“Dear Sir,
As this publication, or rather edition, is intended for you I was anxious to obtain your approbation, well knowing besides that if I were so fortunate as to obtain it I might hope not to be reasonably found fault with by men of taste. To tell you the truth I fancy the volume (as I almost see it printed, pressed, and bound) as a very fine one. Do not laugh at my conceit. I never did anything so much con amore. With notes and all it will come to about 300 pages.
“Dear Sir,
I have always been truly sensible to the kindness with which you have satisfied the occasional literary enquiries with which you have allowed me to trouble you, and with which you have taken so friendly an interest in the details of my small collection of books, and in its gradual improvement, but to permit, if I may use such a word, or to encourage you to incur the expense of printing a work of 300 pages for me without any intention of remunerating yourself by the sale of the work, is what upon no consideration I ought or could be brought, as far as I am concerned, to consent to. At the same time, I cannot but be disposed most gratefully to accept your present, and most anxiously to assist in promoting your literary labours, so useful to all readers of taste and so creditable to the distinguished editor. As an humble associate in so laudable an undertaking, I trust you will have the goodness to accept me as such, and have therefore taken the liberty of enclosing a small advance, as you will see in the note to Coutts which accompanies this. By your kind concurrence in this indispensable course you will increase your claim upon my grateful acknowledgments for your welcome present, and will thus relieve me from difficulties otherwise insuperable. I cannot but add likewise my earnest wish that you would be induced, after you have indulged your liberality in your presents to your friends, to give the work to the public, and to derive from it the profit to which you are so justly entitled. Once more, dear Sir, accept my grateful thanks for your intended present, which will be a most valuable addition to my library.
“Dear Sir,
I have just received the kind note with which you have honoured me, and I cannot conceal how greatly mortified I am at the indispensable condition, as you call it, on which you will do me the honour of allowing me to dedicate to you the edition of Bojardo’s Lyrical Poems. I assure you that if you insist upon it, it will be a very great disappointment to me. I have taken a liking to Bojardo’s poems because they are, in my opinion, remarkably fine, because I owe him a good deal (since it is through him that I have had the honor of becoming acquainted with you more than would have been likely to be the case had he not written the Innamorato) and because he was born in my native province; and I, having been in the habit of spending many of my younger days at Scandiano, feel great pleasure in being occupied with the works of a poet whose name is connected in my mind with so many dear recollections. I intend printing a limited number of copies of the lyrical poems, because few persons can appreciate them, and still fewer will buy them; whilst the present will be more acceptable if only a few copies of a book not published for sale, be offered to an amateur.
It was this last circumstance which induced me to beg of you to condescend to have the book inscribed to you: for as it would be seen only by those who knew us both, or even either of us, a dedication could not be considered but what it really is intended to be, an expression of gratitude and respect really felt and due. Were I to say that the thought of editing a volume which was to be so inscribed did not render the occupation still more agreeable than it would have been, I should not state the fact; but I can truly say that the edition will be proceeded with at all events even should you not allow me to offer it to you—a determination which I hope you will not take. You will see from this that you neither cause, permit, nor encourage expense, and that consequently I cannot consent to your bearing any.
With many and many thanks for your kindness, and in hope that you will not deprive me of the anticipated pleasure of inscribing my little volume to you. I have, &c.,
“Dear Sir,
I had hoped to overcome the delicacy of your scruples in a matter which appeared to me likely to press very unreasonably upon you; but your letter expresses so strong a sense of mortification and disappointment at the earnestness of my proposal, that I can only say that I will leave the decision upon it entirely to your own consideration and judgment.
* * * * * * *
I have only once more to repeat that my former letter had no other object than that of doing what might be gratifying to you, and that I wish you to do about it whatever is most agreeable to yourself, and that you may be assured that in all events I shall be highly honoured and gratified by your inscribing the book to me.—I am, &c.,
“Dear Sir,
Your letter of the 19th inst., which I have just had the honour of receiving, by granting the request I made on my own terms, and granting it in such a manner renders me still more deeply indebted to you. **** I can fully enter into the motives which dictated both your letters, and I see in both of them a fresh proof of that delicate kindness to me which I have so often experienced, which I appreciate to its extent, and which I shall never forget.—Believe me, yours, &c., &c.
In returning from our dissertation on Panizzi’s works to his life, we bring the narrative back to the date 1830-1831, it may be observed, when Europe was in a state of revolution. In Italy fresh disturbances indicated that the spirit of discontent was unallayed—especially in Modena—where Francis IV. continued his oppressive government; while in Piedmont, a more earnest and conscientious people founded an association under the name of Giovine Italia; amongst them was the Genoese Giuseppe Mazzini, who forwarded an address (1831) to the King of Sardinia, praying for a Constitutional Statute.
For this act Mazzini was forced into exile, and from that time may be said to date the end of Carbonarism, which, overpowered by the new scheme of not only uniting Italy, but of establishing a Republican form of government, seemed to have alienated those that were left of the older patriots who had sacrificed life and property ten years previously.
The King, Charles Felix, died, leaving behind him the reputation of having ruled his kingdom after the fashion most worthy of the “rois fainéants”, and as an unworthy nephew of Emanuel Philibert and Charles Emanuel. His death, by a strange coincidence, happened on the very day, in the same year that one of His Majesty’s most bitter enemies, Antonio Panizzi, entered the Institution which afterwards he so much honoured.
In England the death of George IV. (1830), and the unpopularity of the Duke of Wellington, largely contributed to the overthrow of the Tory party. In France, too, the expulsion of Charles X. (in consequence of his attempts on the constitution and the press), had its influence on the masses in this country; the elections greatly favoured the Whig party, and Mr. Brougham, raised to the Peerage on the 22nd of November, 1830, took the earliest opportunity, as an ex-officio Trustee of the British Museum, to place his Italian friend in that noble establishment, under the title of Extra-Assistant Librarian.
On the 27th of April, 1831, his appointment was signed by the Archbishop of Canterbury, Dr. Howley, and by the Lord Chancellor, Brougham; the House of Commons having been dissolved, there was no Speaker at the time. Panizzi had to give, according to usage, two securities of £500 each, which were promptly forthcoming in the persons of his two earliest friends of Liverpool, Mr. Ewart and Mr. Haywood.
Thus far have we drawn from the materials at hand, a sketch of that early career which was to lead to the achievement of a lasting literary reputation, and the exercise of an energetic administrativeadministrative faculty. We have glanced at the struggles of the incipient jurisconsult, the patriotic agitator, the outlaw, the homeless fugitive, the indigent teacher, the literary aspirant, and, in every vicissitude, the man of many warmly-attached friends. We have traced his progress until he attained the position wherein his abilities had extended scope, wherein his influence was to be beneficially felt, and his success consummated. The record of his life to this period is of itself the most valuable testimonial to his character and conduct; but while we lay sufficient stress on his own exertions, let us not forget to award the share of honour due to Lord Brougham, who, discarding national prejudice, recognised the capacity, and gave ample sphere to the energy and genius of Antonio Panizzi.
CHAPTER IV
The British Museum; Appointment Discussed; First Duties; Royal Society; Promotion; Cary; Hallam’s Letter; Official Residence.
Not before the middle of the eighteenth century had the grand idea of establishing a National Museum been entertained in England. The project was suggested by the will of Sir Hans Sloane, Bart., of Chelsea, who, during a long period of eminent practice in physics, had gathered together whatever was within his reach of rare and curious, not only in England, but in other countries. This great originator of our National Collection was born in 1660, and died in 1753. The codicil of his will bears date the 20th of July, 1749, and expresses a desire that his collection might be kept together and preserved in his Manor House.
By the said codicil the testator directs that his trustees should make their humble application to His Majesty, or to Parliament at the next session after his own decease, offering the entire collection for the sum of £20,000. This consisted of a numerous library of books, and MSS., with drawings, prints, medals, and coins, articles of virtu, cameos, precious stones, &c., &c., which he had himself collected at an outlay of £50,000.
His testamentary offer to the nation was accepted by Parliament, and in 1753 an Act (26 George II., c. 20) was passed, which may be termed a Charter of Foundation.
Trustees were appointed, the identical individuals named by Sir Hans during his lifetime, who had been consulted by competent persons, and strongly felt the necessity of procuring the collection as a whole for the use of the nation.
The attention of the legislature was not confined simply to the collection of Sir Hans Sloane. The Act which directed the purchase of his museum also gave instructions for the purchase of the Harleian collection of MSS., for which a sum of £10,000 was granted. This Act also directed that the Cottonian Library of MSS., which had been granted to the Government for public uses by an Act of the 12th and 13th, William III., should, with the addition of the library of Major Arthur Edwards, form part of the general collection.
It was ordered that these several collections should be kept in their respective places of deposit until a more convenient and durable repository, safer from fire, and nearer to the chief places of public resort, could be provided for the reception of them all.
To defray the expenses of these purchases, to procure a fit repository for their preservation, and to provide a fund for the permanent support of the establishment when formed, the Act directed that £100,000 should be raised by way of lottery, the net produce of which, together with the several collections, was to be vested in a corporate body selected from the highest in the land so far as regards rank, station, and literary attainments, upon whom it conferred ample powers for the disposition, preservation, and management of the Institution, which, it was determined, should bear the name of The British Museum.
The sum really raised under this Act, partly in consequence of benefits arising from unsold tickets, amounted to £101,952. 7s. 6d.; but the expenses of the lottery amounted to £6,200, and the cashier of the bank received more than £550 in consideration of his management of it, so that the net produce was £95,194. 8s. 2d. Out of this the sum of £20,000 was paid to the executors of Sir Hans Sloane; £10,000 to the Earl and Countess of Oxford for the Harleian MSS.; £10,250 to Lord Halifax for Montague House, and £12,873 for its repairs, which had been estimated at £3,800; £30,000 being set apart as a fund for the payment of future salaries, taxes, and other expenses. Some loss was also sustained by the difference of price between the times of buying and selling stock, and £4,660 were expended for furniture. The surplus was applied to the gradual liquidation of numerous and general expenses, including the removal of the different collections.
The only buildings offered as general repositories were Buckingham House, with the gardens and field, for £30,000, and Montague House for £10,000.
The consideration of the former was waived, partly from the exorbitant sum demanded for it, and partly from the inconvenience of the situation. The latter was finally fixed upon, and the agreement for its possession was drawn up in the spring of 1754.
No offer of ground for building a repository was made, except in Old Palace Yard, where it was at one time proposed that the Museum should find a place in the general plan which had been there recently designed by Kent for the New Houses of Parliament.
Montague House was originally built about 1674, by Ralph, Duke of Montague, after the style of a French palace. It was erected from the design of Robert Hooke, the celebrated mathematician, who took so important a part in the re-building of London after the great fire. Foreign artists were chiefly engaged in its completion, and amongst them Verrio superintended the decorations.
When finished it was considered a most magnificent building; but on the 19th January, 1686, owing to the negligence of a servant the house was burnt to the ground. The large income of the owner was again brought into requisition for the re-construction of his palace; and, though executed by fresh artists, the plan was the same, the new structure being raised upon the foundation and remaining walls of the old one.
The architect now employed was Peter Puget, a native of Marseilles, who was assisted by C. de la Fosse, J. Rousseau, and J. B. Monnoyer, three artists of great eminence.
The exclusive employment of French artists gave rise to the popular, but improbable, tale that Montague House was re-built at the expense of Louis XIV., to whose Court the Duke had twice been attached as Ambassador.
The second building was purchased as a repository for the collections.
In 1755 the Harleian MSS. were removed into it, and the following year the other collections were added, and when all had been properly distributed and arranged the British Museum was opened for public inspection on the 15th of January, 1759.
The government of the Institution was vested in trustees, to the end that, as the Act says: “A free access to the collections may be given to all studious and curious persons at such times, and in such manner, and under such regulations for inspecting and consulting the said collections, as by the said trustees, or the major part of them, may be determined in any general meeting assembled.”
The trustees are forty-eight in number. Twenty-three are called official, being the holders for the time being of certain high offices; by these the National interests of Church and State, Law, Science, and Art are presumed to be represented and protected. Of these the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Chancellor, and the Speaker of the House of Commons are termed the Principal Trustees. Nine others are called the Family Trustees, as representing the families of Sloane, Cotton, Harley, etc., etc.; one is termed the Royal Trustee, because nominated directly by the Crown. The remaining fifteen are styled the Elected Trustees, who are all chosen by the other twenty-three.
In accordance with the desire of Sir Hans Sloane, the elected were chosen in the beginning from among the adepts in learning and science, and this practice continued until about 1791, when the vacancies began to be filled almost exclusively by persons of rank and fortune.
The chief officer of the British Museum is styled the Principal Librarian, which is to a certain extent a misnomer, as he has no more to do with the books than with the other portions of the collection; he derives his appointment from the Crown under sign manual, and is entrusted with the care and custody of the Museum, his duty being to see that all the subordinate officers and servants perform their respective duties properly.
The different departments are each managed by a head called Keeper, and in most of them there is also an Assistant-Keeper, besides assistants and attendants.
The patronage of the Museum is vested in the three Principal Trustees, of whom the Archbishop of Canterbury takes precedence.
The hours for the opening of the Museum in 1759 were from 9 o’clock in the morning till 3 in the afternoon, from Monday to Friday between the months of September and April inclusive, and also at the same hours on Tuesday in May, June, July, and August, but on Monday and Friday only from 4 o’clock till 8 in the afternoon during these four months.months.
Persons desirous of inspecting the Museum were to be admitted by printed tickets to be delivered by the porter upon their application in writing. No more than ten tickets were to be delivered out for each hour; five of the persons producing such tickets were to be attended by the Under-Librarian, and the other five by the Assistant Librarian in each Department.
On the 30th of March, 1761, the hours of admission were changed from nine to eleven and one, and the number admitted at one time was increased to 15.
On the 9th of February, 1774, a Committee of the House of Commons was appointed to consider a more convenient method of admitting persons into the Museum, and on the 11th of May the Committee suggested that on certain days visitors should pay for admission. This was adopted and the practice continued for 36 years afterwards, when, in 1810, Mr. Planta, then Principal Librarian, first took the step of having the Museum opened three times a week from ten to four o’clock, without tickets.
The first “Principal Librarian” was Dr. Gowin Knight, a distinguished member of the College of Physicians. He was appointed in 1756, and remained at the Museum till 1772, when he was succeeded by Dr. Matthew Maty, who was born in 1718, near Utrecht, and was educated at the University of Leyden. In 1740 he published “Dissertatio philosophica inauguralis de Usu,” and, later on, a work on the effects of habit and custom upon the human frame. Coming to England in 1741, he practised as a physician, and soon became a man of reputation, but much of his spare time was occupied in literary pursuits, and at the death of Dr. Knight he was appointed Principal Librarian, which post, however, he held only for four years, as he died in 1776.
Dr. Charles Morton, a native of Westmoreland, born in 1716, was his successor. He was the author of several important works, and contributed largely to the “Philosophical Transactions.” His death took place on the 10th of February, 1799.
Joseph Planta next obtained the appointment, having been engaged in 1773 as an Assistant Librarian. A native of Switzerland,he was born on the 21st of February, 1744, and educated at Utrecht, besides having been a student at the University of Göttingen. From the date of his appointment as Principal Librarian (1799) it may be said that the affairs of the Museum began to improve; chiefly devoting himself to the improvement of the reading-room, in 1816 the number of visitors increased, and, as already stated, he suggested the vast improvement of throwing open the doors of the British Museum freely three times a week. He died in 1827.
Sir Henry Ellis next occupied the position of Principal Librarian, having been a servant of the Trustees since 1800. He was born at Shoreditch, in London, 29th of November, 1777, but of him we shall have occasion to speak more fully hereafter.
During this period the contents of the British Museum were divided into three separate departments, namely, Printed Books, Manuscripts, and Natural History, and to the first of these we must now draw the reader’s attention.
The department of Printed Books consisted at first only of the library of Sir Hans Sloane, which is said to have amounted to 50,000 volumes, and that of Major Edwards; these were not, however, actually transferred to the Museum till 1769. In 1757 His Majesty George II., “fully impressed with a conviction of the utility of this Institution,” by instrument under the Great Seal, added the Library of Printed Books and Manuscripts, which had been gradually collected by the Sovereigns of these realms from Henry VII. down to William III. Rich in the prevailing literature of different periods, and including, with others, the libraries of Archbishop Cranmer and of Isaac Casaubon, this library also contains the venerable Alexandrian Codex of the Bible. His Majesty added to his gift the privilege which the Royal Library had acquired in the reign of Anne, of being supplied with a copy of every publication entered at Stationers’ Hall.
The bulk of this Royal Collection consists of books of English divinity, history, classics, &c., as well as of Italian and Spanish works, many of the volumes remarkable for being printed on vellum, or dedication copies. The most valuable among them are the productions of Vérard, the celebrated Paris printer (1480-1530), who struck off, during the reign of Henry VII., a copy on vellum of every book he printed. Unfortunately, part of this collection was dispersed.
In 1759, Mr. Salomon Da Costa presented 180 Hebrew books, which, as he states, “had been gathered and bound for King Charles II.”
The department was further enriched, in 1762, by a donation from George III. of a collection of pamphlets and periodicals published in the convulsive interval between the years 1640 and 1660. Chiefly illustrative of the civil wars in the time of Charles I., they were collected by an eminent bookseller, George Thomason; the whole comprises upwards of 30,000 articles, bound in about 2,000 volumes.
It is impossible to enumerate in detail all the additions which have been since made by gift or purchase. Dr. Thomas Birch’s library, bequeathed in 1766, is rich in biography; two collections of books on musical science were also presented—one by Sir John Hawkins, in 1778, and the other by Dr. Charles Burney.
In 1780, 900 volumes of old English plays were given to the Museum by Garrick. In 1786, numerous classics from the library of Thomas Tyrwhitt, and a collection of ceremonials, processions, and heraldry from Mrs. Sophia Sarah Banks was added. These gifts were supplemented in 1818, two years later, by the library of Sir Joseph Banks, consisting of about 16,000 volumes, particularly rich in scientific journals, transactions of societies, and books on natural history, but which were not actually transferred to the Museum till 1827.
A collection of Italian history and topography from Sir Richard Colt-Hoare, Bart., was presented in 1825. This gentleman printed only twelve copies of the catalogue of his books, and wrote on the fly-leaf of the copy which accompanied the presentation, “Anxious to follow the liberal example of our gracious monarch, George IV.; of Sir George Beaumont, Bart., of Richard Payne-Knight, Esq. (though in a very humble degree), I do give unto the British Museum THIS my collection of topography, made during a residence of five years abroad, and hoping that the more modern publications may be added to it hereafter, A.D. 1825. Richard Colt-Hoare. This catalogue contains 1,733 articles.”
The valuable library of the Rev. Clayton Mordaunt Cracherode, consisting of 4,500 volumes, came into the possession of the Museum in 1799; and lastly, in 1835, Major-General Hardwicke bequeathed to the Trustees the deficient works on natural history which formed part of his library, and which caused an accession of 300 volumes.
Parliament also evinced its interest in the library, and gave instructions for the following purchases:—
Mr. Francis Hargrave, an eminent barrister, had formed an important collection of law books, which was purchased in 1813 for £8,000, having been valued by a bookseller at £2,247. 8s.
Dr. Burney’s library was likewise purchased in 1818, and was estimated at the value of 9,000 guineas. It contained a remarkable collection of Greek classics, besides 700 volumes of newspapers, &c., &c.
In 1769 a sum of £7,000 was paid for Major Edwards’ library, and in 1804 the sum of £150 was applied to the purchase of a collection of Bibles belonging to Mr. Combe.
In 1807 classical works, with MS. notes by Dr. Bentley, were also obtained by purchase.
£1,000 were spent in 1812 in the purchase of works on English history and topography, and in 1815 books on music, belonging to Dr. Burney, were acquired for the sum of £253.
In the course of the same year a collection of books, portraits, minerals, &c., belonging to Baron Moll, of Munich, became national property for the consideration of £4,777. 17s. 5d., and in 1818, the Ginguené collection, consisting of 1,675 articles, chiefly on Italian literature, besides 2,686 articles in Greek, Latin, French, &c., &c., &c., became another addition for £1,000.
Four separate collections of tracts, illustrating the Revolutionary History of France, have been purchased at different times by the Trustees. One was that formed by the last President of the Parliament of Brittany, at the commencement of the revolution; two others extended generally throughout the period, whilst the fourth was a collection of tracts and papers published during the “Hundred Days” of the year 1815, and became the property of the Museum in 1823, the whole forming a library of revolutionary history, which contains as complete an account of those important days for France as does the already-mentioned collection of tracts of the civil wars of England.
Another and unrivalled feature of the Museum history is its progressive collection of newspapers from 1588. But as, for the purposes of this biography, we have stated enough of the condition of the Museum at the time of Panizzi’s appointment, we shall say no more on the subject except to add a few words on the general collection at the British Museum, which may not be devoid of interest at this point of our narrative.
Between 1805 and 1816 were added the choice statues and antiques of Mr. Charles Townley, the Lansdowne MSS., the Greville minerals, the Phigaleian and the Elgin marbles. Whilst, however, treasures upon treasures were accumulating in the Institution, other good opportunities were allowed, through apathy and ignorance, to be neglected, and amongst the rarities thus lost were Dodwell’s Greek vases, Belzoni’s alabaster sarcophagus, the Ægina marbles, the Millingen vases, and, last but not least, the famous collection of drawings by old masters acquired by the energy of Sir Thomas Lawrence, which, by the terms of his will, was offered to the nation for one-third of its original cost.
To this neglect was added the sale of duplicate books, which so much disheartened Lord Fitzwilliam (who died in 1816, and who intended to bequeath his collection to the British Museum), that he altered his mind, and handed it over to the University of Cambridge.
In 1823 the library of George III. was presented by George IV. to the nation, and ordered by Parliament to be added to the Library of the British Museum, but for ever to be kept separate from the other books. Immediately after his accession George III. began to purchase books, and for this purpose gave Mr. Joseph Smith, Consul at Venice, £10,000 for his collection, besides other money which he sent to various continental agents.
This library contains selections of the rarest kind, more especially works in the first stages of the art of printing, and is rich in early additions of the classics, in books by Caxton, in the history of the States of Europe, in the Transactions of Academies, &c. At the time of its formation the houses of the Jesuits were undergoing suppression, and their libraries were on sale. It was accumulated during more than half a century at an expenditure of little less than £200,000.
In the preface to the catalogue it is stated that it was compiled in accordance with a plan suggested by Dr. Samuel Johnson. His Majesty’s Librarian was Sir Frederick Barnard, who survived his royal master, and continued to hold the appointment until the library became national property. He died at the age of 87 on the 27th of January, 1830.
Soon after the reception of the gift, a Select Committee of the House of Commons reported (April 18, 1823) that a new fire-proof building ought to be erected to preserve it from all risks, and accordingly the present east wing of the Museum was built, at the cost of £140,000, by Sir Robert Smirke. The upper floor, though it has been used for the Natural History collection, was intended for a picture gallery and for the reception of MSS. The new building was completed in 1826, but the library was not opened for two years afterwards. The room is 300 feet in length, 55 feet in width in the centre, and 31 in height. The presses are all glazed to preserve the books from dust. In the centre of the room are four columns of Aberdeen granite, each of a single piece, surmounted by Corinthian capitals of Derbyshire alabaster. Over the door are inscriptions, one in Latin and the other in English, in these terms:—“This Library, collected by King George III., was given to the British Nation by his Most Gracious Majesty George IV., in the third year of his reign, A.D., MDCCCXXIII.” As to the reality of the gift to the nation there is some doubt; for it appears that George IV., having some pressing call for money, did not decline a proposition for selling the library in question to the Emperor of Russia. Mr. Heber, the bibliographer and book collector, having ascertained the facts, and that the books were in danger of leaving for the Baltic, sought an interview with Lord Sidmouth, the Home Secretary, and stated the case, observing—“What a shame it would be that such a collection should go out of the country!” to which Lord Sidmouth replied, “It shall not;” and, as it proved afterwards, the library was presented to the nation, but on condition that the value should be paid, which was done from the surplus of certain funds furnished by France for the compensation of “losses by the revolution.”
With this necessarily brief account of the rise and progress of the British Museum, we return now to the immediate subject of these memoirs.
In the previous chapter reference has been made to Panizzi’s dislike to the appellation of “foreigner” a dislike, which, indeed, he always entertained.
The act of naturalization took place scarcely one year after he became a servant of the Trustees of the British Museum. It bears the date of March 24th, 1832, and was, as might be expected, a source of great satisfaction to him.
It has already been noticed that the National Institution had previously enrolled amongst its increasing staff other foreigners, who all held important, if not responsible, appointments—viz., Dr. Maty, a Dutchman, and the very first Under-Librarian of the Department of Printed Books, afterwards Principal Librarian; Dr. Solander, a Swede, and Joseph Planta, a Swiss, besides Charles König, a German.German. Of these, strange to say, not one was naturalized. Panizzi was now an Englishman after his own heart, and his subsequent political career will amply testify to the pride he took in being so. His suitability for the appointment and the causes which led to his selection for so responsible an office, will be best understood from the Archbishop of Canterbury’s own statement before the Select Committee on the British Museum, which sat in 1836; but on this subject more will be said hereafter.
His answer (No. 5,511) to a question put to him was as follows:—
“Mr. Panizzi was entirely unknown to me, except by reputation; I understood that he was a civilian who had come from Italy, and that he was a man of great acquirements and talents, peculiarly well suited for the British Museum; that was represented to me by several persons who were not connected with the Museum, and it was strongly pressed by several Trustees of the Museum, who were of opinion that Mr. Panizzi’s appointment would prove very advantageous for the Institution; and considering the qualifications of that gentleman, his knowledge of foreign languages, his eminent ability and extensive attainments, I could not doubt the propriety of acceding to their wishes.”
The news of his appointment was first communicated to him on the 25th of April, 1831, by the Right Hon. Thomas Grenville.
“I am just come from a meeting of the Trustees of the Museum and have the satisfaction of telling you that your name, when proposed to succeed to the vacant Assistant Librarianship, was received with high testimony to you, universally approved, and the Archbishop said he would lose no time in signing the appointment, and in obtaining the Chancellor’s concurrence.
The appointment was £200 per annum for five days in the week, and £75 for extra attendance to Mr. Walter. I am very glad of your success, and think that your appointment will be of great value to the Museum.”
That the Trustees were satisfied with the performance of Panizzi’s duties there can be no doubt, and it will be interesting to record his earliest labours. His first report is dated May 4th, 1831, in which it is stated that he was engaged in transcribing a catalogue of duplicates to be submitted to the Royal Society for their selection. This duty was soon followed by cataloguing an extraordinary collection of tracts, illustrative of the history of the French Revolution, and formerly the property of Mr. Croker. That it was no easy task, and that it demanded special attention, may be gathered from a letter which the cataloguer addressed on the 18th of April, 1834, to Mr. Baber, then his superior officer:—
“1st. As to the omission of the Christian name of the author, when his family name is given.
2nd. As to the great proportion of anonymous tracts.
3rd. As to the number of works without any author’s name or title whatever, or with so vague a title as to be of no use for the purpose of cataloguing the work.”
He continues:—
“Much time is spent in searching for names or for authors, and in glancing over tracts to see what is their subject, to catalogue them properly, after a most tedious search proves useless with respect to the first point, and no evidence remains of the trouble and loss of time which it causes. I cannot catalogue more than forty tracts each day.”
As it is a matter of importance that Panizzi’s stormy connection with the Royal Society should be fairly and impartially added to these memoirs, and as we have now arrived at the period when, for the proper elucidation of the facts thereto belonging, the whole circumstances of the case should be thoroughly weighed and dwelt upon, it will be necessary to devote a few pages to a clear account of the proposal made by that Society, of the obstacles that were placed in Panizzi’s path, in his conscientious endeavours to fulfil the obligations imposed on him, and of the untiring zeal and patience he displayed in doing his duty in the matter, and in opposing the force with which it was attempted to crush the evidence of his superior talent, and to trample under foot even the Society’s own verbal agreements upon which, as coming from a body of men beyond suspicion, Panizzi relied. The whole of that opposition was successfully surmounted by his undoubted genius.
Biographers generally have to undergo the tedium of monotony in their faithful endeavours to reproduce the lives of those whose careers they pen, and it is only at certain epochs in the course of the lives of consistent men that an opportunity is afforded for a discursive chapter such as is now presented to our readers. It deserves, however, due consideration, and has its value as a proof of the forbearance, learning, and perseverance of the man of whom we are writing; whilst it, without doubt, throws somewhat into shade the members of a very learned Society, who vainly strove, first from want of knowledge of their own requirements, and secondly from non-appreciation of him with whom they had to deal, to undervalue true talent, and, by their associative power, to make a show of quashing not only Panizzi’s (subsequently proved) intelligence, but also his right to acknowledgment for the new light he threw upon their want of accuracy and knowledge for the work which they had confided to him, and for which they should—some, at least, must—have known he was so eminently fitted.
The origin, progress, and dénoûment of this affair cannot be brought within very small compass; but attracting (as they did at the time) the notice of many literary men, are worthy of some space in this volume.
It would be amusing to watch the progress of this attempt to thwart Panizzi’s intentions for the development of that which he so well understood, even were it not also a necessary record of the heartburnings of, and wrongs done to, one who, justly confident in his own position, had to prove, step by step, willingly or not, for his own defence, his superiority to those whose business it was to direct him, and not to derive from him their inspiration.
To proceed, then, as we have intimated above, in reference to the connection of Panizzi with the Royal Society; and to give our readers a clear conception of that connection, it will be necessary to make considerable quotations from his own letters and notes, for which, considering their importance as indications of his learning, and humility under adverse treatment, it will scarcely be necessary for us to offer any apology.
In the year (1832-33) the Royal Society, from the incompetency of those who had taken the matter in hand, found it advisable to engage the services of some known and experienced cataloguer to revise a work, which had been begun on their behalf by one of the members, whose presumption and arrogance cannot be better proved than in the mild unassuming language of Panizzi himself:—
“So long ago as October, 1832, I happened to meet Dr. Roget at dinner, who told me that the Catalogue of the Royal Society, of which a sheet had been set up in type as a specimen, had been found to require revision in passing through the press, and that a Committee, on that very day, had requested him to ask me whether I would undertake the task. I said that I had no objection, and I received from him a proof of the sheet in question. The same evening, on my return home, glancing over it, I was astonished at the numberless errors by which it was disfigured. The more I looked into it, the worse did it appear, and I soon felt convinced that it was utterly incapable of correction. I immediately wrote a note to Dr. Roget, stating the conclusion to which I had come, and begging to decline to have anything to do with a work which I felt satisfied would be disgraceful to the Royal Society, and to any person who should venture to meddle with it. Either in that note, or verbally, shortly after, I mentioned to Dr. Roget that it would be necessary for the Royal Society to have an entirely new Catalogue, compiled in such a manner as would answer the expectations which the public had a right to form; adding, that, although I would never attempt to correct what had already been done, I was ready to undertake a new compilation.
I had no idea when I so candidly expressed my opinion, that I was making a powerful and unrelenting enemy in one of the most influential officers of the Royal Society, who, as I have learned since, had put together the titles of books which were to form the Catalogue, and was so well satisfied with his performance as to order a very large number of titles to be set up in type; whatever, in fact, he included in classes, which he called: Mathematics, Astronomy and Navigation, Mechanics, Optics, Transactions, Tables and Journals. The Members of the Catalogue Committee, on being informed of what had passed between Dr. Roget and myself, perceived that my opinion, as to the value of the work done, was correct, and it was resolved that the compilation of a new Catalogue should be intrusted to my care. Thus, not only all that had been done was undone at once, but the time which had been lost, and, what is more, the unwarrantable expense incurred by sending so large a proportion of the ill-digested work to press, was thrown away. Such is the origin of my connection with the Royal Society.”
This is an extract from a letter dated 28th January, 1837, from Panizzi to his Royal Highness the Duke of Sussex (then President of the Royal Society), a letter wherein is fully set forth his whole conduct in the case, and which, besides revealing the puerile and almost unpardonable errors he detected in the titles brought under his notice, is a wonderful certificate to the patience, endurance, and acuteness of a gentleman who was called upon to contend, single-handed, with a corporate body, supported by a clique necessarily jealous of its own distinction.
We shall now explain as clearly as possible the course pursued by the Society, and the pains-taking, much enduring way in which Panizzi met his opponents.
Let us, therefore, continue to extract from the memorable letter to H.R.H. the Duke of Sussex, those passages wherein are particularized the egregious blunders of Panizzi’s predecessor in the work:—