer.

Whether spy or political intriguer his peril was much the same. The tortures with which the hangman of Bordeaux threatened him were employed impartially to extract the truth from either. One of Sexby's four companions had been arrested on suspicion in Languedoc. 'He was put in prison,' says Sexby, 'and after racked to make him confess with whom he had corrispondence, but God inabled him to keep secret what he knew, though the torture and paine he suffered cost him his life[23].' It was only by a miracle that Hane escaped a similar fate. The story of his escapes and his wanderings is so vivid and picturesque that it seemed worth rescuing from entire oblivion, even though it throws little light on the dark places of Cromwell's foreign policy.

Hane's services and sufferings were not unrewarded. Before he started the Council of State had voted that £100 a year in Scottish lands should be settled upon him 'to encourage him and his family to settle in this nation.' On November 1, 1653, Mr. Moyer, on behalf of the Council, moved Parliament to give effect to this recommendation. He reported 'that there is one Major Hane, by birth a foreigner, who hath performed many eminent services in the war of Scotland; hath very great skill in fortifications and all matters relating to the profession of an engineer, and is of very great use at this time in services of that nature; that he is a person eminent for godliness, and of undoubted affection to this commonwealth.' Parliament, however, in a fit of economy, or because it knew nothing of the nature of Hane's services, negatived the vote without a division[24]. This was merely a postponement of his reward. On June 26, 1654, Cromwell's Council of State voted that an ordinance for naturalizing Hane should be prepared, and agreed to another ordinance settling lands to the value of £120 a year upon him. Eventually the naturalization ordinance was made to date June 26, 1654, and that conferring the lands July 27 of the same year, and both ordinances were confirmed by Cromwell's second Parliament on April 28, 1657[25]. Hane meantime had returned to his duties in Scotland, where he no doubt superintended the erection of those forts at Inverness, Leith, Ayr, and Inverlochy, which were built to bridle the Scots. It is not improbable that the plans of those forts, which still exist in Worcester College Library, were drawn by Hane's hand. William Clarke, the owner of the plans in consequence of his position as secretary to General Monk, was necessarily acquainted with Hane; and the narrative of Hane's adventures in France was doubtless copied by Clarke from Hane's original manuscript. The copy is dated as begun on October 14, 1657, which proves that Hane must have committed his story to writing within a very short time after the events had occurred.

In the summer of 1657 Hane was called to a new sphere of action. Cromwell had allied himself with France, and 6,000 English soldiers had been despatched to Flanders. In September Turenne and Sir John Reynolds laid siege to Mardyke, for which purpose the Protector had promised to provide artillery and mortar-pieces. Hane was sent for from Scotland to take part in the siege. He had just obtained leave from Monk to go to England, on account of the dangerous illness of his wife, and Monk's messenger overtook him at Alnwick and brought him back to Scotland. Before he could sail however Mardyke had fallen. On September 29, 1657, Monk wrote to congratulate Thurloe on its capture, and in the same letter announced Hane's departure: 'You may acquaint his Highness that Mr. Hane sett sayle from hence on Saturday morning last the wind being very fair. Hee had his tackling fixt, and everything ready to play his morter-piece, as soone as a platforme should be layd for it; being hee could not gett those materialls there, which hee carried with him, wee thought fitt to provide him heere, and wee hope hee was there on Monday last.' He was immediately sent back to England to report to the Protector the state of his new acquisition. Lockhart wrote on October 3 to Thurloe that in order that his Highness 'might want no informatione that can be given him concerning that place, Mr. Hains, the ingeneer (who hath visited the place and consithered all the defects of it), will be with his Highnesse before these can come to your lordships hands.' When Dunkirk fell Hane was again summoned to inspect and add to its fortifications, but he was taken ill immediately after his arrival. On August 11, 1658, Lockhart informed Thurloe of his death. 'Mr. Hains the ingeneer is dead. I endeavoured all I could to cherish him, both before and during his sicknesse; but the poor man was so desperately mallancholly, as I could not perswade him it was possible for him to live[26].' He had survived all his perils and borne them with a stout heart, only to die a commonplace death and to have it attributed to lack of resolution.

When by the Lord's providence who disposeth of all the wayes and actions of man, I had undertaken a jorney into France upon some private occations, Anno. 1653, tending towards Rie, where being come I found a ship ready to goe to Rouen, in Normandie, which I made use of for my transportacion thether. Having set sayle on the 11th of the same wee crossed the sea with a faire wind, and came upon the coast of France on the 12th of October by day breake in the morning without any impediment, and entred the River's mouth. Wee met with a small man of warr, which being licenced to robb by a comission from the Scottish King, made an attempt upon us even within the River of Seine, having noe regaurd at all to the nation right of the King's dominions; but wee made all the resistance wee could, changing some shotts with him for the space of halfe an houre, till hee dispared of his enterprize, and wee were carried upp by the floud farther into the land. Being thus free from the pirate, wee arrived at Quillebeuf that day. There I left the ship and went by land on horse back to Rouen, from whence after three dayes rest I directed my course to Parris and after to Orleans, where I tooke boate and went downe the River of Loyre to Nantes, vissiting by the way the Citties of Bloys, Amboys, Toures, Saumeur, and Angeirs. From Nantes I went to Rochell by land with the messager, and thus farr I had reasonable good sucses in my intended jorney.

But when the Lord intended to carry mee through a faire tryall, wherein I might more experimentally learne to know his power and strenght, his knowledge and wisdome, his love and care over his children, and his faithfullnes to all those that put their trust in him, hee suffred the malice of sume pernicious sperits to worke upon me. The beginning whereof happened in this manner. Being come to Rochell I went to inquire of a marchant of whom I was to receive a sume of monny by bill of exchange. And among the rest I mett with a companie of 6 or 7 persons, most of them being Flemings, standing together in the publique meeting place, where the merchants as upon the Exchang at noone and in the evening use to come togeather. In this companie, as I was enquiring of them for the said marchant, there was found a Scott, who whilst I was receiving instruccion of a Fleming to find out the merchant, looked very ernestly upon mee; and at last tooke an occacion to aske mee whether I was not an Englishman or noe: 'for I am very confident,' said hee, 'that I have seene you at Edinburgh or with the English army.' I replyed I had indeed spent some time in England, where perhaps hee might have seene mee, but for Scotland I never had beene their. He againe answered, that yet for all that he durst lay a wager that I have seene you their, though you deny it. And so I declyning to have any further discourse with him we had no more words together, nor did I ever speake with him any more after that tyme.

Now whilest I was inquireing for my marchant, and discoursing with the Scott after the manner expressed, their was also a Frenchman in the number of the company who was a familiar aquaintance and constant companion of the Scotts, for all the weeke after I continued their I never saw either of them aloane, but alwayes both of them very intimatly conversing together. This Frenchman being but of a meane quallity, and in the judgment of my further experience a man of a hungry condition, after he had heard both my inquiry for the marchant and the questions the Scott putt to me, went to the said marchant on purpose to learne what my expeditions were with him, what sume of money I had to receive of him as also the progresse of my journey: namely whither: when: and by what occasions I would goe from Rochell. For being void of all suspition of tretchery I did freely aske councell of my marchant which way I might with most safety goe from Rochell to Burdeaux; who because he could not retourne my money to Burdeaux by Bill of Exchange, advised me to take the said money in gold, and goe by water from Rochell to Burdeaux by the way of Mornack and Regan where their was no danger to be feared. The which councell I did embrace, and went accordingly on the 18th of November from Rochell to Burdeaux on a small hoy wherin their weere severall other passingers: and amongst the rest this Frenchman, the Scotts companion formerly mentioned, who undertooke the journey from Rochell to Burdeaux on purpose to try whether either by order or by any other action he might gett advantage against me; to which end he had drawne three others of the passengers more to his side, that his designes against me might be carried on with more strength and authority. These compliants oft shewed themselves very active along the journey; first by insinuateing themselves into my company by various discourses, and by diveing into my affairs with all manner of subtill questions, and afterwards by frameing and deviseing many frivolus and groundless accusations against me; though neither of my discourse nor of my carriage they could borrow any more matter of suspetion, then the Frenchman formerly mentioned had instiled into them aforehand. After we were come therefore upon the River Garonne, and got soe hye as Blaye (which is a small towne with a cittadell where the cheife Governour of Bourdeaux doth reside, and where all customes for importacion and transportacion are discharged) myne adversaryes, which were now increased to the number of foure more, went to the Governour of the place, desiring a gaurd from him to conduct mee as a suspect'd person to prison, the which was granted them; whereupon I was taken out of the hoy that I came thether in, and was placed with the gaurd and myne adversarye into a greate open boate to goe directly for Bourdeaux.

Heare I came to know those whome had a hand in myne accusacion, who otherwise before that in all the jorney caried themselves very courtiosly towards mee, but now began their trecherous malice against mee openly, all their former complements and courtious usage being now degenerated into mockings and scoffings and spightfull langage. For all the way up to Bordeaux they used all possible endeavours to agravate to the highest measure the affliccions of my mind by all manner of reproches and affronts they put upon mee. They contryved as it were a comidy, or rather a tragedie, whereby they laboured to set forth to the life my future suffrings, introducing severall persons, whereof some acted the hangman's part, some the condemned prisoner's, some bore other officers parts, making the mast of the boate for a payre of gallowes, while I perforce was the sad subject of their hopes, I was to undergoe both in my torture and finall execucion, making continuall repetition of such lamentable cryes and dullfull exprecions as I should use if I came to feele the unsufferable torments of racking. And more over they would perswade now and then that I was ingaged to them for their insolences; for said they 'all the paynes wee take in our play are intended for your learning.' They called upon all the people they met upon the River, desiring them that if they had a mind to see an English saint hanging on the gallowes they should repair to Bourdeaux within two or three days.

With such and the like pastime wee arrived at Bourdeaux about 4 of the clock in the afternoone, where the gaurd that came with mee from Blaye was discharged, and I carried to a greate house in the Citty, which I tooke to be a house of entertainment because a great supper was their prepared for my sake, though without myne order, and likwise three of mine adversaryes being Rochellers intended to lodge their. But before we came to the house, because they would spare no meanes to increase my terrors they called the hangman, because our way fell out by his doore, recomending me to his care; who very courteously received me, promissing and engageing to me all his abillityes to be ready for my service. After I was lodged and sufficient care taken for me in the said house, myne accusers were very busye in provideing all necessaryes for my examination; wherupon severall persons to the number of seaven or eight did appeare their an houre before supper tyme, and went into a roome by themselves to advise upon the questions they intended to put unto me. And againe by the tyme that we had made an end of our supper the hangman came also, with two of his servants or attendants bringing his instruments along with him. After supper was done I was called to those eight men that were come to try me; for they continued their ever since they came, and supped also in a roome by themselves, but I and myne accusers supped in another roome. And when I came in unto them they demanded of me from whence I came, whither I intended, what my expeditions were in Burdeaux, what my aquaintance were that I had their, item what countryman I was and of what profession, whether I had skill in the Lattine tongue, whether I had beene long in France? Other frivolus questions they put to me, viz. where I had beene in such a yeare and at such a tyme of that yeare, what my busines had beene their, where my parents lived; and many other trifleing demands they asked me. Myne answers to all these questions they tooke in writing, on purpose to propound them againe to me in the midst of my tortures, where in case I had not answered according to trueth they thought it would be impossible (as indeed it would have falne out so, for to speake the trueth in all things did not consist with my safety at that tyme) for me to remember the same expressions to all those questions they had made to me, that so having found me in severall tales they might have the stronger grounds of their suspition against me.

Thus haveing made an end of this examination of myne they replyed, that those answers of myne had no conformity with those informations which upon sufficient grounds they had received conserning me; for said they, I had endeavoured to deny my native country, affirming myselfe to be a Germain, notwithstanding that I was an Englishman. Item that I denyed that ever I had any relation to the English army, although they were assured without contradiction that I was an officer of that army, and had beene upon service with the same in Scotland. Item that I had denyed to have any correspondence with any of the inhabitants of Burdeaux and Rochell, whereas it was not possible that I should travaile to so far a country without some recomendation at leastwise to some marchant; and since I had refused to relate the trueth in these things I must of necessity be guilty of some great designe or conspiration against their country, the which to prevent they did hold it their duty both to their kinge and country to bring me to a cleare confession by all possible meanes. Wherupon they desired me to resolve unto them without fraud or deceit these following questions. By whom I was sent thither? 2^ly what myne instructions were for my expedition? 3^ly what correspondency I had in Rochell and Burdeaux? 4^thly what charge I had in the English army, and lastly in whose hands those 1200 livres were which according to their well grounded information I had at my disposeing at Burdeaux? This last query was meerly devised by my accusers on purpose to begett in the coveteous magistrate a more earnest desire to afflict me with the more cruell torments, which might (as it often happeneth) cause me to confesse even such things as perhaps I was not guilty of, and so to be willingly condemned to dye rather then to suffer the intollerable greife and anguish of tortureing, which neverthelesse in themselves without any further condemnation would have prooved destructive to my life; for they myne accusers were after my conviction to have all the meanes that I had about me for their good service they had done in betraying of me, although in myne examination they were never brought in to confront me for all that I earnestly begged it.

After that I had given them answers to every one of their questions and suffitiently argued the groundless charges they had conveined against me, they refused to reason any longer with me, but desire me to repaire into the other roome where I was afore, saying that I should finde another examinator, unto whom I should be more ready to reveale the trueth then I had beene to them. Thus I retourned into the said roome where I found the hangman making his instruments ready for the worke, and myne accusers; who being ravished with joy because they had brought their designe to an expected end, continued to increase the sadness of my spirit with many insolent and hart breaking expressions, and drinking an health to my confusion, another to my speedy journey to the gallows. Now the temptations of that day (which was a day of distresse and unspeakable greife to me) came to their height; now fearfullnesse and trembleing came upon me and horror overwhelmed me; here the sorrows of death incompassed me and the paines of hell gott hold on me; here I was to goe through the fire and water, and to make choyce of destruction for myne inseperable companion. To describe the heavinesse of my spirit and the sorrowes of my hart I was in at that instant I know not where to begin, nor where to conclude, nor where to finde signeficant words to make a true and propper expression of the matter; only I say they were such as that I cannot without astonishment of heart thinke of them, nor reflect upon them with my mind in a serious consideration without teares of joy.

Now when I was past all humane helpe and comfort, wanting both time and place and the use of myn understanding (which was then wholly suppressed and stupified by hellish feares) to thinke upon any project for an escape, I leaned myselfe out of a window, having noe other place or conveniencie for any private meditacions, and tooke myne onely refuge to him who is an helper to the oppressed, a protectour to the forlorne, and a saviour of them that are without helpe, with confident perswacion that hee was both able and wise enough to deliver mee out of the hands of myne enemies, though they were never soe many, and though noe hope at all apeared in my sight for my deliverance, if it seemed good in his eyes to doe soe. But if by his eternall decree, I was to drinke this bitter cup of affliction, my onely request to him was then, that with his strenght hee would appeare in my weaknes, and worke a conformity betweene mine and his owne will, that with a contented minde I might take this cupp from his hands, and glorifie his name for his dispensacions.

I had noe sooner withdrawne my selfe from the window, but God, who had given eare to my crys, sent an instinct into my mind to try whether I could gitt privatly downe the stayres whilst all the companie in the same roome were tryumphing and rejoyceing in my mesiry. The which motion I went immeadiatly to put into execucion, and made foure or five turnes up and downe the roome, taking every time in my walking alsoe the lenght of a long gallery which crossed the rome running streght out of the doore, wherby I conteyned myself in every turne a little while out of there sight, which afterwards caused a carelessnes in them not to looke presently after mee when I went for good and all. At length I tooke the oppertunity to walke downe the stayres silently, and coming downe I found the gaurd that was apoynted to attend mee in the kitchin, making merry with drinking liberaly upon my cost, not suspecting my coming downe. By reason whereof I was not discovered as I passed by the kitchin doore, but without any further let I came to the streete doore, which was not locked yet, but onely boulted with two boults, and having unboulted it I went out, making what hast I could to the Citty gates. But it being late, about 10 a clocke at night, all the gates were shut.

Then I bent my course to the Citty walls, and ran about the same soe long till I came to a place where the battlements with sume parts of the wall were broaken downe, whereby the wall in the same place was become six foote lower then the rest of the wall. But before I was gott soe farr I heard the cryes in the streetes made by my persecutours, which doubtles were sore greeved and vexed that I was gone out of their hands without taking leave of them; therefore being senceable of that cruell intertainment which was prepared for mee in my unfortunate quarters I durst not goe farther about upon the walls for feare of my approaching ennemys, but resolving to cast myselfe upon the same God who had torne me but then out of the lyons mouth, beseeching him with all ernestnes that he would alsoe carry mee out of the same enemies sight, and send and assist mee in that dangerous but nessisary atempt of myne, which I was forced to make by leaping over that wall formerly mentioned, which was yett about 17 or 18 foote high from the ground. Thus having made another experiment of the wonderfull mercy of God I came on the ground on the other side of the wall without any hurt at all, save one small spraine I perceived in my right heele, which was by strayning a vaine as I thought. Yet was the same soone cured with the joye I was ravished withall, because of the seasonable and unexpected deliverance. Being without the wall I had a deepe moate or graffe to passe through yet before I could march any further. And seeking a passage where with most ease I might gett through I went about an houre round about on the foot of the wall, which was on dry ground, till at length I found a place where formerly their had beene built a water bearer crosse the graffe but now was broken downe, only some ruins of the foundations left yet, some above water and some under water, so that I could passe over the water upon the said ruins wadeing not above knee deepe.

Now I counted myselfe at full liberty, and being transported even above myselfe with unspeakable joy I retourned praise unto the Lord for his wonderfull dealings towards me, and resolved to march some seaven or eight leagues towards the sea side, to try whether I could meet their with any shipping wherby I might get from thence. And as I was marching on that night I lost my way, and was drawne by degrees into the middle of a great morast some two English miles broad, being misled by a supposed foot path, which had beene of use in the dry Summer tyme but none in Winter when it was altogether unpassable. Here I was wadeing up and downe to my middle, backwards and forwards all the rest of the night, even to the danger of my life, not knowing whether I went because no starrs appeared. Then I wrought myselfe through and came on dry land againe about nyne of the clock in the morning. My strength was wholy spent by this night's worke so that I was not able to goe any further before I had rested myselfe some two or three houres under a hedge. In the meane while I dryed my cloaths againe as well as I could, and made a paire of shoes of my bootes, cutting of the leggs of them, and makeing the feet servisable for shoes, that so I might be able to march with more agillity then I could with boots on my feet. Then having recollected some strength by a little rest, and refreshing my spirit with a draught of cold water (for better accomodation I was affraid to seeke in any house) I betooke me to my journey againe, in hopes that night to gett to some of those little townes which lay over against Blaye, before hue and cry after me could come thither. For their I intended to hire a boate that should have carried me by night to some of the shipps which were rideing over against Blaye.

At night an houre after sun set I got to Pullitor (which was one of the little townes I aimed at), and being tyred above measure both in body and spirit, by reason of the hard travills that I had endured both that day and the night before, I was ready to faint for some refreshment. I was fasting all that day, not dareing to aske releife of any body by the way. I was forced theirfore to venture into a taverne in that towne and aske for a pott of wine with some bread, which was brought me accordingly, not feareing in the meane tyme that the inhabittants of that place had goten any notice of my escape from Burdeaux. But before I had eaten and drunke my fill a guard of the townsmen came to secure me, haveing received a compleat discription of my person with an order to apprehend me before I came thither. By these townes-men I was kept all that night in the same house I first came into. In the meane while they sent to the next garrishon, which was Blaye on the other side of the water, giveing intemation to the Governer their of my captivity, and desiring him to take care of my examination and tryall.

The evening or the beginning of the night being appointed for my tryal, the hangman made all manner of preparation in the same roome before myne eyes; and when I prayed him to be as favourable as he could to me and I would resigne all what I had about me, he promissed me upon his faith I should not be hanged before I was sufficiently tortured. Such and the like comfort I received from him and all that were neare me. Now my terrors was multeplyed againe, and my sorrows brought to the same height they were at before, I finding myselfe forsaken of all the world, and seing no less grounds of feare and dispaire then I did two dayes before at Burdeaux. I heard through out the whole day no other discourse of all that was neer me but augmentations of my greife. I laid most part of that day upon my bed, sighing and crying unto the Lord that he would not withdraw his presence from my fainting spirit. And truly giving over all hopes of life I could not solicit the Lord for another deliverance, for I thought it a vaine thing to beg for impossibillityes; therfore all the scope of my supplication was only for spirituall comfort, for increase of my wearyed patience, and for a joyfull resolution to take up my crosse, and to carry it without murmouring after my Saviour. All that weere about me tooke occation at every carriage of mine to mock and scoffe att my calamity, in so much that when somtymes they perceived my whispering upon the bed they would saie 'harke, hearke, he is very earnestly preaching and praying, let us see if he can pray himselfe out of our hands.'

The day being thus spent and the night drawing on, the hangman seeing me in a fainting condition (because I refused to take either meat or drinke all the day) was very fearfull that I should faint under his hands when he should come to worke with me at night. To that end he devised this pollisie, to perswade me to sitt downe to supper with him and the rest, and to take some refresh of meate and drink, wherby my spirits might be revived againe. Halfe an houre before supper tyme he came in suddenly from the street, telling me their was an order come from the Governer of Blaye that I should be carried from thence to Rochell the next morning, their to be kept in custody for further examination. This designe of his, because it semed at least wise to delay the evill expected, though it could not altogether free me from the feares of it, tooke such effect upon me that my hart being eased theirby in some measure of the heaviness it was in, I rose presently from my bed; not suspecting any deceit in the project, for it appeared very probable to me that I should be carried to Rochell, because most of my accusers dwelled their, being in hope in the meane tyme, if my tryall weere suspended for the present, that God would work perhaps some meanes for my deliverance. In this perswation I satt downe to supper betweene seaven and eight of the clock, and fell to my meat with a good appetite.

In the midst of our supper my maister the hangman called for a cup of wine, the which was filled and given him by his man; and as he was putting it to his mouth, before he drunke he remembered himselfe, and asked his man out of which pot it had beene filled (for their stood two potts on the dresser); and when he shewed him which pot the glasse had beene filled out of with his finger, the hangman fell to cursing, and rebukeing the fellow for his carelessnesse, in so much that he threwe the glasse with the wine into the fyre. Hereby I came to be sensible of my delusion, remembering some words that weere spoken that afternoone as I lay upon my bed; for the hangman had sett a little skellit with faire water upon the fyre, and as in the boyleing theirof he putt somthing into it, his wife bid him put a greater quantety of that ingredience that the water might be the stronger; but he answered her saying, 'by no meanes if you put in any more you will kill him altogether, this is enough to bourne him to the hart.' These words, together with the other passages that happened both at and after supper, were a sufficient argument to me of their intentions: namely the hangman had prepared a potion for mee, which was to procure unto mee greate gripings in the belly, that soe the outward torments being added to the inward paines it might make mee confesse the secritts of my hart. My eyes being thus opened by the wonderfull worke of God, I refused to drinck any wine but what I filled my selfe out of the potts which I saw others drinking out of before me. Now the hangman saw himself frustrated in his hopes hee perswaded mee presently after supper to goe to my rest into my bed betymes, because the shipper with whom I was to goe to Rochell would call mee early in the morning. But I being sufficiently convinced of his designe could give noe eare to his perswacions, but spent my time by walking up and downe the roome; till at lenght about 9 or 10 a clock hee suspected my fears (for hee would faine have made mee gone to my bed before he should have medled with meef, that soe hee needed not throw mee downe perforce). Therefore to remove all grounds of suspition I had of him, hee bid us all good night, and tooke his leave of all as though he was going to his rest into the next house, where the two officers lay, which were to bee present at my tryall; but being gone downe the stayers, and one of the gaurds with him, unto whom hee gave order to send him word whensoever I was gone to bed, that hee might come with the officers to finish the worke that they had in hand with me.

In the mean time, notwithstanding his pretences, I kept walking up and downe the roome full of feares and suspitions till eleven of the clock, and then I layd myselfe downe upon the bed in my cloathes. I was noe sooner layd but those that gaurded me sent a boy to the hangman, who because it was soe late returned this answer: that the officers who were to attend my tryall were fallen asleepe, but they would bee ready to come with him about 3 a clocke in the morning; hee desired them therefore to bee very vigilent and carefull of mee till then, least I should escape there hands. The gaurd according to these instructions used all means to keepe one another from sleeping; if one did but slumber a little the other would presently waken him againe to my greate greefe. All this while I lay in a hellish paine and anguish, expecting with horror and trembling that dreadfull howre but lately mentioned which was drawing one apace. Neverthelesse about one of the clock I felt within my selfe (doubtlesse by the Lord's instigacion who would further declare his wonderfull love to mee) a strong conceipt and an undeniable perswation that I should make another escape, althow the meanes how to perfect the same was not as yet aparent to mee. Where upon I began againe to consult with my selfe after what manner with most probability to accomplish my desires; and seeing, that unlesse my watchmen that were with mee in the roome were asleepe, it would be altogether vaine to make any attempt, I besought the Lord of all might that hee would with his alsufficient power to cast them into a sleepe while I should indeavour to gitt from amongst them. Thus I lay in expectacion with a watchfull eye, I making all signes of them of sleepe, till the Lord was pleased to answer mee graceously.

About two of the clock I found them all fast asleepe, both the fowre souldiers which sate about mee before the fire, and the two servants of the hangman which lay on a bed in the other end of the roome. As soone as I perceived it, I hasted to make use of this oportunity, and took both the sheetes of the bed, tying them togeather with the two corners, and slitting the other corner of the sheete assunder, that with the more conveniency I might tye it about the midle frame of the window (for the lower end of the pertition of the windows in these parts have wooden sutters without glassing). Having thus prepared the way, I stept out of the window in the name of the Lord, and let myselfe downe by the sheets, having my shooes in my mouth, till I came to the ground. Here I would make noe long stay soe much as to put on my shoose, but betooke myselfe presently to my heeles, and ran as hard and as long as breath would hould out. I was not gon full muskett shott from the house, before I heard the cry and alarem in the towne after mee. Suspecting that I was gone towards the River to looke for shipping, they persued mee up and downe the River side, as I could guese by the barking of the doggs in those townes and villages which lay in the water side. But the night being darke and I taking my course directly to the land side, I perceived none to come after mee that way, soe I marched peaceably all that night towards Bourdeaux againe, with an intencion to try whether I could gitt in some evening tyme, and find out a shipper with whome I might agree to take mee along with him beyond sea for a sume of mony.

In the morning after breake of day I lodged my selfe in a wood, and continued there till 2 a clock in the afternoone. But being weary of fasting, and thinking the inhabitants which lived soe farr from the water side would not have had any notice concerning mee, I put of my gray coate (which was mentioned in the hue and cry) and carreing it under my arme, I ventured out of the wood, and kept on my way till about 4 of the clock to an open village which was about 4 leagues from Bourdeaux. There I went into a taverne, and called for a pot of wyne with some bread to refresh my tyred body withall; the wyne was brought to me presently, but as for the bread I was to stay for it till they had fetched the key, which was some where in the towne. But insted of fetching the key they went to fetch halfe a dozen troopers that were quartered in the same towne, and some of them in the same house (for I saw five greate sadle horses standing in the stable) for to aprehend mee whilst I was staying for the bread. Not having forgotten yet my former miscarriages, I mistrusted by the wispring of those that were in the house, that there was a new plott preparing against mee, the which suspition caused mee to pay for my wine, and soe hasten out of the house.

As soone as I came out in the streete, I saw five of the troopers coming downe the towne. They called to me desiring me to stay, but I taking noe notice of their calling, went on a strong pace, yet without running, till I came about the corner of a close; then I ran in hast behind a hedge, where I made a version of my waye, and turned quyt back againe, till I came to the end of the towne where I first came in. There I went into a garden, and kreept (as I thought unknowne to any body) into the bottome of a hedge. The troopers before I gott to this hedge, were gotten on horse backe serching for mee with great rage. They crossed the fields thereabouts till darke night, and having missed their ayme after this manner, they caused all the villages within a league round about to watch and keepe a gaurd that night, barricading with carts and ladders the highwayes in all places where there was any considerable passage, for the fields were all inclosed with thick and unpassible hedges. I lay in the meane time securely in the hedge bottome, thinking that noe body had knowne of my being there, till there came a lustie cuntry man, who having seene mee to creepe into the hedge walked all the while I was there in the garden, taking noe notice of mee in the hedge; and as soone as it was darke, hee approached towards mee, and thrusting mee with a staffe desired mee to come forth. Soe when I came forth, I besought him to lett mee goe, and I would give him all that I had. Hee being willing to grant my desire asked mee presently, where my goods were? I tould him in the bottome of the hedge; for having seene mee to carry a bundle under my arme, which was my short coate, hee thought that the richest plunder that I had would bee in the bundle, by reason of that he bad me goe whither I pleased, he would be no hinderance unto me. While he went to looke for his booty I hasted away. Then I went all that night out of one close into another, not being able to get through, the guards weere so strictly kept upon all the high wayes.

About breake of day I betooke myselfe to a ruinous chappell wherof the walls were only standing, the ground within in most places was overgrowne with nettles, which weere my shelter for all that day till the afternoone. About two of the clock, being ready to starve for cold because of my thin cloathing, and having perceived no body all the day to come to so sollitary a place, I went forth out of the corner in which I had hid myselfe till then. I went into the middle of the chappill where I had place to walke by short tournes, therby to gett some heate into my quakeing body. As I was walking in the middle of my walking their came a countryman with a short crooked bill in his hand; him I prayed after many other discourses, that he would be a meanes to conduct me to the water side, which was within a league, from thence to transport me on the other side the River, and I would give him tenn pistolls for his paines, if he would not betray me. This man did seme to like my motion well, and promised me with many oaths to be faithfull to me, desiring me not to stir from the place till at night, as soone as it was darke, he should come to fetch me. After this fellow was gone I began to consider within myselfe that I could looke for no reall dealing from him, but that he intended either to deliver me into the custody of my persecutors, or else to destroy me privately in the night, and so to make a prey of me for his owne profitt; for if I had put myselfe after this manner into his power, wherby all that I had in my custody became to be at his disposeing, he could not but hope to reape a greater game by killing me then by keeping his promise with me. Therfore not thinking it safe for me to continue theire till night, I resolved an houre after he was gone to seeke some other hideing place.

Thus deserting the said chappell I fell into a high way, which of necessity I was forced to keepe, by reason of the thick hedges and deep ditches on both sides of the way. Before I had gon far I mett with a barricade cross the way, made with carts and ladders the night before, but now it was without any guard. Seing this I concluded that their was not so strict watch kept for me by day as by night, the which emboldened me to continue my march in hopes to passe all the inclosed feilds before night, to reach the champion country, where I could not bee blocked up in the maner I used to bee among the hedges and ditches. Now when I had even overcome those difficult wayes among the hedges, and was now upon the brim of a large champion country, I sought about the hedges for some hiding place where I might be obscured till darke night. But before I could find a place fitt for my turne, I was discovered by a contry man coming from the feild, who dwelled hard by where I was; who as soone as hee gott a vew of mee hee came rounding towards mee with a long crooked bill, and made mee to goe along with him to his house, where I saw never another man, but fowre or five women, whereof one was his mother, who did curse and revile mee in a most abhominable manner. A maid was presently sent to some officers in the parish for more helpe, for his house stood by it selfe in the field far from neighbours. In the meane time the good man gave mee a glasse or two of wine, and a little crust of bread, which after two dayes fasting, was some though not considerable refreshment to mee because it was noe more. Taking noe delight of the ayre in the house I could not have patience to sitt downe, though much intreated, but sought to walk up and downe rather without the dores then within. After that I had bin there about halfe an howre, the maid that went for more helpe, returned with news, that some more men would be there immeadiatly. Now the day and night were even parting, darkenes increasing apace, whilst I still continued to walke, with many intreaties that hee would dismis mee, promising him 20 pistolls for his reward, but I could not prevaile with him. At length the ould woman came forth full of indignacion, rayling and chiding him for walking in the darke without armes in his hands. The good sone, taking his mother's witt for the best, willingly yeilded to her instructions, and prayed her to stay with mee till hee went to fetch his fowling peece; thus having resigned me to his mother's care, he went to fetch his gun in the house. I kept in the mean time of his absence a slow walke while the ould woman full of jealousy followed mee close at the heeles mandring, and when I guessed what tyme her sone might be got up the stayres, I made use of my leggs on a suddaine, and ran into a plaine champion feild, which was on one side of the house, with all possible speed, leaving the ould woman behind in a distracted and raging condition, clamering and taking on as one out of witts. Before her good sone could gitt downe to see what his mother ayled, I was out of reach of his gun, and out of sight, making soe many crooked turnes in my passage that they might not know where to follow mee.