“Your letter of the 18th instant leads me, upon reading it attentively, to explain to you that the Trustees did not intend, in the communication to which your letter is a reply, to require from you to undertake the printing of the New Alphabetical Catalogue. They wished to ascertain whether, with the other duties which fall to your office, you felt that you could promise that vigorous and constant attention to the Catalogue which seems necessary to ensure the proper execution of the work. If you had felt that you could not, the Trustees would in that case have endeavoured to obtain other superintendence. The titles of the books in the King’s Library are to be incorporated with the others.”
“In answer to your letter of the 27th of last month, and in addition to mine of the 18th, I beg to repeat that I am willing to undertake the duties mentioned in your letter of the 17th, and to endeavour to perform them to the best of my powers. I promise to give to the superintendence of the Catalogue all the attention of which I am capable; but it is not for me to say whether it will ensure the proper execution of the work. I feel it due to the Trustees, to the situation I have the honour of holding, and to my own character, not to shrink from the attempt.”
The removal of the books having been proceeded with for six months, it was found on the 23rd of June, that the collection contained, in round numbers, 165,000 volumes, of which 450 were extra folios, 15,000 folios, 23,000 4tos., 126,000 8vos., &c., &c. Up to that day 47,000 volumes had been removed to the new Library, and placed on the shelves destined for their reception, and at the end of 1839, about 12,000 more volumes remained still in Montague House.
A singular feature in the carrying out of this laborious task, was that no interruption of the supply of books to the readers took place. When Panizzi informed the Trustees of his intentions, the Bishop of London happening to be in the Committee Room, exclaimed, “It is impossible.” There is probably no precedent for this display of energy, and the magnitude of the attempt can only be appreciated by persons conversant with the daily use made of a Public Library by students, whose pursuits would have been totally interrupted had the method adopted absolutely required the closing of the Reading Room. The attempt was successful, and the works asked for by readers were generally forthcoming, excepting those actually in the course of removal and rearrangement, amounting at no time, on an average, to more than 8,000 volumes, or about five per cent. of the whole Library.
Mention has been made of the “efficient staff,” this was composed of the following gentlemen:—The Reverend Richard Garnett, Mr. John Winter Jones, Mr. Edward Edwards, Mr. W. Brenchley Rye, Mr. George Bullen, and last but not least, the late Sergeant Parry.
The Rev. R. Garnett was appointed Assistant-Keeper of the Printed Books, vice Cary, in 1838. He was an excellent scholar, thoroughly versed in German, Italian, French, and Spanish; had a good knowledge of Anglo-Saxon, and was conversant with several oriental languages. This gentleman died on the 27th of September, 1850, the sad event being announced to Panizzi by Mr. John Ridout, Panizzi’s and Garnett’s medical attendant. This coincidence deserves notice, for in reality it relates indirectly to the appointment of Mr. Richard Garnett, the present Superintendent of the Reading Room, so well-known to all its frequenters.[E]
E. Appointed 1st March, 1851.
Panizzi wrote thus to Mr. Ridout:—
“Dear Sir,
I was certainly prepared for the melancholy tidings brought by your note; I am, nevertheless, shocked at seeing it. I did promise I would do what I could for Mr. Garnett’s eldest boy, and shall keep my promise, and not without confident hope of success.
When I saw him last Tuesday, Mr. Garnett requested me to receive his salary (£100, due to-morrow) and pay it to his bankers, he signing the receipt, which I was to send him to-morrow morning, the pay day. All this now cannot be. It struck me that at the first moment it might be convenient for Mrs. Garnett to have a few pounds at once, and till she has time to settle her affairs; but not knowing her enough, I dare not make any offer of assistance. Can you help me in conveying my humble and poor offer to her in a proper and unobtrusive manner?
With many thanks to you, my dear Sir, for having made me aware of this sad event without delay,
Mr. John Winter Jones had been in the Institution since 1837, and besides ranking next to Panizzi, was also his friend, and stood firmly by him through all the vicissitudes of fortune which attended him; it will hereafter be noticed that he, in 1856, succeeded Panizzi as Keeper of the Printed Books, and finally in 1866, as Principal Librarian.
Mr. Thomas Watts, the linguist, was another of the “Temporary Assistants,” appointed in 1838, who rose to the grade of Keeper of the Printed Books, in succession to Mr. Jones, but did not live long to enjoy his promotion, for he died three years afterwards, on the 9th of September, 1869, aged 58.
In the autumn of the year 1835, Mr. Watts’ attention was attracted to the publication of the Parliamentary Commission of 1835-36, previously discussed. He read the evidence with great interest, and ere long, in 1836-37, wrote some valuable comments upon it, which embodied several suggestions for the improvement of the Museum service, some of which he had the satisfaction of seeing carried out during his lifetime.
Judging from certain passages which occur in a letter addressed to Panizzi by Mr. Watts, it might almost be inferred that long afterwards some sort of ill-feeling existed between the two. Panizzi, as already described, was a strict disciplinarian, and as he seldom allowed himself to be one minute behind-hand at his post, expected from all those under him similar punctuality in attendance, so that the Trustees might not lose any of the time which was their just due. Now it seems that Mr. Watts was accused by Panizzi of arriving late at the Museum and of wasting his time, as proved by the insufficient number of titles written by him for the Catalogue. This Panizzi communicated to him in the shape of a letter; which, after a few days, Mr. Watts, naturally stung by the rebuke, answered by an epistle of more than ordinary length, extending almost to eight quarto pages, of small writing, and beginning thus:—
“I have read repeatedly, with emotions of the greatest surprise and pain, the letter from you which I found on my desk on Wednesday morning. I have been for some days at a loss how to reply; but I perceive that a reply of some kind is imperatively needed.
The general impression which that letter conveys is that you find me idle and inefficient in zeal and energy, and setting a bad example. To hear such an accusation from any one would surprise me. I know not how to describe the feeling with which I hear it from you. You are the very first person to whom I should have appealed for its refutation.... It was at your recommendation that the Royal Commissioners[F] to inquire into the affairs of the Museum expressed an opinion in very strong terms that my salary should be doubled and my position improved. You made use before them of these emphatic words:—“Mr. Watts has always done his duty and done it well.” ... How, sir, am I to account for so striking a change in your opinion of me as your letter indicates?”
F. Here he refers to a later “inquiry.”
He seems to acknowledge that he had actually been in the habit of coming late to his work; (it was known that at times his health was not good) but promised that in future he would do his utmost to please and satisfy his chief in every possible manner.
In corroboration of the statement of Watts in the first part of his letter, it may not be amiss to give in full a report which Panizzi addressed to the Trustees about that period:—
“Mr. Panizzi begs to submit to the Trustees the case of Mr. Watts, a permanent assistant in this Department, who has been absent from his duties for the space of forty-five days, owing to a long illness. His salary is stopped during the time of absence, even when caused by a misfortune to which, as in this case, the very nature of his occupation in the Museum may have contributed. Mr. Panizzi begs that this circumstance and the value of the services of Mr. Watts, to which he has often had occasion to render justice, may induce the Trustees to direct Mr. Watts’ salary for the time of his absence to be paid.”
This Report is an excellent proof of Panizzi’s consideration for those under his supervision, and no further confirmation that the fault found with Watts arose from his strict sense of duty towards the Trustees, and a fearless disregard of bringing on himself the enmity of anyone for the simple discharge of that duty, is required. Perhaps this is better explained in his own words, in answer to Mr. Watts’ letter:—
“I have two principal duties to perform as the head of this Department. The first is to complete the new Catalogue with all possible despatch consistent with accuracy. Until that is done I ought not and will not entertain any other scheme, however plausible, which would inevitably interfere with the rapid progress of that great work. It is for that end, and for that only, that assistance is given to me so far as the Catalogue is concerned, and neither friends nor enemies shall make me turn from the path on which I am bound.”
The next distinguished “Temporary Assistant” to be introduced to our readers was John Humffreys Parry, the late Serjeant Parry, who has so recently departed this life.
Mr. Parry was recommended on the 31st of January, 1839, to Panizzi by Mr. Forshall, through the following letter:—
“The bearer, Mr. Humffreys Parry, is a gentleman of whose friends and connections I can bear testimony as being of the highest respectability. He is a young man of talent, intended for the Bar, but left, from family circumstances, much to his own resources. He would be glad to have employment upon the new Catalogue. Examine him, and form your own judgment as to his fitness.
Some private conduct of the young man’s has accidentally come to my knowledge, which enables me to assure you that he is a person of no common merit in many essential points of character.”
Immediately afterwards, at an interview, Panizzi gave him the appointment he sought, and on the 14th of February, 1839, Mr. Parry thus addressed his new chief:—
“Sir,—Mr. Forshall has informed me that I am to receive the appointment on the Alphabetical Catalogue at the Museum, and having a few arrangements to make prior to commencing my duties, I fear I shall not be able to attend before Monday or Wednesday next. I think it right to apprise you of this, as Mr. Edwards stated to me your wish that I should lose no time, and I am anxious to comply with it.”
All those who knew the learned Serjeant in after years fully appreciate the geniality of his disposition. Panizzi soon became attached to him, and was not long in discerning his superior qualities. He was a great favourite with all. On one occasion, when all the Assistants were mustered in solemn conclave, to discuss a new rule for cataloguing, some one knocked at the door, when Parry, without leaving time for Panizzi to speak, imitated a person suffering from influenza, and said “Cub id!” None but he would so have dared to beard the lion in his den; but Panizzi joined in the laughter created by the joke as heartily as the rest. On another occasion Panizzi asked these gentlemen to give their opinion on a portrait of himself. One of them remarked that it looked rather dark, when Parry said, “Oh, I have seen Mr. Panizzi look much blacker than that!” One more instance of his ready wit and we have done. Mr. Parry occasionally absented himself from the Museum, until one afternoon Panizzi sent for him and requested him to discontinue such habits, when he received the following answer:—“I am very sorry, sir, for I was just going to ask you to let me go for the day.”[G]
G. When he left the Museum, Panizzi introduced him to the late Mr. John Forster in these terms:—“A very clever gentleman, now a barrister, Mr. J. H. P., and formerly an assistant in this Library during the course of several years, and who knows more about the Museum than any one I know, called here yesterday, and told me that he was so vexed at the unfair and ignorant attacks on this Institution that he meant to write something about it. He is accustomed to write for the press, and his politics are excellent, and equalled by his frank, honest character. It struck me that he would be the very man to assist you.... If you see him you will like him.”
The position and the pay of these “Temporary Assistants,” most of whom in after years became men of distinction, would certainly be considered inadequate in the present day.
Previous to the year 1837, the Assistants were temporarily engaged to perform such services as were required in the several Departments; there being no regular scale of remuneration, but a daily payment fixed by the Trustees according to the aptness of the individual for the particular service allotted to him. The rate was 10s., 12s., and 15s., in one instance as high as 20s. for each day whilst actually employed at the Museum.
In 1837, the Trustees decided that the appointment of these Assistants should be permanent, and fixed a standing scale of remuneration; the members of this class were known as “Permanent Assistants.”
In 1838, at the time of the removal of the Library, the “Supernumerary or Temporary Assistants” were engaged at the rate of £2. 12s. 6d. a week, or 8s. 9d. a day, for every day actually employed. Their number was increased from time to time, to provide the extra labour required in preparing the new Catalogue, and in the additional duties consequent upon the rapid increase of the Library.
In 1847, a slight change for the better took place in their status. In practice the promotion was from the Supernumerary to the Permanent class of Assistants; but there was no recognised claim to such promotion on the part of the Supernumeraries. In the year 1851, the distinction between the Permanent and Supernumerary Assistants was abolished, these Assistants, in all Departments, being considered as forming one body, although divided into two classes. In all these and subsequent changes, Panizzi was always the one who strove to promote the welfare of his subordinates.
Panizzi, Thomas Watts, J. Winter Jones, Edward Edwards, and John H. Parry, formed a committee for framing the rules for the new General Catalogue of the whole Library; each of them was separately to prepare, according to his own views, rules for the compilation of the projected work. These were afterwards discussed collectively, and when any difference arose, it was settled by vote.
The rules so drawn up were sanctioned by the Trustees, on the 13th of July, 1839, and printed on the 15th July, 1841. They were acknowledged at the time and still continue to be the most complete ever compiled, although attempts have, at various periods, been made to improve upon them: nor has the approbation bestowed upon them been merely of a local character; it has extended throughout Europe and America. The work occupied several months, the busy staff often being detained until late at night, on which occasions Panizzi invited his colleagues to share refreshments with him.
The above rules engaged Panizzi’s earnest attention, and on the 18th of March, 1839, he sent in the following report to the Trustees:—
“Mr. Panizzi has the honour to lay before the Trustees the Rules, which, under all circumstances, he proposes as advisable to be followed in the compilation of the Alphabetical Catalogue, accompanied by a number of illustrations. Although he is well aware that such rules must necessarily be affected by the haste with which they have been compiled, he ventures to hope they will be sufficiently intelligible to the Trustees, and enable them, even in their present imperfect state, to judge of the principles that Mr. Panizzi should wish to see observed. He is fully aware that many cases may arise unprovided for, and that some of these rules and principles may be liable to objections, which may not perhaps appear in other plans, seemingly preferable, but he trusts that what seems objectionable may, on mature reflection, be found in fact less so. He cannot, at present, do more than entreat the Trustees to take into their patient and minute consideration every single part, as well as the whole of the plan proposed, and then decide as they may think fit, bearing in mind that, although these rules may, if strictly followed, occasionally lead to what may appear absurd, the same objection, to a perhaps greater extent may be urged against any other plan, and far greater evils result from a deviation from a principle than from its inflexible application.”
On the 16th of the same month, March, Mr. Baber (Panizzi’s predecessor) happened to call at the Museum, when the draft of these rules was submitted to him, and with respect to them he expressed general satisfaction.
America has been mentioned with special reason.
The first general Conference of Librarians was held at New-York, September 15, 16, and 17, 1853, upon an invitation, signed by Professor C. C. Jewett, “for the purpose of conferring together upon the means of advancing the prosperity and usefulness of Public Libraries, and for the suggestion and discussion of topics of importance to book collectors and readers.”
At this meeting the learned Professor made a statement to the effect that the scholars of all nations demanded of Great Britain that the Catalogue of the Library of the British Museum should be thoroughly and efficiently executed, and should be a work of bibliographical authority.
Professor Jewett had made Panizzi’s acquaintance on his visit to London several years before, with the object of studying our Library, and sent to him a special invitation to attend the Conference. However, it was not accepted, and he wrote to Mr. Haywood thus, July 21, 1853:—
“As to my going anywhere, I have to tell you of a dream, which I should like to become a reality. There is going to be a Congress of Librarians in the United States, which is to open on the 15th of September next, and where all the great questions connected with the management of a great Library are to be discussed and uniform principles adopted. The Americans have always been my friends, and the principles which will prevail are mine. They wish me to go, and I should like it amazingly; but the expense is too heavy. I will try, if possible, to get help from the Trustees. Do you think it possible, in case of my going, that if the packet is not full I might have a cabin to myself?”
The grant for the purchase of Printed Books in 1838, being £1000 more than the preceding years, permitted the purchase of some rare and valuable books. For instance:—
The Translation of Montaigne’s Essays by Florio, with an autograph of Shakespere.
A copy of Luther’s Translation of the Bible in German, printed at Wittemberg, in 1559-61. (2 vols. folio, on vellum.)
The first edition of the Pentateuch, in the original, printed at Bologna, in 1482. (vellum, folio.)
The new Testament in German, printed at Augsburg, in 1535. (2 vols.vols. 8vo, on vellum.)
A richly illuminated Roman Missal, with the arms of Savoy facing the title-page, richly emblazoned. Printed in Paris, in 1517. (1 vol. folio, on vellum.)
The lives of Cornelius Nepos (1 vol. 4to, on vellum), printed at Parma, at the Bodoni Press, in 1799; and many others of equal importance.
In the year 1839 it must be noted that the Museum acquired two Latin Bibles, with copious manuscript notes, supposed to be by Melanchthon.
Besides these noteworthy and valuable purchases, presents were also received, and deserve particular mention. Two, especially, must not be omitted to be named:—1st. The Resolutions and other papers of the States General of Holland, from 1524 to 1798, with indices, the whole contained in 389 vols. folio, presented by H.M. the King of the Netherlands. 2nd. A copy of Cicero’s Orations, printed by Adam Ambergau, in 1742. 1 vol. folio, handsomely bound, presented by the Right Hon. Sir Arthur Paget, G.C.B.
The work having progressed satisfactorily thus far, it became necessary to inquire diligently into the many deficiencies in the National Library, and to propose means of supplying them. This was accordingly done in a Report dated 1st of January, 1845. On the 16th of December, the same year, it was forwarded to the Treasury by direction of the Trustees, and in the letter accompanying it the following passage occurs:—
“The Trustees of the British Museum earnestly hope that Her Majesty’s Government will take it into their grave deliberation whether the time has not come when it may be desirable, and on all grounds, literary, political, and economical, to enter at once upon a more enlarged and comprehensive scale of expenditure for the supply of Printed Books.
Without presuming to enter into other considerations, the Trustees conceive themselves warranted in stating it as their opinion that the present circumstances, as far as the British Museum itself is concerned, are extremely favourable to the entertaining of such a proposition.
The gentleman at the head of the Department is eminently qualified for the trust reposed in him: he is fully sensible of its importance, is ready to devote his whole time and thought (as indeed he has hitherto done in a most praiseworthy and exemplary manner) to make the Library in his charge as complete in every department of literature as he can, and at the same time accessible to the public on the easiest terms.”
The Report contains a sketch of the British Museum, and of its arrangement, together with some suggestions as to its future increase, utility, and importance. It shows how and when the Library was brought to the condition in which it was at the end of the year 1842. The state of the Collection in its several branches is examined, with regard to the various classes of human knowledge, to the various countries where the books were published, and to the languages in which they are written. Means are suggested by which the Collection ought to be increased to proportions worthy of the nation; and, lastly, attention is called to the effects which the proposed increase would have with regard to its arrangements, good order, and economy. This elaborate Report was begun as early as 1843. After many delays, Panizzi at last obtained consent, on the 4th of January, 1845, to its being printed privately for the Trustees, to whom individually it was ordered to be transmitted on the 24th of May following.
It remained disregarded, however, until the autumn of that year, when it was brought under the notice of Mr. Goulburn, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Mr. Cardwell, Secretary of the Treasury. In consequence of this step, a meeting of the Sub-Committee on the Department of Printed Books was held on the 29th of November, 1845, the Chancellor of the Exchequer being present, and it was resolved that application should be made to the Treasury for the annual grant of £10,000 for ten years to come, to supply the deficiencies and exigencies shown by Panizzi to exist. The answer of the Treasury was most favourable: it was followed by a preliminary Parliamentary grant of £10,000, which was but the prelude to many others.
The letter of the Trustees to the Lords of the Treasury, their Lordships’ answer, and Panizzi’s report were laid before the House of Commons by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and ordered to be printed on the 27th of March, 1846.
From that year the collection of Printed Books increased steadily and at a rate unexampled in any other country. This influx of books, the necessity of Cataloguing, placing, and binding them, to render them available, and the difficulties created by want of space, added enormously to the already onerous duties of the Keeper.
Nor was this special grant otherwise than truly necessary; in fact, it ran short of the sum requisite for purchasing the rarest and best editions; the commonest being consequently acquired, and this only tended to increase the bulk, thus reducing it to the level of an ordinary Library, instead of raising it to the rank and splendour of a National Collection, worthy of so great a country as England.
Interesting and important as is the subject of the present chapter—viz, the gradual development of the resources of the National Institution, and the energy displayed by those whose duty it was to use every endeavour to raise the Museum in grandeur and extent—no great digression is admissible, inasmuch as there is on our hands so great a press of matter that nothing should induce us to lose the thread of our biography, or forget that we have the life of Panizzi under treatment, and the history of the British Museum only so far as it bears on his doings and his labours on its behalf.
Of these we have attempted to give a clear and honest account. As Panizzi was one of those who felt sincerely that “whatever is worth doing at all is worth doing well,” and as he was blessed with ability and decision of character to carry out whatever he had in hand, it is pleasant to remark how thoroughly and efficiently he applied his talents to the benefit of the National Institution; and much as it would delight us to expatiate further on the subject, we must deny ourselves at present, as it is now incumbent on us to enter into new channels in connection with his life.
CHAPTER VI
Bridport Election; Desire to visit Modena; Mazzini; Post Office Espionage; Biographer’s Personal Reminiscences; Portland Vase; Psalter, 1457; Interview with Francis IV; Libri.
In the honest endeavour to represent a man as he really was, both in his inward and his outward bearings, the biographer has much difficulty to encounter. It behoves him to reproduce a life with special regard to dates, with no matter likely to confuse a reader, or to press too heavily on his understanding; but this biography claims an especial degree of attention, inasmuch as the principal person concerned, though actually absent from his best-loved locale, was proving the interest he took in affairs at home by his assiduous care of the duties with which he was entrusted. Panizzi possessed no more power of ubiquity than other men; still such was his energy that only a close observer could follow his movements, and his wonderful activity often made him appear to be in many places at the same time, and induced the belief that he was, at all events, performing a dual character.
These observations are made simply to warn the reader against mystification as to Panizzi’s movements, related in the pages which follow—pages it is now incumbent on us to pen—for whereas he has lately been treated of more especially in his official capacity, our position must be changed, and he must be regarded from a political and personal point of view. Indeed, the phases in which so remarkable a man may be contemplated, are so varied that it requires consideration whence to take our first observation.
However, having before us his own correspondence (and what can be more corroborative of a man’s perspicuity than his own written expressions on a subject?), a letter bearing date October 1, 1841, clearly sets forth the political tendencies of Panizzi. In reference to the Bridport election, then on the tapis, he writes in a spirit so rich in tone, so lively, sensible, and witty, that nothing can induce us to debar our readers from the enjoyment of his remarks. His manner of defending Warburton’s “purity,” and his friend’s innocence in being deceived by a “rascally attorney,” are too good to be passed over, and not only shows acute insight into the matter, but is a testimony to the contempt he bore for underhand dealing, under any circumstances, and in any sphere of life:—
“Dear Haywood,
As to political news of importance I have none to give you. From the newspapers you will have seen that Graham is not a favourite with the Times, and it seems to me that Peel is not likely to agree with all his colleagues. But this is prophecy, and I wish to give you history—that of a small political transaction, the Bridport election. I have it from a friend who was once a colleague of Warburton, and who is still très lié with him.
A Mr. Mitchell (or Maxwell?), a rich Radical, put himself forward at the last general election with Warburton, but on distinct interests, ready to win the election by money. He wrote to an agent there, known as a good hand at this sort of thing, and authorized him to carry the election and never mind the expense. The agent, an attorney, carried it as ordered, and spent £5,600. The successful candidate refused to pay the odd £600. After all means had been resorted to to induce him to pay, the rascally attorney threatened this fool, his client, that if he did not pay he would turn King’s evidence, and tell all the story, and give all the proofs of how the election was carried, to the Tories; and not getting his money, he was as good as his word, and a case was laid before Austin that left no doubt both members would be unseated, for about 150 of the bribed electors had voted for W. as well as for his colleague. Moreover, although W. himself had kept clear of all this, his agent having been requested a loan of £200 by the agent of M., had lent them to him, and it could be proved that the sum was spent in bribing voters for the Liberal candidates. Some of the best of Warburton’s friends being strongly compromised, and M. behaving very ill, and insisting upon keeping his seat, Warburton, to save them, came to the agreement with the Tories that he should retire and they desist from the petition presented against him, but following up that against his colleague M., who, there is no doubt, they say, will be unseated, when Warburton will be allowed to succeed him without opposition from the Tories. As soon as the petition is tried, W. is to let people know in some public manner that there is nothing against his purity.
In the year 1842 it was Panizzi’s desire, after twenty years’ absence, to visit his native country, and the attempts he made to do so, and the ready assistance which the English Government afforded him may be easily estimated from the following official letters:—
“Sir,
I am directed by the Earl of Aberdeen to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 19th of April last, requesting the assistance of Her Majesty’s Government to obtain a promise from the Modenese Government that, in the event of your visiting the Austrian dominions, they would not require the Austrian authorities to deliver you over to those of Modena; and I am to inform you, in reply, that the Modenese Government have given to the Government of Her Majesty the assurance that they will not demand your surrender from the Austrian authorities, reserving, however, to themselves the power of requiring your removal in the event of your forming suspicious relations with Modenese subjects.
“Sir,
I am directed by the Earl of Aberdeen to inform you that Prince Metternich has assured Her Majesty’s Ambassador at Vienna that you are at liberty to prosecute your travels in the Austrian empire without incurring the danger either of being delivered up to the Modenese Government, or of meeting with any molestation on the part of the Austrian authorities.
These documents sufficiently prove the opinion entertained of Panizzi in this country, and the facilities provided for the adoption of the course he had planned for the attainment of the wish he had at heart; but by a subsequent letter from the Foreign Office, dated 26th October, 1842, we can conclusively prove that he was unable to accomplish his object, for in this official document we read that a “Note Verbale” had been delivered to Her Majesty’s representative at Vienna, to allow the applicant to prosecute his travels under certain conditions—conditions which the circumstances at that expiration of time most probably made him feel unwilling to comply with. The following is the letter in question:—
“With reference to Viscount Canning’s letter of the 19th of July last, informing you that you were at liberty to prosecute your travels in the Austrian dominions for the purpose of visiting the great libraries of Austria, I am directed by the Earl of Aberdeen to transmit to you a copy of a “Note Verbale,” which has been delivered to Her Majesty’s Ambassador at Vienna relative to the conditions under which you will be permitted to enter the Austrian dominions.
In another letter, dated 3rd November, we find that Panizzi’s wish to be unfettered by the “Note Verbale” is unnoticed by the authorities of the Foreign Office, and that, however much they might feel disposed to use their influence in his favour, still, entertaining due respect to foreign authority, they declined to interfere again in the matter, and therefore it must be concluded, having no further correspondence, either on the part of the applicant or the Foreign Office, that the opinion of the latter preponderated, and that the anxious hope of the former proved abortive.
From the year 1842 to 1844 there is little substantial evidence of Panizzi’s private movements. Notwithstanding his apparent activity, we know what he had at heart, and how difficult he found it to obtain success in the attainment of his wishes. In a letter from no less a personage than Mr. Gladstone, dated 12th January, 1844, strong sympathy in the endeavour to pass as a free man to Italy is evinced.evinced.
“I have spoken to Lord Aberdeen on the subject of your note. He has the subject in hand, and also at heart; he will use every effort in his power to obtain you a free permission, and he by no means despairs of success....”
That Panizzi waited, and waited in vain, for the accomplishment of his purpose, is evident from a second letter from the same distinguished gentleman, dated 4th June, 1844, and what more valuable testimonial could a man have than this? “I only wish the Austrian Government knew you as well as we do—none of these difficulties would occur.”
Less than two months afterwards Panizzi seems to be ailing in health; so, at least, it must be inferred from a letter dated British Museum, 6th of August, 1844, wherein he states that he is suffering from a painful swelling in the right wrist, and where, also, he repudiates the imputation of goutiness. The letter is so characteristic, that, with very slight abbreviations, we append it for the perusal of our readers:
“My dear Rutherfurd,
I am suffering from a painful swelling in the right wrist, that leaves me hardly strength to hold the pen. Lord Melbourne consoles me with assuring me that it is gout. I don’t believe it, and I will not.... I am going to write an article on the Post-Office, for Welch, and one on the Jesuits and the French University, and another on Algiers. What an industrious boy I am? About Algiers I have got such a number of publications as would astonish you, of course I mean about the French possessions in Algiers that I intend writing, not about Barbarossa. I hope to take down two in MS. with me, and shall expect you to read them before they are printed, which will do me more good than the reading of Arnaldo now printed will do to you.... I cannot write more, Brougham came here the other day, shouting, laughing, joking, and jumping like a boy, and pressing me to stay at his place when I go north; but I don’t think I shall have time. He is there now, comes back for the O’Connell business at the end of the month, and goes back to Westmoreland till the 15th or 20th of October.
This is an appropriate period of our history for the introduction of the well-known Giuseppe Mazzini, or the “Profeta,” as he was commonly called by his worshippers, amongst whom Panizzi is certainly not to be reckoned. It would be superfluous to enter into details about this notable character; his writings, and perhaps it may be added, his private life also, are already familiar to most of us.
Though Panizzi did not agree with Mazzini’s violent views as to Republicanism, there is no doubt that they were for some considerable time on intimate terms. Besides being a politician and a patriot of the most enthusiastic kind, Mazzini was also a literary man of some note, and shared Panizzi’s intense admiration for the works of Dante, and still more those of Ugo Foscolo, as already related. Farini’s opinion of Mazzini exactly tallied with Panizzi’s—that he was a man of no common talent, remarkable for perseverance in his plans, for resolution under suffering, and for private virtues; but in the last crisis of the Italian nation he had confounded patriotism with self-love, or rather with selfish pride, and chosen to risk seeing the temple of Italy burned down, because she would not dedicate to him its high altar. Amongst our papers are various letters in the handwriting of Mazzini, and one especially noteworthy, written in 1840, wherein he recommends a friend (as a reader) to the Reading Room of the British Museum, and in this letter occurs a sentence worthy of reproduction:—“I received safely the papers I lent you. I perceive that by the tone you do not agree with me. I trust soon to be able to come and see you, and talk over my future plans.”
That Panizzi, in after years, disagreed “in toto” with his friend’s principles is notorious; but the actual origin of their estrangement will for ever remain a mystery. In November, 1844, an article appeared in the “North British Review,” written by Panizzi, and entitled “Post-Office Espionage.” The opening of Mazzini’s letters at the Post-Office, and their perusal by the authorities, formed the subject of this treatise, and those revelations immediately aroused John Bull to a pitch of honest indignation—“highly creditable to the moral feeling and sound, good sense of the nation.” We learn from this article that Mazzini’s suspicions were first awakened by observing that his letters were doubly stamped; the stamp of 2 o’clock in the afternoon, for instance, superseding that of 12 at noon. Having read in an Austrian paper that the English authorities had undertaken to watch the proceedings of the Italian refugees in Great Britain, the idea struck Mazzini that it was not improbable that recourse might be had to opening his letters. This was communicated to Panizzi, who strongly dissuaded Mazzini from giving credence to such strange suspicions regarding the English Government. He spurned this well-meant counsel, posted letters directed to himself and to others, in the presence of witnesses, and found that whilst the other letters were regularly delivered, his own were as frequently delayed; he sealed them with wax, placing the impression in a particular position, and then discovered that that position of the seal had been changed. Another artifice was resorted to. Grains of sand were enclosed in letters: they reached other parties safely, but had disappeared from the letters directed to himself. This, on the 14th of June, 1844, induced Mr. T. S. Duncombe, Member for Finsbury, to present a petition from four gentlemen, living at No. 47, Devonshire Street, Queen Square, alleging that their letters had been delayed and opened by the authorities at the Post-Office. Sir James Graham, the Home Secretary, did not deny that he had issued his warrant for the adoption of such a course, adding, moreover, that a power was given by Statute to the Secretary of State to open letters in transit through the Post-Office. This led to some members of the Liberal side taking up the subject with much warmth, and denouncing such proceedings as despotic and perfectly unconstitutional. Their own action was not altogether left undefended by the Ministers. Mr. Duncombe, though unsuccessful, showed no disposition to let the matter rest here, and ultimately succeeded in the formation of a Committee of both Houses, composed of some of the most eminent amongst their respective members. A report was printed, showing that the warrants of the Secretary of State in previous cases were issued only on peculiar emergencies. There was no other result from this affair, except that a Bill was introduced by Lord Radnor in the Upper House for the abolition of the power complained of; it was not, however, carried beyond the first reading.
The correspondence between Panizzi and Mazzini was by no means frequent, and soon after this disgraceful scandal we find him sending to Panizzi proofs of the well-known printed letter addressed to Sir James Graham, and asking his advice on the matter.
So far has been traced the acquaintance of these two men from documentary evidence; but the biographer can bring forward personal reminiscences of this extraordinary man. Often has he heard Panizzi relate how, on a certain journey, whilst waiting for a seat in the stage coach running between France and Italy, one morning early, almost before daybreak, he, on taking his seat, recognised close to him the figure of a man, in blue spectacles, and carefully enveloped in his long Italian cloak. It was no other than his quondam friend Mazzini, who, finding his incognito discovered, whispered “Per amor di Dio, Signor Panizzi!!!” (For the love of God, Signor Panizzi!!!) As might be expected, Panizzi assured him of his perfect safety. The frontier was passed, after a most scrutinizing search by the French and Piedmontese authorities.
The biographer also remembers one afternoon, about the year 1860, whilst walking down Fleet Street, in the company of Panizzi, being desired to look towards the left, on doing which, he perceived a man of very dark complexion, in a shabby black coat, with a silk kerchief wound round and round his neck, without collar, waistcoat buttoned high, and with downcast eyes, standing by the side of one of the small archways of what was but recently Temple Bar. Panizzi observed, “That is Mazzini.” No bow, no sign of recognition passed between them. That the subject of this memoir never afterwards communicated with his compatriot would be a deviation from the truth, for in April, 1864, when Garibaldi visited London, on the day, or soon after, it was publicly announced that the Italian hero intended to leave England, the present writer was the bearer of a note, penned by Panizzi, from whom he received instructions to deliver it safely into the hands of Mazzini. This occurrence took place early in the morning; so early, indeed, that day had scarcely dawned when he left his friend’s residence at the British Museum, where he was then staying.
This is but a slight sketch of the connection between Panizzi and Mazzini, from which it may be gathered that no great warmth existed between the two, for the latter was too impetuous to consort with the former, who was imbued with common sense as well as with patriotic motives in all his actions.
Let us now confine ourselves more immediately to Panizzi himself, and whilst giving particulars of the various occurrences at this period, the destruction of the famous Portland Vase, must not be passed over.
On the 7th of February, 1845, Panizzi, at about a quarter to four, when descending the staircase of the Museum, leading from the room where the vase stood, to the outer door, observed the perpetrator of this singular piece of barbarity in the act of running away; and he used to relate, with the greatest emotion, how delighted he should have been to stop him (as he might have done), had he known the man’s dastardly conduct, and to have inflicted on the spot that chastisement which the law was powerless to administer. The suddenness and unexpectedness of the deed probably saved the rascal from an immediate attack; he had seized an ancient brick kept in the room, and deliberately aimed it at the treasure, nor would he, on being questioned at the time, give any account of the motives which had prompted him to commit so wilfully mean and base an act. His name was William Lloyd, a native of Dublin. No time was lost in conveying him to Bow Street, where he was remanded by the sitting magistrate. The utmost punishment the magistrate, Mr. Jardine, was able to inflict—£3, or two months in default—was absurdly inadequate (as true believers in art know only too well) to so signal an offence. The money was moreover paid very soon after by some perverse sympathiser, and the offender was set free.[H]
So much then for the Portland Vase and its ignominious and cruel fate: at the time of its occurrence the affair caused a great stir.
In the month of June, 1845, Panizzi made an application to the Trustees to grant him twelve weeks’ holidays, in lieu of the usual annual vacation; on the very excusable plea that, for several years past, extra official duties had obliged him to forego the greater portion of his allowed and legitimate leave. He was promptly, and with the consideration that all servants of the Trustees have ever experienced on such special and reasonable applications, whether for the sake of their health or for visiting foreign countries, and thus acquiring valuable knowledge—granted the twelve weeks’ holidays.