The Lhota Nagas

Alphabet.

Only syllables which are strongly long or short have been so marked.

There are no true diphthongs. The separate sounds of vowels which occur together can just be distinguished, though often very faintly.

Article. For the indefinite article mătsanga is used both with persons and things, and nchyua with persons only. The article is, however, usually omitted unless there is some special emphasis on the singleness of the person or thing spoken of. The place of the definite article is taken by demonstrative pronouns.

Gender. There is no distinction of gender except in the case of animate objects. For human beings epue, “male,” and elue, “female,” are added when the sex is not otherwise indicated; e.g. ngāro, “infant,” ngaro epue, “little boy,” ngaro elue, “little girl.” In the case of animals, ōpong, “male,” and ōkhu, “female,” are used; e.g. wōkō, “pig,” wokopong, “boar,” wokokhu, “sow.”

Number. The plural termination is “ang,” affixed to the demonstrative pronoun chi or shi. “The men have gone”: “Kyonchiang yichaka.” The word “ōni” is used as a form of dual. “We two,” eni (i.e. e-oni). “My father and your brother came yesterday”: “Āpo nā nīta oni nchü roa.”

Case. The subject of a transitive verb takes the suffix nā, which is also that of the instrument. In the case of two or more subjects the suffix is attached to the one nearest [210]the verb. When the subject is followed by an adjective qualifying it, the suffix is attached to the adjective.

Etsi-na The Sahib sōko “madhu” yūchaka. has drunk.

The object immediately precedes the transitive verb governing it and is not inflected.

E-na We soko “madhu” yuka. will drink.

The direct object precedes the indirect.

Ōtsi Rice to Chongsĕmo Chongsemo pia. give.

The noun is not inflected for the genitive. The possessor precedes the thing possessed.

Yănăsao Yanasao’s ’tsi rice Chongsemo to Chongsemo pia. give.

Place and time are rendered by postpositions such as i, “to,” “in”; na, “from,” “with”; lo, “to”; theni, “with,” “from,” and many others.

Shi-na He the ora-i jungle-to wo. will go. Ā-ki-lo My-house-to woa. go. Eng-iya-thang-na. Sun-coming-time-from (i.e. “from dawn”).

Adjectives. Adjectives follow the nouns they qualify and take the suffixes instead of the noun.

Ōtūng Tree săpo-lo. tall-on.

When a noun is used as an adjective it precedes the noun it qualifies.

Ora kyon. Jungle-man. [211]

To form the comparative an adjective takes the suffix “wo” or sometimes for euphony “mo.”

Yanasao Yanasao Asao (than) Asao sapowo. (is) taller.

In interrogative sentences the adjective plus the comparative suffix wo is repeated first with the interrogative suffix alo, and then with the interrogative suffix ela.

Yanasao Yanasao sapow’alo taller Asao Asao sapow’ela? taller? (i.e. Which is taller, Yanasao or Asao?)

The superlative is formed by adding the suffix “wo” to the adjective as in the comparative, and putting some word meaning “all” before the noun representing the things among which comparison is being made.

Lănga All ’tung trees shi this sapowo. taller (i.e. This is the tallest tree).

Numerals. The cardinals are as follows:—

Fractions:—

Counting is done on the fingers, and reckoning is kept by little bundles of sticks. It is a common sight to see, say, five little bits of bamboo stuck up in a prominent place in a wayside granary, or five notches cut in a log. This means that the owner will claim Rs. 5 from whoever damages the granary or misappropriates the log.

There are no true ordinals.

Ordinal adverbs are formed by the prefix echo or echung.

[213]

Pronouns. The personal pronouns are as follows:—

Personal pronouns take the same suffix as nouns.

A I mokthata. am tired.

A-na I pīka. will give.

As in nouns, the possessive is formed by placing the possessor before the thing possessed.

My house = Āki (= A-oki).

The demonstrative pronouns are as follow:—Hi or shi, “this,” chi, “that,” hiang or shiang, “these,” oten or chiang, “those.” They follow the noun they qualify and take suffixes as do adjectives.

A-na I oki-shi-lo house-this-in otsi rice tsōka. will eat.

The interrogative pronouns are as follow:—

Nno You ntio what chonala? are wanting?

A relative clause in English is usually rendered in Lhota [214]by the verb followed by wochi (lit. “go that”), often pronounced mochi for euphony.

A-na I echo-mō-chi wanted-one-the a-pia me-give

(i.e. give me the one I wanted).

The interrogative pronouns are, however, sometimes used as relatives.

A-na I kuwe what chonana wanted chi that a-pia. me-give.

The Verb. The verb is not conjugated for person and number. Certain suffixes are used to express tense. They are as follow:—

-a = perfect or future, the context giving the sense. It is also the termination of the imperative. Thus, from the verbal root tso = eat—

-ka is the ordinary termination of the future—

Ana tsoka = I will eat.

-cho is the ordinary termination of the preterite—

Ana tsocho = I ate, I have eaten.

-ala is the ordinary termination used to express continual action, and is apparently a form of the verb lia, “is”—

To express habitual action the verbal root without any termination is used.

Ana otsi tso = I eat rice.

The verbal root followed by a faint v sound expresses future action.

Ana tsov = I will eat. [215]

Further shades of meaning are expressed by a large number of verbal modifiers which are added sometimes to the verbal root, and sometimes to the verbal root plus the termination -a. These modifiers are followed by the suffixes already mentioned. The commonest are as follow:—

(1) vān indicates continuance. Alone it means “stay,” “remain,” “live.”

(2) kam also indicates continuance.

Ana otsi tsoakāma = I am eating rice.

(3) chak implies completion.

Ana atsi tsochaka = I have eaten up my rice.

A reduplicated form of chak is also sometimes used to express the English pluperfect.

Ana atsi tsochakchaka = I had eaten up my rice.

(4) sāla implies immediate future.

Ana tsosala = I am just about to eat.

(5) tok has a causative, or permissive sense.

(6) hng is a verbal root meaning “wish.”

Ana tsohnga = I wish to eat.

(7) pvu is added to the reduplicated verbal root to express frequency.

Shina tsopvu tsopvu vanala = He is always eating.

(8) lan or lam expresses repetition.

Shina rolancho = He came back again.

(9) ten or tem indicates the first doing of an act.

Ana tsotencho = I ate first.

(10) ta indicates that several people are acting together.

Otena tsotala = They are eating together. [216]

(11) khān signifies absolute completeness.

Ana atsi tsokhancho = I have eaten up all my rice.

(12) nhyu indicates incompleteness.

Ana otsi tsonhyua = I have eaten part of the rice.

(13) s = “more.”

Otsi apisa = Give me more rice (pi = “give”).

(14) hrak = “got.”

Ana otsi tsohraka = I got some rice to eat.

(15) kok = ability.

Ana oso tsokoka = I can eat meat.

(16) che or cheyu also = ability.

Ana otsi ntsoche = I cannot eat rice.

Imperative Mood. The following examples show the shades of meaning of the terminations in use.

Participial Clauses. The sense of English participles and participial clauses is given by postpositions and adverbs added to the verbal stem or the verbal stem plus a. Examples are as follow:—

(1) -na “from,” “by,” the instrumental postposition.

(2) -i = “at.”

(3) thang = “at the time of.”

Ana tsoathang shina atapcho = He struck me when I was eating. [217]

(4) -le = “at the time of”—usually added to verbal modifier van.

Ana tsoavanle shina atapcho = He struck me when I was eating.

(5) sanati = “immediately after.”

tsosanati woa = Go as soon as you have eaten.

(6) si or sa = “after.”

tsosi woa = Go when you have eaten.

(7) leha or chakla denote concession.

Ana otsi ntsoleha woka = Though I have not eaten I will go.

Directional Prefixes. Certain prefixes are added to verbs of motion to indicate direction.

(1) chung = “up”; chungwoka = I will go up.

(2) cho = “down”; chowoka = I will go down.

(3) thre or thro = “in”; threyia = come in. throwoa = go in.

(4) chi = “out”; chiyia = go out.

Conditional Clauses. A conditional clause is usually expressed participially by means of the postposition -na added to the verbal stem. Another method is to add -wo to the verbal root of the protasis and -katola to the verbal root of the apodosis.

Otsi hello liwo ana tsokatola5 = If rice were here I would eat.

Purpose. Purpose is usually expressed by adding the postposition -lo, “to,” to the verbal root. It may also be expressed by the prefix e-, either with or without the postposition -lo, or by the suffix kiatto.

[218]

Negative. With the imperative the prohibitive prefix tī- is used.

Titsoa = Do not eat.

In the other tenses n (or sometimes for euphony m) is prefixed to the verb.

Ana ntso = I do not eat.

Interrogatives. The following suffixes are added to the verbal root plus the termination -a.

(1) -ke.

Nno tsoake = Do you eat?

(2) -nūng.

Nno tsoanung = Do you eat?

(3) -la, with a reduplicated verbal root.

Nna tsotsoala = Do you eat?

(4) -ela, with a reduplicated verbal root. This form is only used when speaking of past time. The termination -a of the verbal root is elided and disappears.

Nno tsotsoela = Did you eat?

(5) For double questions -lo is suffixed to the affirmative verb and -la (or -ela) to the negative verb.

Nno tsoalo ntsoala = Do you eat or not?

(6) -ne is used in asking permission.

Ana tsoane = May I eat?

Voice. There is no passive form of the verb.

I have eaten up my rice = ana atsi tsochaka.

My rice has been eaten up = atsi tsochaka.

The latter appears to be really a case in which the subject is understood.

Verbal Synonyms. As in other Naga languages, different verbs are used for variations of the same act. Dr. Witter gives the following list as an example. [219]

Adverbs. The following are typical examples. Many are composite words formed from a noun or pronoun and a postposition.

Postpositions. Several have been noted in connection with the verb. Examples of others are as follow:—

In a simple sentence the subject comes first and the verb last, with the object between them.

Ana I otsi rice tsoka. will eat.

Adverbs usually come first.

Ochü To-morrow ana I otsi rice tsoka. will eat. [220]

Interrogative adverbs, however, often follow the subject.

Chongsemo Chongsemo kothang when rov? will come?

Possessive nouns and pronouns precede the thing possessed, but adjectives follow the noun they qualify.

Ana I Chongsemo Chongsemo’s ’tsi rice mhōna good tsoka. will eat.

In compound sentences the principal clause stands last.

Ochi There nyanya a goat vāna is ana I ntsiala. know.

In reporting the words of a third person the actual words spoken are placed with the particle to immediately in front of the principal verb.

Thus “Chongsemo said he would go” would be in Lhota—

Chongsemona Chongsemo ana I wov will go to thus ezocho. said.

If the actual words of the speaker are not used the indirect discourse is placed after the principal clause and its verb takes the affix -lato.

Chongsemona Chongsemo ezocho said omona he wolato. would go.

Specimens. The following specimens of the language with literal translations will serve to illustrate the grammar and syntax.

I.—The Story of the Cuckoo and the Crow.

Păngpăng-to cuckoo nā and kāshāk-to crow ōni they-two ōkămo friends tscōtācho. became. Ole Then pangpang-chi-na cuckoo-that kashak-chi (to) crow-that ēzōchō said “Ā-kăm, “my-friend, [221] nnā-hā you-too ōnyu-shi-ki gum-this-with mhōna well ā-rānīke me-ornamenting ana-ha I-too onyu-shi-ki gum-this-with mhona well i-ranika.” you-will ornament.” to thus ezoa having said mhona well eranitokcho. made him ornament. Chi-silōcho That-after kashak-chi-na crow-that pangpang-chi (to) cuckoo-that ezocho said “A-kam, my-friend, nna-ha you-too mhona well a-ranike me-ornamenting ana-ha I-too mhona well i-ranichoka.” you-will ornament.” to thus ezoa having said onyu-chi gum-that picho. gave. Ole Then pangpang-chi-na cuckoo-that “A-kam, “my-friend a-pfu-na my-mother a-tsāla, me-is calling, a-pfu-na my-mother a-tsala,” me-is calling,” to thus ezoa having said onyu-chi-na gum-that-with kashak-chi cuckoo-that kŭrri-lo head-on tyankaisi having poured out tsancho. ran away. Chī-tsōkō-nā That-reason-from nhūnga-cha now-till kashak-cho crow-the nyĭkā-lā. black-is. Hochi-na That-from pangpang-cho cuckoo-the kashak crow khȳua fearing engo (by) day n-sāmphina not-wandering zāmo-thăng-tai darkness-time-only “pangpang “cuckoo pangpang.” cuckoo.” to thus khua crying samphiala. wanders.

Translated into ordinary English the story runs as follows:—

The cuckoo and the crow became sworn friends. One day the cuckoo said to the crow, “My friend, you ornament me prettily with this gum and I will do the same to you,” and got the crow to do as he was asked. The crow [222]then made the same request to the cuckoo and gave him the gum. But the cuckoo cried, “My mother is calling me, my mother is calling me,” and poured the gum all over the crow’s head and ran away. That is why the crow is black and the cuckoo is so frightened of the crow that he only wanders about at night, calling, “Cuckoo, cuckoo.”6

II.—How Children were turned into Monkeys.

Onpoi-na man and wife otsoi children epue male ’ts child ekha one elue female ’ts ekha to child one too pōki having got vāsi having been elue-chi wife-the tchhīcho. died. Tole Then epue-chi-na husband-the elue-chi wife-the tchhicho died silo after elue wife ethăn new soa took vāncho. remained. Ole Then elue wife ethan-chi-na new-the elue wife etchhio-chi dead-the ’tsoi children t’-oni-chi two-the n-nzām not-pitying elăm much kangshi trouble ntsonshicho. gave. Osi But nchōkāchō one day mbo-na she nūngri-t’-oni (to the) children-two “li-nhyako “field-to watch wota, go otsi-cho food a-na I eng-aku day-every ni-’ni (for) you two hāntokmūngka; will have taken down; oki home ti-yitake.” do not come.” to Thus ezoa having said wotokcho. made to go. Chi-silo That-after mbo-na she otsi food kīlāto calling-it zīro-chü rat-dung hōno-chü chicken-dung māku-to husks-too tai only [223] nkapnkapi having tied up in leaves nungri-t-’oni (to) the children-two hantokmungcho. had carried down. Tole Then nungri-t-’oni-na children-two eng-aku day-every mbo-na she otsi food kilato calling it ziro-chü rat-dung hono-chü chicken-dung na and maku-to husks-too nkapnkapi having tied up in leaves hantokmung-chi having had taken down-that which lānphelānphei having opened zesi sicho. saw. Chi-silo-cho That-after nungri-t-’oni-na children-the two kyon man’s etsoyu food and drink n-chămcheo not-remembering ora-i jungle-in tsangti-longpen-tai nuts berries-only hlotso-hloyuta picking eating-picking drinking vancho. stayed. Ole Then nchokacho one day opo-na (their) father otsi food hānsi carrying wo going “oyi, “come, otsi food tsota.” eat.” to Thus ezoa having said tsale calling nungri-t-’oni-na children-the two “A-po, “my-father, eyo we nhungo now kyon man’s etsoyu food and drink n-chamche not-remembering kama having become yākso monkeys kamayiala.” are becoming.” to Thus ezoa saying “wu-wu” “wu-wu” to thus khuta calling yakso monkeys kamayicho. became. Chi-silo-cho That-after opo-na (the) father “Toka “Then ni-ni-na you-two yakso monkeys kama having become yi-na being-from oyan village mung-thang-mungri emung-time-keeping eli is chepya seeing ’yam-li village-fields penchü-muchü seeds-roots [224] shotso scratching up shoiya digging up yitake,” will go,” to thus ezoa having spoken yitokcho. let (them) go. Hochi-na This-from nhunga-liya now-till yakso-na monkeys oyan village mung-thang-mungri emung-time-keeping eli is chepya seeing ’yam-li village-fields penchü-muchü seeds-roots shotso scratching up shoiyala digging up are to thus rutala. (men) say.

The interpretation of the tale is as follows:—

A man and his wife had one son and one daughter. The wife died and the man married again. But the new wife did not love her step-children and ill-used them. One day she said to them, “Go down and watch the fields. I will send food down for you every day. Do not come back to the house.” But instead of food she only sent down rat-dung and chicken-dung and rice husks tied up in leaves. When the children opened the leaves they saw that their step-mother had sent them down filth instead of food. Then they forgot what human food was like and took to picking and eating berries in the jungle. One day their father brought down some food and called them to come and eat it, but they said, “We have forgotten what human food is like, father. We are turning into monkeys.” With these words they called out “wu-wu” and turned into monkeys. Then their father said, “You have turned into monkeys, and now you will watch for the days when the villagers are keeping emung and cannot go to the fields, and will scratch up the roots and seeds they have sown.” That is why to this day monkeys scratch up the roots and seeds in the fields when they see that the village is keeping emung.

The figurative expressions used by Lhotas in jest or for purposes of abuse are so apt and to the point that they deserve brief notice. A dwarfish person is called either [225]hampochütang (fowl’s-dung) or zitsenaro (mouse). A woman of loose morals is called nyanyavu (she-goat) or ntsingo (a small fish with the reputation of taking any bait thrown to it). The expression wokomhi (pig’s tail) is applied to a fussy man who is always running backwards and forwards. Nangkinangka (chrysalis) denotes a sulky man. Shamakok (wasp) is a man with a very small waist. Potak (duck) is a man who waggles his posterior as he walks. In a quarrel a man will sometimes address his opponent as sakaptso (“born under the verandah of the house,” i.e. bastard), and will be called songkoptso (“born under the granary”) in return. A man with no teeth is nicknamed okingkham (open door), and so on.

An English mother who says to her baby, “Didums wantum’s bottleums denums?” uses language sufficiently like that in ordinary use to be intelligible to a mere bachelor, but the Lhotas have a curious custom, when addressing small children, of using words which are in no way connected with the speech of every-day life. For instance, “boiled rice” is called mama, “madhu” is koko, “rain” is tsetse, “eat” is hamto, “go to sleep” is shoboto, “get up” is hoksi, “sit down” is phato, “go along” is tsatsato, “I will smack you” is khakto, and so on.

The origin of this baby dialect is unknown, but it is noticeable that the Aos use almost identical words in addressing their children. [226]